The dissertation examines in detail the concept of neutrality in political theory literature and assesses the arguments of the defenders and critics of Turkey’s laicism in light of such an examination. After showing the weaknesses and problems in the arguments of various political actors in Turkey, the dissertation defends “modus vivendi liberalism” as a possible solution for the conflicts about Turkey’s laicism. In that regard, the dissertation argues that certain aspects of liberal political theory can be appropriated for Turkish politics for the sake of ensuring stability and peace even if there might be problems with the possibility and desirability of neutrality. The dissertation also discusses what can constitute Turkey’s modus vivendi and offer certain ideas about what may and may not ensure stability and peace in Turkey.

This dissertation explores women’s participation and engagement in literacy courses from an identity perspective within the broader context of women’s life stories and the socio-cultural, economic and institutional contexts within which the courses take place. The approach I develop rests on a combination of literacy, discourse and identity theories. It draws on the social theory of literacy to show how women’s valuations of literacy and education contributed to the construction of the subject positions they attempted to enter through their participation in literacy courses. Drawing on Norman Fairclough’s understanding of discourse, I focus on the link between identity processes and the discourses and socio-political structures which are understood to be in a dialectical relationship with each other. I draw on feminist theories of self and subjectivity to understand how women attempted to change aspects of their selves created by the interplay of their social and material circumstances, their agency, and specific life trajectories. In Turkey, the majority of the participants in the literacy courses are women. The state-funded People’s Education Centres (PEC), with their extended network, attract the majority of the participants. Adult literacy programmes are organised as Level 1 and Level 2 by the Ministry of National Education (MoNE) and these two levels of adult literacy and basic education courses in Turkey are offered under the monitoring and inspection of said Ministry. I chose for the sites of my research two PEC literacy courses in disadvantaged areas of Istanbul where the occasional shanty house coexists with haphazardly-built apartment buildings. Methodologically, my study has an ethnographic approach to feminist discourse analysis. I observed one Level 2 literacy course at each centre over the course of four months. I had repeated interviews and conversations with seven women participants at Akasya PEC and four women participants at Lale PEC. Fieldnotes and interview transcriptions of more structured interviews constituted the major body of my data. The study shows that women’s accounts of their participation in the courses were underlined by discourses of formal education and literacy. These discourses have a prominent role in the official policy documents. However, the dissertation argues that the significance of the discourses of formal education and literacy was equally rooted in women’s attempts to redress, through their participation in the courses, some of the structural and institutional injustices they experienced as girl-children. These injustices made it difficult for my participants to access most of the prestigious literacy practices, knowledge and associated identities. The study highlights the meanings of the subject position of the schooled person which women attempted to take on through their participation. It also brings to the fore ways in which the discourses of formal education and literacy and the subject position of the schooled person were underpinned by socio-political structures such as gender, social class, ethnicity, rural-urban migration and the extent of poverty individual women lived in. It reveals women’s persistent attempts to access and continue the courses within the constraints of bureaucratic hurdles and socio-economic hardship and responsibilities. The study demonstrates how women “took hold” of the dominant literacy practices and power relations they found in the literacy classrooms. It shows the ways in which women aligned themselves with the schooled literacy practices and at times challenged the dominant literacy practices and power relations they found in the classroom. The study shows that women’s understanding of the value they found in education changed as a result of their educational experiences. It shows that women found joy in learning things they found both challenging and important. These findings contribute to discussions on the symbolic value of education and school literacy practices for literacy learners by exploring the roots of this symbolic importance in women’s life stories. The study demonstrates the importance of both schooled literacy practices and the broader value of education and the emerging specific uses of literacy in everyday life. The findings challenge the portrayal of literacy learners in policy documents and most of the literature in Turkey which assume that their most important literacy need is access to school literacy practices. The findings also challenge the deficit view of literacy learners in policy documents which undermines their social and economic capabilities. Thus the study extends understanding of what is considered as literacy that has the potential to improve one’s material and social conditions by exploring the perspectives of different women who lived in differing levels of poverty and socio-economic obligations. It also contributes to arguments on the reasons of finding value in education by showing the ways in which women found joy in learning in formal literacy classrooms as a result of their educational experiences.

