Este trabalho de tese apresenta uma investigação sobre os sistemas, processos e leis de Educação Superior Universitária adotados nos países formuladores do projeto de criação do Mercado Comum do Sul MERCOSUL, Argentina, Brasil, Paraguai e Uruguai, signatários do Tratado de Assunção, firmado em 26 de março de 1991, procurando identificar (i) em que medida esses sistemas, leis e processos, isto é, as distintas estruturas, abarcam a possibilidade integradora entre esses países e, por extensão, os demais países da América Latina e (ii) se aspectos culturais e os interesses dos atores em campo educacional dos países constituintes do MERCOSUL apontam perspectivas de um processo de integração que favoreça a consolidação dos objetivos do bloco no campo educacional. Mediante (i) estudo em uma perspectiva histórico-cultural, (ii) investigação comparada de leis magnas, leis referentes ao Ensino Superior universitário, instrumentos legais do Setor Educacional do MERCOSUL e (iii) aplicação de questionário via web para análise de percepções dos atores da Educação Superior Universitária no tocante a ser o Setor Educacional do MERCOSUL um marco na integração, identifica-se que, em especial no Brasil, é maior o nível de desconhecimento do tema, por parte de professores e dirigentes de cursos e que a percepção acerca de ser o Setor Educacional do MERCOSUL um marco é a menor também neste país em comparação à Argentina, Uruguai e Paraguai; bem como se constata que os respondentes não demonstram identificar o impacto do Setor Educacional do MERCOSUL em ações como reconhecimento de títulos ou mudanças nas formas das leis, embora haja diferença significativa quanto ao reconhecimento do MERCOSUL como um órgão que cumpre o que se propôs, ao se comparar as respostas do grupo I - Argentina, Paraguai e Uruguai, com maior índice de respostas favoráveis, e os do grupo II Brasil. Conclui-se, ademais, que não obstante os esforços de integração expressos nos instrumentos legais, acordos e políticas públicas mais recentes, aspectos estruturais, culturais e os interesses dos atores em campo educacional dos países constituintes do MERCOSUL apontam mais entraves do que avanços nas perspectivas de um processo de integração por meio da Educação Superior universitária entre Argentina, Brasil, Paraguai e Uruguai. Possíveis caminhos para pavimentar essa integração e acelerá-la podem ser: (i) o reforço à criação de agências de acreditação em cada país envolvido, que respeitem as peculiaridades locais, mas tenham, também, foco no caráter transfronteira que a integração exige e favoreça a redução de assimetrias; (ii) o maior envolvimento dos atores do campo educacional - corpo gestor e docente das Instituições de Ensino Superior - na construção e aplicação dos acordos de integração do Setor Educacional do MERCOSUL que se mostram, especialmente no Brasil, pouco conhecidos. / This thesis presents an investigation into the Higher University Education systems, processes, laws, adopted in the countries that have formulated the creation project of the Southern Common Market MERCOSUR. They are Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay, which have signed the Treaty of Asuncion on March 26, 1991. It aims to identify (i) to what extent these systems, laws, processes, ie the different structures embrace the possibility of integration among those countries and, by extension, with other Latin American countries and (ii) if the cultural aspects and interests of the actors in the MERCOSUR countries educational field indicate perspectives of an integration process that might favor the consolidation of the block objectives in the educational field. By means of (i) study in a cultural-historical perspective, (ii) comparative research of Laws Magnas, laws concerning Higher University Education, MERCOSUR Educational Sector legal instruments, and (iii) a web questionnaire to analyze the perceptions of the Higher University Education actors, as for being the Educational Sector of MERCOSUR a landmark in its integration, it is possible to identify that, especially in Brazil, the level of ignorance of such subject is higher, either by teachers and also course leaders. Also the perception of being the Educational Sector of MERCOSUR a landmark is lower in this country, when compared to Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay. Likewise it is clear that the respondents do not seem to identify the impact of the Educational Sector of MERCOSUR on actions such as the recognition of titles or changes in forms of laws, although there are significant differences as for the acknowledgement of MERCOSUR as a body that fulfills what it set, when comparing the responses of group I - Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay, with a higher rate of favorable responses, and group II - Brazil. Therefore, the conclusion is despite the efforts for integration expressed in the legal instruments, agreements and recent public policies, the structural and cultural aspects, as well as the interests of the actors in the educational field of the MERCOSUR countries indicate more barriers than advancements in the prospects of an integration process through the Higher University Education among Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay. The possible ways to pave this integration and accelerate it may be: (i) to strengthen the creation of agencies to promote accreditation in each of the involved countries, which should respect the local peculiarities, but also focus on the cross-border character required by the integration, and favor the reduction of asymmetries, (ii) a greater involvement of stakeholders in the educational field - the managers and teachers of the Higher Education Institutions in the construction and application of the integration agreements of the MERCOSUR Educational Sector that are little known, especially in Brazil.

