The master thesis deals with the role of NGOs in post-conflict reconstruction, the case study is applied to the post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. The post-conflict reconstruction goes on since the end of the civil war in 1995 there. The aim of this work is to evaluate the fulfillment of the four pillars of the post-conflict reconstruction in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The first chapter follows the theory of peacekeeping operations and theoretical classification of the post-conflict reconstruction. In the second chapter, there is an application of the Dayton Peace Agreement on the four pillars of the post-conflict reconstruction. The third chapter deals with activities of NGOs in Bosnia and Herzegovina and presents some major projects and the overall assessment of their impact. For the methodology was chosen qualitative and quantitative evaluation and analysis and synthesis of data.

Disertační práce je zaměřena na oblast inerciálních navigačních systémů a systémů, které pro odhad polohy používají pouze výpočty. Důležitým faktem v dané problematice je vysoká nepřesnost určení polohy při střednědobém a dlouhodobém využívání takového systému díky kumulativní chybě za předpokladu, že inerciální systém není podpořen žádným dalším přídavným systémem. V disertační práci jsou uvedeny možné přístupy k této problematice a návrh na zvýšení přesnosti určování polohy pouze na základě inerciálních senzorů. Základem inerciální měřicí jednotky je systém s 9 stupni volnosti, který umožňuje snímat celkové zrychlení, rychlost rotace a sílu magnetického pole, jednotlivě ve třech osách. Klíčovou myšlenkou je zařazení umělých neuronových sítí do navigačního systému tak, že jsou schopny rozpoznat charakteristické rysy pohybů, a tím zvýšit přesnost určení polohy. Popis navrhovaných metod zahrnuje analytický postup jejich vývoje a tam, kde je to možné, i analytické hodnocení jejich chování. Neuronové sítě jsou navrhovány v prostředí MATLABTM a jsou používány k určení stavu inerciální jednotky. Díky implementaci neuronových sítí lze určit pozici jednotky s řádově vyšší přesností. Aby byl inerciální polohovací systém s možností využití neuronových sítí demonstrativní, byla vyvinuta aplikace v prostředí Qt. Navržený systém a neuronové sítě byly použity při vyhodnocování reálných dat měřených senzory.

Industrial robotic arms have transformed the manufacturing environment by providing efficient and precise automation solutions. These sophisticated machines, powered by innovative technology, are capable of performing difficult tasks with speed and accuracy. The project described here is related to industrial robotics because it focuses on the creation of a gesture-controlled robotic arm. This project aims to build a robotic arm that can be controlled by gestures utilising MPU6050 sensors and flex sensors. By interpreting gestures acquired by strategically placed sensors, the robotic arm is designed to emulate human arm movements. The MPU6050 sensors are placed on the hand, near the elbow, and near the shoulder, allowing the system to capture the arm’s orientation and movement in real time. The gripper mechanism of the robotic arm is controlled by a flex sensor on the index finger. The central control unit is the Arduino UNO Rev3 SMD microcontroller, which is in charge of analyzing sensor input and translating it into matching robotic arm movements. The suggested system intends to provide a user-friendly and intuitive method for robotic arm control, with possible applications in a variety of domains such as industrial automation, medical support, and prosthetics.

