A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE WITS SCHOOL OF THE ARTS, UNIVERSITY OF THE WITWATERSRAND, 2015 / South Africa’s post-apartheid era has, in a space of nearly two decades, experienced a massive memory boom manifest in a plethora of new memorials, monuments, museums and the renaming of streets, parks, dams and buildings. This memorialisation process is intrinsically linked to questions of power, struggles and contestation in the making and remaking of the South African nation. The questions of power, struggle and contestation manifest as a wave of debates on the place of history, collective memory, identity and social cohesion in the inception as well as the functioning of the various memorialisation projects in society. This thesis concludes that debates concerning the meaning(s) as well as the way in which the June 16, 1976 uprisings have been memorialized, has been ongoing for the last three decades, and will continue into the future. This, as the findings bear out, is because the wider contextual situating of collective memory in its intangible and tangible form is intrinsically linked to complex experiences of the past; to ongoing experiments of a “nation” in the making, as well as pressing contemporary social challenges. The thesis also concludes that questions of power, struggle and contestation also manifest as a quest for relevant idioms and aesthetics of re-representation and memorialisation. Further, the thesis makes observations on the politics behind the assembling and the assembled archive as a toolkit in the fashioning of pasts and the making of collective memory. It reflects on the processes of re-thinking and remaking of the June 16, 1976 archive. These conclusions have been arrived at through an investigation of how the memory and meaning of the June 16, 1976 uprisings have been re-constructed, re-represented and fashioned over the last three decades. This was done by tracking and analysing the complex, diverse forms and character of its memorialisation. In the process, the study arrives at a conclusion that the memorialisation of the June 16, 1976 uprisings is characterised by the multiplicity of tangible and intangible features. The intangible features are characterised by forgetting, at one level, and are, on another level, animated through rituals of commemoration, counter- commemoration and memorial debate. The memorial debate on the uprisings is that of unity and diversity, division, contestation and counter-commemoration and essentially irresolvable, as history and memory are tools to address contemporary challenges.

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[pt] A tese Levantes no campo literário focaliza processos literários contemporâneos avessos à identificação classificatória consensual, em função da heterogeneidade de seus conteúdos, configurações escriturais e circuitos comunicativos. Neste contexto são explorados cruzamentos interartísticos e intermidiáticos numa perspectiva transdisciplinar, em busca de ferramentas teóricocríticas que permitem dar relevo ao potencial criativo de um corpus literário em constante movimento e crescente expansão. O acento sobre formas de saber imaginativo abre espaço para novas articulações com o passado, marcadas pela oscilação entre memória, esquecimento e sobrevivência. Legíveis e visíveis em montagens e remontagens heterocrônicas, elas privilegiam composições constelares flexíveis de seus restos e rastros atuantes no presente, em detrimento de estruturas narrativas sequenciais lineares. É neste âmbito que se situam as inquietações estéticas, éticas e políticas das reflexões propostas abrindo espaço, entre outros, para indagações motivadas pela apropriação do conceito de levantes (soulèvements) problematizado e difundido pelo filósofo e historiador da arte Georges DidiHuberman. A partir da leitura questionadora da história da Ditadura Militar registrada pelo romance K., Relato de uma busca, de Bernardo Kucinski, e pelo filme Deslembro, de Flávia Castro, em comparação com o Massacre do Carandiru, exposta na instalação artística 111 e na performance 111 Vigília Canto Leitura, do multiartista Nuno Ramos, são investigados os modos como esses processos literários, entendidos como política de resistência ou gestos de levante, operam para o não esquecimento desses eventos e de suas vítimas, transformando a sua memória latente em experiência viva. Neste sentido, a tese Levantes no campo literário se entende como contribuição original e oportuna para a construção de repertórios teóricos em sintonia com as demandas de produções literárias contemporâneas. / [en] The thesis Uprisings in the Literary Field focuses on contemporary literary processes averse to consensual classifying identification, due to their heterogeneous contents, scriptural configurations and communicative circuits. In this context, interartistic and intermediatical crossings are presented in a transdisciplinary perspective, searching for theoretical and critical tools, that highlight the creative potential of a literary corpus in constant movement and increasing expansion. The accent on imaginative knowledge opens space for new articulations with the past, oscillating between memory, forgetfulness and survival. Readable and visible in heterochronic assemblies and reassemblies, they privilege flexible constellation compositions of their remains and traces still acting in the present, to the detriment of linear sequential narrative structures. The aesthetic, ethical and political concerns of these reflections are placed in this context opening space, among others, for inquiries motivated by the appropriation of the concept of uprisings (soulèvements) problematized and disseminated by the philosopher and art historian Georges DidiHuberman. Through the questioning readings of the history of Military Dictatorship registered by the novel K., relatos de uma busca, by Bernardo Kucinski, and by the movie Deslembro, by Flavia Castro, compared with the Carandiru s Massacre, exposed in the artistic installation 111 and in the performance 111 Vigília Canto Leitura, by the multi-artist Nuno Ramos, we investigate the ways in which those literary objects, understood as political resistance or uprising gestures, operate to not forget these events and their victims, turning their latent memory into living experience. In this sense, the thesis Uprisings in the Literary Field is an original and appropriate contribution to the building of theoretical repertoires in tune with the contemporary literary productions demands.