O direito à educação básica conforma direito de tipo especial, visto que sua proteção é condição necessária para o usufruto de todos os outros direitos fundamentais. A presente dissertação de mestrado procura analisar a extensão da proteção normativa concedida a esse direito nos Estados-Partes do MERCOSUL. Tal análise será feita mediante uma pesquisa conduzida em três níveis distintos, nomeadamente, o plano constitucional, internacional e o regional. Em virtude de sua natureza individual e coletiva, fundamental e humana, o direito à educação básica é tutelado nestes três planos, ensejando uma necessária apreciação de suas interelações. Desta forma, o presente estudo analisa não apenas as normas constitucionais em matéria educacional, mas se amplia para toda a produção de documentos internacionais tratados e declarações - que tutelam o direito à educação básica. Por último, analisaremos o papel da educação no fenômeno da integração mercosulina, concluindo que é inegável que a estruturação do Setor Educacional do MERCOSUL ainda não foi capaz de incrementar a proteção normativa do direito à educação básica, resumindo suas atividades à compilação de informações estatísticas, reconhecimento de diplomas e títulos de grau entre os Estados-Partes e fomento de uma mentalidade favorável à integração. Infelizmente a ousadia das declarações internacionais contrasta com a timidez das atividades mercosulinas. / The right to basic education conforms a special right, given that its protection is a necessary condition for the enjoyment of all other fundamental rights. This dissertation aims to analyze the extent of juridical protection granted to the right to basic education in the Member States of MERCOSUR. This analysis shall be done through a survey conducted at three different levels, namely, the constitutional level, international and regional. Because of their juridical nature as individual and collective, as fundamental and human, the right to basic education is protected in these three planes, allowing for a necessary appreciation of their interrelations. Thus, this study is not reduced to the educational provisions located on the constitutional plain, and contemplates the entire production of international documents - treaties and declarations - which protect the right to basic education. Finally, we analyze the role of education in the phenomenon of integration conducted in the MERCOSUR, concluding that it is undeniable that the structuring of the Educational Sector of MERCOSUR has not yet been able to increase the legislative protection of the right to basic education, summarizing its activities to the compilation of statistical information, recognition of degree certifications among States Parties, and promoting a spirit of integration. Unfortunately, the boldness of the international declarations contrasts with the timidity of the regional activities.