L’Afrique est, depuis quelques décennies, « la zone stratégique la plus déstabilisée de la planète ». La question des conflits armés constitue un véritable « casse-tête africain » aussi bien pour les acteurs locaux qu’internationaux qui s’y intéressent en ce que son caractère interne contraste avec les conséquences transnationales qui en résultent.Comment sortir de cette insécurité chronique et de la guerre civile qui guette en permanence derrière le rideau et parvenir à une stabilité et un développement durables afin de limiter au mieux les nombreuses violations des droits de l’homme occasionnées à cet effet?Des approches de solution n’ont pas manqué, allant de la solution militaire, peu respectueuse des vies humaines, à la solution négociée qui appelle au génie créatif de l’homme et de son intelligence, soucieuse de préserver le genre humain en « imaginant » ou en « inventant » des compromis inscrits dans des accords, essentiellement, politiques. C’est donc, à juste titre, que l’objet de notre étude porte sur cette question africaine traduite par un intitulé très actuel : « Les accords politiques dans la résolution des conflits armés internes en Afrique ». L’analyse envisagée dans la présente étude expose la conclusion des accords politiques en insistant distinctement sur l’environnement politique de leur formation ainsi que le cadre juridique qui les caractérise, d’une part. D’autre part, il paraît indiqué d’examiner l’application de ces accords en décortiquant la feuille de route dans laquelle ils évoluent en vue d’en dresser un bilan scientifiquement objectif afin de mesurer l’effectivité de leur mise en œuvre et leur efficacité en matière de protection des droits de l’homme. / Since some decades, Africa is «the most destabilized strategic area of the plane. » the issue of armed conflicts represent a real «African puzzle» as well for local actors as international ones who are involve in, with its internal characteristic contrast with the transnational consequences which result from.How to get out of this chronically in security and the civil war which permanently watch out behind curtain in order to reach sustainable development and stability in order to better limit numerous violations of human rights done in that fact?Some approaches of solution are numerous, going from military solution less respecting human lives, to the negociated solutions which call for the human genius and his intelligent, anxious to preserve human gender by «imaging» or by « inventing» Compromises signed in agreements, essentially political. Its then, precisely that African issue translated by an updated heading: agreements in the resolution of internal armed conflits in Africa. »The analysis considered in the present study will expose the conclusion of political agreements by insisting distinctly on political environment, their formation as well on the legal framework which characterizes them, on one hand. On the other hand, it seems important to examine the application of those agreements by analyzing in details the agenda in which they evoluate in order to draw up scientifically the balance sheet of the objective in order to assess the affectivity of their implementation and their effectiveness in domain of human rights protection.

This thesis explains the acting method used by Caleigh Keith while portraying the role of Nancy Shedman in Romulus Linney’s Holy Ghosts. Included are chapters of historical research, character analysis, and a production report, which includes a scored script, rehearsal and performance journal, and a self-evaluation of the actor’s work. Holy Ghosts was produced by Theater UNO at the University of New Orleans in the Robert E. Nims Thrust Theater of the Performing Arts Center. It opened Tuesday, February seventh, and ran through Sunday, February twelfth, two thousand and twelve. Evening performances were at seven-thirty and Sunday’s matinee was at two o’clock in the afternoon.

En suivant la trajectoire de quatre leaders africains au temps des indépendances, Barthélémy Boganda (République centrafricaine), Patrice Lumumba (République du Congo), Félix Moumié et Ruben Um Nyobè (Cameroun), ce travail cherche à explorer par le biais de l’anthropologie historique, de la méthode comparative et à l’échelle de l’Afrique centrale, en quoi l’assassinat politique peut constituer un moyen de réguler les relations internationales et peut être un fondement de la construction nationale de leur pays d’origine. Au fil de l’itinéraire politique de ces leaders, seront évoquées leurs désillusions onusiennes et panafricaines qui resserrent sur eux l’étau mortel d’une Realpolitik entre bipolarisation et néocolonialisme. L’autre hypothèse explorée est la suivante : il serait possible par le biais de l’Histoire comparée de faire émerger des invariants à l’assassinat politique sous forme de processus récurrents comme l’arme judiciaire, l’arme médiatique, l’absence de sépultures décentes, la damnatio memoriae dont ils sont frappés qui aboutit a contrario à une inversion symbolique et iconique. L’étude s’appuie sur de nombreuses sources qui se sont complétées afin de reconstituer l’enchaînement des évènements et de nouvelles interprétations : archives privées inédites, archives publiques dont certaines ont été déclassifiées pour cette étude, sources audiovisuelles et imprimées, témoignages oraux inédits recueillis par l’auteure. / Through a close examination of the trajectory of four African leaders, Barthélémy Boganda (Republic of Central Africa), Patrice Lumumba (Republic of Congo), Félix Moumié et Ruben Um Nyobé (Cameroun), during the independence era, and by means of the historical anthropology, the comparative method and focusing on Central Africa, this study tries to explore to what extent political assassination could constitute a way of regulating international relationships and lay the foundations of the national construction of their country of origins. Along their political career path, their UN-related and Pan–Africanism disillusionment that tightens around them the lethal noose of a Realpolitik caught between bipolarization and neo-colonialism will be referred to. The other hypothesis developed here is as followed : it could be possible through comparative history to bring out invariance within political assassination under the forms of recurrent processes such as the judiciary weapon, the media weapon, the lack of a decent burial place and the damnatio memoriae they’ve been sentenced to which all contrastingly led to a symbolic and iconic reversal. The study relies on numerous sources that complete each other in order to reconstitute the chain of events and allow new interpretations: private exclusive archives, public archives, some of which having been declassified for this purpose, audio-visual and printed sources, exclusive oral narratives collected by the author.