This study focuses on the Welfare Party elite's conceptualisation of modernity during the party's last 4-5 years before its closure in 1998. Since the party was the most important Islamist organisation in Turkey. it was at an important point of interaction between Islamism and modernity. The study tries to determine the significance of the WP discourse on key modernisation issues by answering such questions as how the WP elite conceptualised modernity; how this conceptualisation was formulated, constructed and what was modernity's relationship with the West in their view. It argues that, the WP elite had a distinct (Islamist) understanding of modernity which, despite its differences in its approach to some basic issues (e. g. secularism) overall remained within modernity by sharing most of its major characteristics. The WP elite, similar to many other Islamist movements, advocated a more Islamic (less secular and less Westernising) route to modernity; and they could not be considered as anti-modernists. The study contributes towards a better understanding of the critical role that a version of Islamism plays in Turkey's politics and process of modernisation and provides insights about the impact of Western modernity on the sizeable Islamist section. The study employs important concepts such as secularisation, nationalism, the modern state, economic development (science, technology, industrialisation), capitalism and democracy as important components of modernity. (It also provides a general analysis of Islamism in the Middle East vis-ä-vis modernity through these concepts). An analysis of the views of the WP elite with regard to these concepts and processes serves to better understanding the Islamist stance towards the particular path of modernisation in Turkey, modernity in general, and also the West.

The role of secularism in government is an important question following the events of the Arab Spring. This report aims to look at how Turkey and India's political systems evolved in the 20th and 21st century against the backdrop of constitutional secularism. Moreover, this report explores some of the consequences of secular principles on economic and societal progress. Turkey, with a stance that separates religion and state, has had numerous problems between secular and religious groups. This strife has led to multiple coups and cycles of progress and political turmoil. The military sees its duty as guarding the secular principles of Turkey -- a problem for politicians perceived as overly religious. In India, which has a concept of secularism that requires government consideration and protection for all religions, what has evolved is a political system that pits a party devoted to secularism against a party that advocates a more Hindu national identity. In both Turkey and India, some social and economic interests are drowned out by more vocal religious political groups. While both these countries have different interpretations of secularism, the current atmosphere in both countries fosters civil unrest and, at times, violence. On a societal level the rhetoric only serves to divide people. So long as this rhetoric and atmosphere exists, there is a limit to economic progress, societal stability, and international influence. This last aspect is especially important for these two countries, which have broad historical reach. In Turkey, previous restrictions on religion have been repealed by the current government in order to follow more democratic principles, however, many also see this as the first step towards a politically Islamic Turkey. In India, the religious rhetoric concerns the religious minority groups. India is a country with relatively high governmental restriction and very high societal hostility towards religion. Much of this hostility manifests as public violence. The emergence and predicted victory of a more Hindu political party only fuels the public debate over secularism. The challenge is to balance secularism with freedom of religion, and perhaps accept an evolving stance that reflects each policy's limit. / text

西方國家於文藝復興、宗教改革、工業革命之後，逐漸形成一股強大的文明勢力向世 界各角落膨脹．這股勢力包括：政治、經濟、思想各方面，藉著優越的軍事力量在十 八、九世紀之交，急急地叩著各傳統古老社會深閉的門戶．中國與土耳其原本同是這 些傳統社會中的佼佼者，一個是長期的文化輸出者；一個是橫跨歐、亞、非三洲的回 教大帝國，卻同時被冠上「病夫」的屈辱，遭遇瓜分解體的威脅．於是兩國人民為了 救亡圖存均做了最大的努力，一步步的改革，由軍事、制度而思想，一連串的摸索、 學習、抗爭、調適，終於兩個新生政體如浴火鳳凰般自廢墟中昇起．這段由盛而衰， 死的重生的經歷究竟會在兩國文學活動中做出怎樣的影響？或者文學能對之產生如何 的作用呢？而如此相似的外在經驗，是否也會在兩國文學發展過程中振動出相同的頻 率呢？試圖解答這些問題正是本論文的研究動機． 本論文以文獻研究法為主．使用的文獻將包括兩國文學史、歷史、社會、政治各方面 的研究文字．不過，有關土耳其的研究資料較難搜羅，為本論文研究的限制． 全文共分五章：緒論；中國新詩興起的背景及創作理論；土耳其新詩興起的背景及創 作理論；中、土兩國新詩興起背景之比較；結論． 文學與當代人的思潮有著密切的關聯，而當代人的思想深受外在環境的影響．文學完 成之後，藉著傳播流通，可以影響更多的人，造成更大的思潮或引起反對的聲浪，由 此可見文學與環境是互動的．中、土兩國面臨亡國危機，同樣興起救國思潮，投入「 現代化」行列，由器物、制度的現代化終於思想、觀念的全盤西化；文學革新之議則 發韌於制度現代化的同時，到了思想觀念層次，則新文學已成風潮矣．可見中、土新 詩興起與外來刺激、內在思潮是息息相關的．