Dès 2005 et son élection à la tête du Parti conservateur, David Cameron fit connaître son intention de réviser la politique étrangère britannique selon les principes du « conservatisme libéral ». Prenant ses distances avec le réalisme qui avait guidé les choix de Margaret Thatcher et de John Major aux lendemains de la guerre froide, Cameron associait la défense des intérêts nationaux et le maintien du rôle du Royaume-Uni sur la scène internationale avec le renouveau d’une tradition libérale, qu’il prenait cependant soin de distinguer des excès de l’interventionnisme dont avait fait preuve Tony Blair après 2001. Arrivés au pouvoir en mai 2010 au sein d’un gouvernement de coalition, les Conservateurs refusaient l’idée de tout repli stratégique, en dépit du décalage qui existait entre leurs ambitions et les moyens limités qu’ils étaient en mesure de consacrer à la politique de sécurité. Par le biais de l’analyse de deux études de cas : la signature d’accords de coopération bilatérale avec la France, le 2 novembre 2010, et l’intervention militaire en Libye de 2011, cette thèse examine les facteurs qui influencèrent les décisions prises par le nouveau gouvernement, ainsi que les mécanismes ayant conduit à leur adoption. Suivant une approche interprétiviste, ce travail étudie les traditions, c’est-à-dire l’héritage historique, dans lesquelles les actions du gouvernement de coalition s’inscrivirent, mais aussi la manière dont les différents acteurs de ce domaine spécifique de la politique du pays ont fait évoluer cet héritage pour répondre aux dilemmes posés par l’émergence de nouvelles menaces dans un contexte de réduction des dépenses de l’Etat et d’incertitude stratégique. / Soon after he was elected leader of the Conservative Party in 2005, David Cameron signalled his intention to implement a foreign policy based on ‘liberal Conservative’ principles. Cameron distanced himself from the realism that had guided the choices made by Margaret Thatcher and John Major in the aftermath of the Cold War. Therefore, he associated the defence of national interests, as well as the preservation of Britain’s role in the world, to the revival of the liberal tradition. However, he also insisted on the difference between his approach and the excesses of Tony Blair’s interventionism after 2001. The Conservatives, who were part of the Coalition Government that took office in May 2010, rejected the idea of strategic shrinkage, in spite of the existing gap between their ambitions and the limited resources they could allocate to security policy. Through the analysis of two case studies – the signing of the Lancaster House Treaties on 2 November 2010, and the 2011 military intervention in Libya – this thesis examines the factors that influenced the decisions made by the new government, as well as the mechanisms that led to them. By adopting an interpretivist perspective on these events, the thesis studies the traditions, that is to say the historical inheritance that formed the background of the government’s actions, but also the way the various actors involved in that specific area of policy modified that inheritance to respond to the dilemmas created by the emergence of new threats in a context of cuts in government spending and strategic uncertainty.

The existing rights paradigm in Aboriginal law accepts Crown sovereignty claims grounded in ethnocentric conceptions of terra nullius and discovery, and views Aboriginal rights as arising out of prior occupation. The Supreme Court of Canada has shaken this paradigm by characterizing Crown sovereignty as merely de facto until reconciled with Aboriginal sovereignty and legitimated by a treaty, by developing the duty to consult, and by characterizing reconciliation as a process that is part of a generative constitutional order. The moves the Court toward a new paradigm rooted in the principle of the equality of peoples in which treaties provide a framework for sharing sovereignty. As part of the Canadian federation, Aboriginal sovereignty can strengthen Canadas territorial integrity and contribute to Canadas economic development.<p> In the past, courts allowed the act of state doctrine to shield Crown assertions of sovereignty from scrutiny. This doctrine protects Canadas territorial integrity, but does not shield the Crowns actions from legal and constitutional scrutiny. The fundamental constitutional principle of rule of law and the de facto doctrine will protect interests that relied on assumptions of Crown sovereignty that lacked constitutional legitimacy.<p> The transformation in the fundamental principles of Aboriginal law has parallels to Thomas Kuhns description of a paradigm shift in the natural sciences. The rights paradigm is in a crisis with moral and practical dimensions. It is incommensurable with the equality paradigm, and therefore the choice of paradigms will depend on normative criteria. Fundamental principles of the Canadian constitution, international standards of human rights and the perspectives of growing numbers of practitioners in the field that are of Aboriginal ancestry are all forces that will complete the shift to the equality paradigm.<p> An equality paradigm will result in the abandonment of some Aboriginal law doctrines, and the modification of others. Aboriginal title is inconsistent with an equality paradigm because it assumes the legitimacy of the Crowns claims to sovereignty, gives the Crown a superior title, and limits Aboriginal nations to a burden of only limited and subordinate rights. The fiduciary relationship rooted in the honour of the Crown will grow into a non-hierarchical relationship with reciprocal obligations.<p> Decisions of courts can play a supporting role, but only negotiations and treaties can build a genuine partnership, effective and equitable sharing of sovereignty and ultimately reconciliation between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal peoples in Canada.

In Canada, the duty to consult doctrine has been articulated as a legal remedy to address the potential infringement of Aboriginal and treaty rights by the Crown. The political dimension and implications of this legal duty on the evolving federal relationship between First Nations and the provincial Crown concerning lands and resources have yet to be fully explored. This research presents the argument that the duty to consult jurisprudence and the new relationship policy in British Columbia are moving towards the articulation of a treaty federalism relationship between the Crown and First Nations. The implications of these findings are then analyzed within the Saskatchewan policy environment, and a potential consultation framework is offered for this province. Crucial linkages between duty to consult jurisprudence and Aboriginal governance, and their implications for policy are highlighted, which contribute to further understanding the complex relationship between First Nations and the Crown in Canada on land and resources.

