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The rise of Ni‘matullāhī Shi‘ite Sufism in early nineteenth-century Qājār Persia : Ḥusayn ‘Alī Shāh, Majdhūb ‘Alī Shāh, Mast ‘Alī Shāh and their battle with Islamic fundamentalismTabandeh, Reza January 2013 (has links)
The fundamental question I have tried to answer in this thesis is how the Ni‘matullāhī masters were successful in reviving Ni‘matullāhī Sufism in Shi‘ite Persia during the early nineteenth century. This study investigates the revival of the Ni‘matullāhī Sufi order in Persia after the death of the last Indian Ni‘matullāhī master, Riḍā ‘Alī Shāh (d. 1214/1799) in the Deccan. Meticulous attention is given to the role of Ḥusayn ‘Alī Shāh (d. 1234/1818), Majdhūb ‘Alī Shāh (d. 1239/1823) and Mast ‘Alī Shāh (d. 1253/1837), who were the masters (quṭbs) of the Ni‘matullāhī order after Riḍā ‘Alī Shāh. The Ni‘matullāhī Sufi order flourished as a Persian Sufi order in 8th/14th century. During the Safavid era most of the Sufi orders in Persia became inactive or systematically suppressed. With the advent of the Safavids, the Ni‘matullāhī order moved to Hyderabad in India, and gradually became less important in the mystical milieu of Persia. After the fall of the Safavids, the revival movement of the Ni‘matullāhī order began with the arrival of the enthusiastic Indian Sufi master Ma‘ṣūm ‘Alī Shāh during the last quarter of the eighteenth century. Later Persian masters of the Ni‘matullāhī order in the beginning of the early nineteenth century solidified the order’s place in the mystical and theological milieu of Persia. Ma‘ṣūm ‘Alī Shāh and his disciples soon spread their mystical and ecstatic beliefs all over Persia. They succeeded in converting a large mass of Persians to Sufi teachings despite the opposition and persecution they faced from Shi‘ite clerics, who were politically and socially the most influential class in Persia. The clerics were able to turn the political powers against the Sufis to a certain extent, such that Āqā Muḥammad ‘Alī Bihbihānī, principal champion of this oppression, largely succeeded in his persecution of Ma‘ṣūm ‘Alī Shāh and his disciples. The question of the Ni‘matullāhī Sufis’ survival in Persia after Maṣūm ‘Alī Shāh is evaluated here by using the biographies and writings of later masters and modern scholars. The conclusion is reached that Ḥusayn ‘Alī Shāh, Majdhūb ‘Alī Shāh and Mast ‘Alī Shāh were able to consolidate the social and theological role of the Ni‘matullāhī order by reinterpreting and articulating classical Sufi teachings in the light of Persian Shi‘ite mystical theology.
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Disenchanting political theology in post-revolutionary Iran : reform, religious intellectualism and the death of utopiaSadeghi-Boroujerdi, Eskandar January 2014 (has links)
This thesis delineates the transformation of Iran’s so-called post-revolutionary ‘religious intellectuals’ (rowshanfekran-e dini) from ideological legitimators within the political class of the newly-established theocratic-populist regime to internal critics whose revised vision for the politico-religious order coalesced and converged with the growing disillusionment and frustration of the ‘Islamic left’, a constellation of political forces within the governing elite of the Islamic Republic, that following the death of Ayatollah Khomeini increasingly felt itself marginalised and on the outskirts of power. The historical evolution of this complex, quasi-institutionalised and routinized network, encompassing theologians, jurists, political strategists and journalists, which rose to prominence in the course of the 1990s, and its critical engagement with the ruling political theology of the ‘guardianship of the jurist’, the supremacy of Islamic jurisprudence, political Islamism and all forms of ‘revolutionary’ and ‘utopian’ political and social transformation, are scrutinised in detail. In this vein, the thesis examines the various issues provoked by the rowshanfekran-e dini’s strategic deployment and translation of the concepts and ideas of a number of Western thinkers, several of which played a pivotal role in the assault on the ideological foundations of Soviet-style communism in the 1950s and 1960s. It then moves to show how this network of intellectuals and politicos following the election of Mohammad Khatami to the presidency in May 1997 sought to disseminate their ideas at the popular level by means of the press and numerous party and political periodicals, and thereby achieve ideological and political hegemony. The thesis proceeds to demonstrate the intimate connection between the project of ‘religious intellectualism’ and elite-defined notions of ‘democracy’, ‘electoral participation’, ‘reform’ and ‘political development’ as part of an effort to accumulate symbolic capital and assert their intellectual and moral leadership of the polity.
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Les projets politiques et les fondements historiques de la communauté chiite au Bahreïn depuis l’indépendance 1971 / The political projects and the historical foundations of Shi’a in Bahrain since independence in 1971Al shaikh, Aayat 12 May 2018 (has links)
Le chiisme au Bahreïn est un phénomène sociopolitique complexe. A l’époque contemporaine, les projets politiques chiites transnationaux et nationaux ont connu une nouvel ascension. Les analyses politiques et médiatiques dominants réduisent souvent le chiisme dans le champ sociopolitique bahreïni aux projets politiques dominants en Iran, en Iraq, et au Liban, qui projettent le renforcement de leur pouvoir religieux et politique. Or, les chiites de Bahreïn sont souvent assimilés à des adeptes des politiques menées par les clercs influents outre le pays insulaire. Ils sont considérés comme des instruments de l’hégémonie des acteurs chiites. Ces grilles de lecture ne représentent qu’une approche réductrice et partielle du champ chiite. Certes, le chiisme bahreïni est influencé par les acteurs et les politiques régionales et transnationales, mais l’analyse de ses fondements et de son évolution démontre qu’il est spécifique à son contexte local. Le champ chiite local est façonné par des interactions sociopolitiques diverses, tels que des processus de socialisation politique, la transnationalisation, la pratique des rites particuliers, l’organisation des institutions, les relations avec l’Etat, etc. A l’époque contemporaine, les acteurs chiites bahreïnis sont influencés par des théories et des projets qui émanent de la sphère transnationale, cependant ils développent des projets sociopolitiques distincts. Dans ce contexte spécifique du Bahreïn, l’Etat même dominant, ne peut pas contrôler ses acteurs et leurs projets sociopolitiques, qu’ils soient transnationaux ou nationaux. / Shiism in Bahrain is a complicated socio-political phenomenon. The contemporary era is marked by a new rise of national and transnational shi’a political projects. Dominant political and media analysis consider shi’ism in the Bahraini context as a simplest extension of dominant political projects in Iran, Iraq, and in Lebanon.However, Bahraini shi’a are frequently assimilated to unconditional followers of influential non-Bahrainis clerics and their politics. In that framework, shi’a in Bahrain are considered as instruments of the shi’a actors’ hegemony. Those methods of interpretation appear superficial.Certainly, as we noted above, regional and transnational actors and politics affect the shiism in Bahrain, but the examination of its basis and its evolution demonstrate that it’s specific to the local schema. Various socio-political interactions shapes the local political sphere; such as political socialization processes,transnationalization, rites’ practicing, institutions’ organization's, relations avec the State, etc. In the contemporary period Bahrainis shi’a actors are indeed influenced by the theories and the projects stems from the transnational sphere, however, they develops their own and distinct socio-political projects. In this specific context, the State, even dominant, control neither these actors, nor their projects whether they are transnational or nationals.
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