[pt] Literatura apesar de tudo: duas visões sobre o romance melancólico de W.G. Sebald. A tese que aqui se apresenta parte da consideração de que a literatura do escritor alemão W.G. Sebald, ao tocar nos rastros da matéria ferida dos sobreviventes pós-Shoah, como também de tantas outras catástrofes da era capitalista burguesa, do colonialismo à dominação da natureza e degradação ambiental, emite um gesto de levante no sentido de que a literatura desponta como afirmação da vida, da memória redentora dos que foram engolidos pela barbárie, e no fomento de novos modos de adentrar o pretérito e retomar a cadeia de lutas daqueles que, escovando a história a contrapelo, intuíram um futuro justo e livre do inimigo histórico que insiste em perdurar. É a própria possibilidade de escrever e produzir literatura na, e apesar da, década de 1990, em um horizonte de desencantamento com os sonhos e as utopias que tanto marcaram o fracassado século XX, que o melancólico Sebald potencializa ao apresentar ao mundo seus quatro romances. Trata-se de uma melancolia criativa, insurgente e comprometida com as questões do seu tempo, que intuímos em reflexão cruzada especialmente com Didi-Huberman e Enzo Traverso, e que será demonstrada em uma leitura anatômica de dois romances: Os anéis de Saturno (1995) e Austerlitz (2001). / [en] Literature in Spite of All: two views on the melancholic romance of W.G. Sebald. This thesis takes as starting point the assumption that the literature of the German writer WG Sebald, touching the traces of the wounded material of post-Shoah survivors, as well as of so many other catastrophes of the bourgeois capitalist era, from colonialism to the domination of nature and environmental degradation, emits a gesture of uprising in the sense that literature emerges as an affirmation of life, of the redemptive memory of those who have been swallowed up by barbarism, and of fostering new ways of entering the past and returning to the chain of struggles of those who, brushing history against the grain, intuited a fair future and free from the historical enemy that insists on lasting. It is the very possibility of writing and producing literature during and despite the 1990s in a horizon of disenchantment with dreams and utopias that marked the failed twentieth century, that melancholy Sebald potentializes by presenting to the world his four novels. It is a creative melancholy, insurgent and committed to the issues of his time, which we intuit in a cross-reflection especially with Didi-Huberman and Enzo Traverso, and which will be demonstrated in an anatomical reading of two novels: The rings of Saturn (1995) and Austerlitz (2001).

Thesis (MPhil (Dept. of Ancient Studies) -- University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / This thesis sets out to examine, as far as possible within the constraints of a limited study such as this, the nature of the Jewish protest movement against the occupation of their homeland by the Roman Empire in the years after the territory had become a direct province of the Empire. These protests were mainly instigated by and initially led by Jewish peasants who experienced the worst aspects of becoming a part of the larger Roman world.