No description available.

This paper attempts to determine the theoretical requirements for a non-state actor to give peacekeepers to a Member state of the United Nations, who would in turn give those peacekeepers to the United Nations. The paper examines two case studies, specifically the contract between Blackwater and the United States Department of State and the SHIRBRIG series of treaties. The paper finds that there is some overlap between a Member state’s needs and a non-state actor’s needs and that there is a theoretical possibility of the donation stated above taking place.

In Canada, the duty to consult doctrine has been articulated as a legal remedy to address the potential infringement of Aboriginal and treaty rights by the Crown. The political dimension and implications of this legal duty on the evolving federal relationship between First Nations and the provincial Crown concerning lands and resources have yet to be fully explored. This research presents the argument that the duty to consult jurisprudence and the new relationship policy in British Columbia are moving towards the articulation of a treaty federalism relationship between the Crown and First Nations. The implications of these findings are then analyzed within the Saskatchewan policy environment, and a potential consultation framework is offered for this province. Crucial linkages between duty to consult jurisprudence and Aboriginal governance, and their implications for policy are highlighted, which contribute to further understanding the complex relationship between First Nations and the Crown in Canada on land and resources.

The existing rights paradigm in Aboriginal law accepts Crown sovereignty claims grounded in ethnocentric conceptions of terra nullius and discovery, and views Aboriginal rights as arising out of prior occupation. The Supreme Court of Canada has shaken this paradigm by characterizing Crown sovereignty as merely de facto until reconciled with Aboriginal sovereignty and legitimated by a treaty, by developing the duty to consult, and by characterizing reconciliation as a process that is part of a generative constitutional order. The moves the Court toward a new paradigm rooted in the principle of the equality of peoples in which treaties provide a framework for sharing sovereignty. As part of the Canadian federation, Aboriginal sovereignty can strengthen Canadas territorial integrity and contribute to Canadas economic development.<p> In the past, courts allowed the act of state doctrine to shield Crown assertions of sovereignty from scrutiny. This doctrine protects Canadas territorial integrity, but does not shield the Crowns actions from legal and constitutional scrutiny. The fundamental constitutional principle of rule of law and the de facto doctrine will protect interests that relied on assumptions of Crown sovereignty that lacked constitutional legitimacy.<p> The transformation in the fundamental principles of Aboriginal law has parallels to Thomas Kuhns description of a paradigm shift in the natural sciences. The rights paradigm is in a crisis with moral and practical dimensions. It is incommensurable with the equality paradigm, and therefore the choice of paradigms will depend on normative criteria. Fundamental principles of the Canadian constitution, international standards of human rights and the perspectives of growing numbers of practitioners in the field that are of Aboriginal ancestry are all forces that will complete the shift to the equality paradigm.<p> An equality paradigm will result in the abandonment of some Aboriginal law doctrines, and the modification of others. Aboriginal title is inconsistent with an equality paradigm because it assumes the legitimacy of the Crowns claims to sovereignty, gives the Crown a superior title, and limits Aboriginal nations to a burden of only limited and subordinate rights. The fiduciary relationship rooted in the honour of the Crown will grow into a non-hierarchical relationship with reciprocal obligations.<p> Decisions of courts can play a supporting role, but only negotiations and treaties can build a genuine partnership, effective and equitable sharing of sovereignty and ultimately reconciliation between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal peoples in Canada.

With its national strength, the United States is, more often than not, a major State initiating the making of important international multilateral treaties and shaping the final outcome by wielding its influence in the negotiation processes. Nevertheless, three major international multilateral treaties concluded in three different domains all appear the same situation in which the U.S. participated actively in the negotiations but ended up rejecting to sign or ratify due to their inconformities with American ¡§national interests.¡¨ The purpose of this thesis is to examine the American proposals and interventions made in the negotiating processes of three important international multilateral treaties, i.e., the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, Kyoto Protocol and Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, so as to understand American negotiation stances as well as the issues to which the U.S. attached importance to and the derive the substantive contents of the ¡§national interests¡¨ that the U.S. held dear. Furthermore, this thesis takes one step further to analyze who were the actors that shaped and defined the ¡§national interests¡¨ which the U.S. valued and held tight.