Turkey is widely accepted to have formed from a collage of microcontinents that rifted from the northern margin of Gondwana and assembled from the Mesozoic to Mid Cenozoic in response to the closure, collision and suturing of numerous oceanic strands in the Eastern Mediterranean. Sedimentary-tectonic basins, which formed during ocean basin closure, can yield important information about the evolution, timing and processes related to the closure of these oceanic strands. The Darende Basin and the adjacent Hekimhan Basin are two sedimentary-tectonic basins which developed during the collision and suturing of the Neotethys Ocean in the Eastern Mediterranean. The Darende and Hekimhan Basins developed as part of the northern margin of the Tauride microcontinent during the collision and suturing of Neotethys. Both basins exhibit a Jurassic to Cretaceous regional carbonate platform 'basement' overlain by a dismembered ophiolite, which was emplaced southwards during the Late Cretaceous. The basins then developed in two main phases: In the Darende Basin the first phase is characterised by non-marine clastic sediments, overlain by transgressive shallow-marine rocks. In the Hekimhan Basin, hemi-pelagic facies are deposited synchronously with the eruption of within plate-type alkaline basaltic-trachytic lavas and associated volcaniclastic sediments (later intruded by a syenitic pluton) under an extensional tectonic regime. A Paleocene-aged unconformity followed. A second phase of basin evolution during the Eocene is characterised in both basins by the deposition of variable sedimentary facies including conglomerate, sandstone, marl, shallow-marine nummulitic limestone and evaporites (and localised basaltic eruptions). These record successive deepening, shallowing and finally emergence of both basins during the Late Eocene. The Oligocene is represented by continental fluvial deposits that are only exposed in the Hekimhan Basin. The deposition of faunally diverse, shallow-marine, Miocene limestones, Pliocene subaerial basalts and Pliocene-Recent continental deposits in both basins completes the sequence. The following tectonically and eustatically controlled stages of basin development are inferred: 1) Late Cretaceous extension initiated basin development (after ophiolite emplacement), possibly related to immediate isostatic compensation and on-going slabpull during northward subduction of the remaining Neotethyan oceanic crust. The eruption of within-plate lavas and the intrusion of alkaline syenite bodies in the Hekimhan Basin reflect this extensional setting; 2) Emergence of the Darende and Hekimhan Basins in the latest Cretaceous was possibly controlled by regional flexural uplift as the down-going plate approached the subduction zone to the north (and was possibly also influenced by eustatic sea-level change); 3) Early Eocene flexural subsidence related to ‘soft collision’ of the Tauride microcontinent with Eurasia, coupled with a significant eustatic sea level rise, allowed sedimentation to resume; 4) Mid-Late Eocene ‘hard collision’ resulted in regional uplift, progressive isolation and subaerial exposure of the basins; 5) Suture tightening and compression, during the Late Eocene- Miocene, resulted in reactivation of pre-existing extensional faults and terminated marine sedimentation. Both basins were affected by predominantly sinistral strike-slip faulting during the Plio-Quaternary westward tectonic escape of Anatolia.