Nel corso della sua lunga storia la Santa Sede è sempre stata protagonista attiva delle relazioni tra popoli, regni, Stati e nazioni. Un ruolo importante viene da essa svolto anche nel '900, specialmente a partire dalla Prima Guerra Mondiale, nell'ambito del tentativo di costruire un nuovo ordine internazionale fondato più sulla forza del diritto che sul diritto della forza. L'Enciclica Pacem in Terris ed il Concilio Vaticano II segnano l'inizio di un più deciso appoggio alla diplomazia multilaterale ed alle organizzazioni internazionali, specialmente ONU e CSCE-OSCE, come si può vedere nel caso della Prima Crisi del Golfo (1990-1991) e della dissoluzione della ex Jugoslavia (1991-1999). La Santa Sede elabora così, progressivamente, un proprio concetto di nuovo ordine internazionale, fondato sul diritto, sulla parità giuridica, sulla uguaglianza sostanziale degli Stati, dotato di un'Autorità centrale imparziale, a carattere democratico, in grado di imporre il rispetto di determinati principi fondamentali per una pace duratura, nella piena osservanza del principio di sussidiarietà. Un ideale ancora lontano dall'essere raggiunto. / Along his long history the Holy See has always played an important role in the relations between kingdoms, States and nations. This role remains important also in the 20th century, especially from World War One, in the pursuit of a new international order based more on the force of right than on the right of force. The Encyclical Pacem in terris and the II Vatican Council are the beginning of a deeper support to multilateral diplomacy and international organisations, particularly UNO and CSCE-OSCE, as it may be noticed during the First Gulf War (1990-1991) and the dissolution of former Yugoslavia (1991-1999). Thus, the Holy See has gradually developed a concept of new international order based on human rights and international law, juridical equality of all States, and on a central, impartial Authority capable of enforcing the respect of a given set of fundamental principles which are essential for the maintenance of peace, in the respect of the principle of subsidiarity. An ideal still far from reality.

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2. Die Fortschritte der internationalen Gemeinschaft in Richtung des Ziels, durch externes Eingreifen in den Staatsaufbau des Kosovos Demokratie und Marktwirtschaft zu erwir-ken, sind trotz aller Teilerfolge geringer als erhofft. Auch zwölf Jahre nach der Interventi-on der NATO und der Errichtung der UN-Übergangsverwaltungsmission (UNMIK) bleiben drängende Probleme weiterhin ungelöst. Die fehlende politische Orientierung der UNMIK bzw. ihr widersprüchliches Mandat stellte sich als zentrales Hindernis des State-Building-Prozesses heraus, wobei die Klärung der Statusfrage lange offenblieb und sich das Prolongieren einer Entscheidung über die Statusfrage äußerst negativ auf den gesamten Prozess des State-Buildings auswirkte. Prominente Erklärungsmuster für die Rückschläge und Verzögerungen im State-Building-Prozess werden in den folgenden Ein-flussfaktoren gesehen: nationalistische politische Eliten, unfähige Staatsgewalt, passive Politik der externen bzw. internen Akteure, korrupte Personen, unprofessionelle politische und wirtschaftliche Eliten, den Staat schwächende parallele Machtstrukturen, Schatten-wirtschaftliche Praktiken ökonomischer Reproduktion.