The Qatari-funded channel, Al-Jazeera Arabic (AJA) has been subject to criticism as being in favour of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) in Egypt. The approach taken by AJA Satellite Television to represent the MB, the Mubarak regime and other political actors in Egypt, during its coverage of four key electoral moments - before and after the 2011‘revolution’- is reviewed in this research. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is applied to study the constructive effects of AJA’s language in an interpretive way (Parker & Burman, 1993). The effect of the language used by two predominant AJA TV programmes, Without Borders بلا حدود and Opposite Direction الاتجاه المعاكس has been investigated and a number of current and former AJA journalists have been interviewed. Van Dijk’s Ideological Square and Pier Robinson’s Framing Model, in conjunction with Chouliaraki’s Three Rhetorical Strategies (Verbal Mode, Agency and Time Space) have been used as analysis tools to study the process of AJA’s representation of different political ideologies: the MB’s Islamic ideology and the Mubarak regime’s secular ideology. Van Dijk’s Ideological Square helps to identify the boundaries between ‘us’ (the good) and ‘them’ (the bad), and to classify people according to their support of specific ideology against another - the ‘in-group’ or the ‘outgroup’. AJA positively framed the Islamic MB movement on the basis that the group and its members were democratic, Islamic and victims, whereas it negatively framed the Mubarak regime and the Military Council in Egypt as repressive, secular and villains. The assigned role of different actors (including; the Egyptian people and opposition parties) in AJA TV programmes changed from one electoral moment to another. While the Mubarak regime, its supporters and the Military Council were represented as the ‘out-group’ at all times, the role allocated to the Egyptian people and the opposition shifted between the ‘in-group’ and the ‘out-group’, depending on the political mood they held towards the MB.

This dissertation explores the ethnic and religious dimensions of the northern Nigeria conflict in which gruesome killings have intermittently occurred, to determine whether there are genocidal inclinations to the episodic killings. The literature review provides the contextual framework for examining the conflict parties and causation factors to address the research questions: Are there genocidal inclinations to the ethno-religious conflict in northern Nigeria? To what extent does the interplay between ethnicity and religion help to foment and escalate the conflict in northern Nigeria? The study employs a mixed content analysis and grounded theory methodology based on the Strauss and Corbin (1990) approach. Data sourcing was from 197 newspaper articles on the conflict over the study period spanning from the 1966 northern Nigeria massacres of thousands of Ibos up to present, ongoing killings between Muslims and Christians or non-Muslims in the region. Available texts of the conflict cases over the research period were content-analyzed using Nvivo qualitative data analysis software involving processes of categorizing, coding and evaluation of the textual themes. The study structures a theoretical model for determining proclivity to genocide, and finds that there are genocidal inclinations to the northern Nigeria conflict, involving the specific intent to ‘cleanse’ the north through the exclusionary ideology of imposition of the Sharia law through enforced assimilation or extermination of Christians and other non-Muslims who do not assimilate or adopt the Muslim ideology. The study also suggests that there is latency in the recognition of these genocidal manifestations due to their episodic nature and intermittency of occurrence. he study provides further understanding of factors underlying and sustaining the violent conflict between Muslims and Christians in northern Nigeria. It contributes new perspectives and theoretical model for determining genocidal proclivity to the field of conflict analysis and resolution, and proffers alternative strategies for relationship building and peaceful coexistence among different religious groups. The findings will guide recommendations on policy formulations for eliminating religious intolerance in northern Nigeria. The study creates further awareness on the need for global intervention on the region’s sporadic killings to avert full blown Rwandan type genocide in Nigeria.

La loi du 19 juin 1851 qui étatise la police de Lyon marque une rupture majeure dans l’histoire du maintien de l’ordre en France. Depuis la Révolution française, les maires ont en effet été chargés de la police dans toutes les communes françaises, Paris exceptée. À partir de 1851, Lyon fait donc figure d’exception. Parce qu’elle s’est signalée par ses colères récurrentes depuis la fin du XVIIIe siècle, qu’elle est considérée comme la capitale du sud-est de la France et que sa population apparaît unanimement comme rétive à toute forme de domination, elle passe pour une cité rebelle. Dans le contexte d’un « Printemps des peuples » marqué par les soulèvements réguliers des partisans de la République démocratique et sociale, en juin 1848 puis en juin 1849, Lyon devient aux yeux des autorités, le quartier général de tous ceux qui veulent renverser l’ordre social en France voire en Europe. Or, durant cette période, la police lyonnaise donne chaque jour les preuves d’une défaillance complète