In central Anatolia, Turkey, a strand of the former northern Neotethys Ocean subducted northwards under the Eurasian (Pontide) active margin during Late Cretaceous–Early Cenozoic time. Subduction and regional plate convergence were associated with the generation and emplacement of accretionary complexes and supra-subduction zone-type ophiolites onto former passive margins of microcontinents. The resultant suture zones contain Late Cretaceous to Middle Eocene basins (“The Central Anatolian Basins”) including: 1) the Kırıkkale Basin; 2) the Çankırı Basin, 3) the Tuz Gölü Basin and; 4) the Haymana - Polatlı Basin. Using stratigraphic logging, igneous geochemistry, micropalaeontology and provenance studies, this study tests two end-member models of basin evolution. In model one, the basins developed on obducted ophiolitic nappes following closure of a single northern Neotethys Ocean during the latest Cretaceous. In model two, northern Neotethys comprised two oceanic strands, the İzmir-Ankara-Erzincan Ocean to the north and the Inner Tauride Ocean to the south, separated by the Niğde-Kırşehir microcontinent, which was rifted from the Gondwana continent to the south. In this scenario, the basins developed as accretionary-type basins, associated with north-dipping subduction which persisted until the Middle Eocene when continental collision occurred. Where exposed, the basements of the Central Anatolian Basins comprise the Ankara Mélange, a mainly Upper Cretaceous subduction-accretion complex and the western/northern margin of the Niğde-Kırşehir microcontinent. New geochemical data from the composite basement of the Kırıkkale Basin identify mid ocean-ridge basalt (MORB), here interpreted to represent relict Upper Cretaceous Neotethyan oceanic crust. During the latest Cretaceous, the Kırıkkale and Tuz Gölü Basins initiated in deep water above relict MORB crust and ophiolitic mélange, bordered by the Niğde-Kırşehir microcontinent to the east where marginal facies accumulated. Further west, the Haymana-Polatlı Basin represents an accretionary-type basin constructed on the Ankara Mélange. To the north, the Çankırı Basin developed on accretionary mélange, bounded by the Pontide active margin to the north. Palaeocene sedimentation was dominated by marginal coralgal reef facies and siliciclastic turbidites. Latest Palaeocene–middle Eocene facies include shelf-type Nummulitid limestone, shallow-marine deltaic pebbly sandstones and siliciclastic turbidites. This thesis proposes a new model in which two north-dipping subduction zones were active during the late Mesozoic within northern Neotethys. In the south, ophiolites formed above a subduction zone consuming the Inner Tauride Ocean until the southward retreating trench collided with the northern margin of the Tauride continent emplacing ophiolites and mélange. In the north, subduction initiated outboard of the Eurasian margin triggering the genesis of supra-subduction zone ophiolites; the subduction zone rolled back southwards until it collided with the Niğde-Kırşehir microcontinent, again emplacing ophiolites during latest Cretaceous time. Neotethyan MORB still remained to the west of the Niğde-Kırşehir microcontinent forming the basement of the Kırıkkale and Tuz Gölü Basins. Latest Palaeocene–middle Eocene regional convergence culminated in crustal thickening, folding, uplift and strike-slip faulting which represent final continental collision and the geotectonic assembly of central Anatolia.

One of the important branches of government and vital to the community, police agencies are organizations that have high usage rates of information technology systems since they are in the intelligence sector and thus have information incentives. Not only can information technologies develop intra- and inter-relationships of law enforcement agencies, but they also improve the efficiency and effectiveness of the police officers and agencies without adding additional costs. Thus, identifying the factors that influence the police officers' adoption of information technology can help predict and determine how information technology will contribute to the social organization of policing in terms of effectiveness and efficiency gains. A research framework was developed by integrating three different models, theory of planned behavior (TPB), technology acceptance theory (TAM), and diffusion of innovation theory (DOI) while adding two other factors, facility and voluntariness, to better determine the factors affecting the implementation and adoption of the POLNET software system used by the Turkish National Police (TNP). The integrated model used in this study covers not only basic technology acceptance factors, but also the factors related to policing. It also attempts to account for the factors of cultural differences by considering the important aspects of Turkish culture. A cross sectional survey was conducted among TNP officers using the POLNET system. The LISREL 8.5® analysis for the hypothesized model resulted in a good model fit; 13 of the 15 hypotheses were supported.

The primary goal of this thesis is to provide a comparative analysis of the institutional and organizational mechanisms designed to monitor and control political corruption at the national level. The paper will provide comparisons of these arraignments and control systems across three nations. The thesis will identify differences across countries in terms of organizational and institutional political corruption control mechanisms, and use the CPI index to suggest and identify those control mechanisms that appear to be present in nations with low CPI measurements. Finally, the thesis will conclude with the discussion concerning the future prospects for controlling political corruption in Turkey based on the comparative analysis described above.

The Turkish General Command of the Gendarmerie, as a paramilitary police force, provides public security and order for people throughout 81 provinces and 902 districts. The Gendarmerie performs security and public order services in 92% of Turkey geographically and for 41% of the total population. Approximately 27 million people live in Gendarmerie jurisdiction areas / this number increases to 43 million (65% of the population) in the summer months. This study is an organizational analysis of the current assignment process of the Turkish General Command of the Gendarmerie. The analysis recommends long-term and short-term policy changes and implementation methodologies to the assignment process while taking into consideration such a geographically diverse region and often difficult assignment choices for individuals. In addition to the law-enforcement-related operations, the Gendarmerie is tasked to carry out various other types of operations, such as border security, antiterrorism, and peacekeeping. The Gendarmerie Organization, Duty, and Jurisdiction Law classifies these duties under four categories: administrative, judicial, military, and other duties. As a result of this job diversity, the Gendarmerie personnel perform different tasks in different unit areas. Therefore, the existence of geographically diverse billet characteristics has been an obstacle in the Gendarmerie assignment process.