face à la criminalité et à la délinquance, malgré une réorganisation générale tentée à l’automne 1848. En réaction, le pouvoir parisien place progressivement Lyon « hors du droit commun ». La ville et ses faubourgs sont d’abord privés de leurs gardes nationales en juillet 1848, lesquelles ne seront jamais réorganisées, à la différence des autres municipalités, car elles sont perçues, entre Rhône et Saône, comme peu sûres, faibles face à l’émeute et promptes à se retourner contre l’armée et la police. Le 15 juin 1849, une nouvelle insurrection éclate à Lyon. Réprimée par l’armée, elle enclenche la réforme générale de l’organisation administrative et policière de la ville et des faubourgs. Dans l’immédiat, Lyon et les cinq départements de la 6e division militaire sont placés et maintenus en état de siège. Tentée une première fois à l’automne 1849, la réforme aboutit avec la loi du 19 juin 1851. Désormais, Lyon jouit d’une police étatisée, aux mains d’un préfet du Rhône devenu préfet de police, agissant dans une nouvelle entité administrative, l’agglomération lyonnaise, qui regroupe une douzaine de communes et faubourgs. Le décret du 24 mars 1852 fait aboutir cette réforme, en supprimant le maire et en attribuant ses fonctions au préfet, en annexant les communes suburbaines et en divisant la ville en cinq arrondissements. Sur le plan policier, les services sont réorganisés jusqu’en 1854, sur la base des modèles parisien, londonien et genevois. La police d’État lyonnaise traverse le Second Empire et devient le modèle à partir duquel les polices des préfectures de plus de 40 000 habitants sont étatisées en 1855. Cette pérennité de la police d’État ne doit pourtant pas dissimuler une contestation permanente de son existence au cours des années 1860, au Corps législatif puis au Conseil général du Rhône. Les élus républicains demandent en effet la restitution à Lyon d’une municipalité élue, prélude au retour de la ville dans le « droit commun » sur le plan policier. Progressivement, la surveillance politique de l’agglomération s’avère difficile à assurer et les effectifs policiers apparaissent insuffisants. C’est néanmoins la défaite de Sedan qui aura raison de la police d’État. La République proclamée, la municipalité lyonnaise tout juste recomposée reprend immédiatement la direction du maintien de l’ordre le 4 septembre 1870 / The law of 19th June 1851 which establishes state control over the police of Lyon marks a major break in the history of urban policing in France. Since the French Revolution, mayors were in charged of the police in all the French municipalities, Paris excepted. From 1851, Lyon thus became an exception. Because it differenced itself by its recurring revolts since the end of the XVIIIth century, because it is considered as the capital of the southeast-part of France and because its population appeared unanimously as refusing any kind of domination, it was considered as a rebel city. During the "people’s spring" marked by the regular uprisings of the partisans of the democratic and social Republic, in June, 1848 then in June, 1849, Lyon became for the authorities, the headquarters of all those who wanted to turn upside down social order in France and even in Europe. Yet, during this period, the police of Lyon gave daily proofs of a total failure to fight criminality, in spite of a general reorganization tempted in autumn 1848.In reaction, the Parisian power gradually put Lyon "outside the common law". The city and its suburbs were firstly deprived of their national guards in July 1848, unlike the other municipalities, because its guards were perceived, between the Rhône and the Saône, as weak in front of riots and quick to turn around against the army and the police. On June 15th 1849, a new uprising burst in Lyon. Repressed by the army, it engaged the general reform of the administrative and police organization of the city and the suburbs. Lyon and the five departments of the 6th military division had immediately been are placed and maintained under state of siege. Firstly tried in autumn 1849, the reform succeeded with the law of 19th June 1851. From then on, Lyon had a state-controlled police, in the hands of the prefect of the Rhône who became a prefect of police, acting in a new administrative entity, the Lyon agglomeration, which included a dozen municipalities and suburbs. The decree of March 24th, 1852 made this reform succeed, by suppressing the mayor and by attributing its functions to the prefect, by annexing the suburban municipalities and by dividing the city into five districts. On the police plan, services were reorganized until 1854, on the basis of the models of Paris, London and Geneva.The State police of Lyon crossed the Second Empire and became the model from which the polices of the prefectures of more than 40 000 inhabitants passed under state control in 1855. Nevertheless, the State police is contested during the 1860s, in the Legislative Corps and the General Council of the Rhône. The republican asked for the restoration of an elected municipality in Lyon, seen as the first step of the return of the city in the police "common law". Gradually, political surveillance of the urban space became increasingly difficult, and the police staff seemed insufficient. Nevertheless, it was the defeat of Sedan that would mark the end of the State police. Once the Republic had been proclaimed, the municipality of Lyon just recomposed took back immediately the direction of the police on September 4th, 1870.