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Esta dissertação trata da variação no uso do pronome de segunda pessoa (singular e plural) na cidade de São Paulo. Duas formas alternativas são empregadas nessa comunidade de fala: a variante plena você(s) e a forma foneticamente reduzida cê(s). A pesquisa é desenvolvida de acordo com os pressupostos teórico-metodológicos da Sociolinguística Variacionista. Foram desenvolvidas análises sincrônica e diacrônica com dados extraídos de duas amostras (NURC-SP-1970 e GESOL-SP-2000). Os resultados evidenciam um equilíbrio na distribuição das duas variantes nessa comunidade de fala. Embora se verifique uma típica mudança em progresso (tempo aparente) na década de 1970, a análise dos anos 2000 revela um caso de variação estável na comunidade de fala. Nos anos 2000, a variante inovadora, a forma reduzida cê, tende a ser favorecida pelos informantes mais jovens e pelas mulheres acima de 50 anos de idade. Cê é desfavorecida entre os indivíduos de uma faixa etária intermediária (entre 35 e 45 anos) o que pode estar relacionado a questões de monitoramento da fala e ao mercado linguístico (Paiva & Duarte, 2003). Adicionalmente, cê tende a ser evitado entre os indivíduos mais escolarizados; e é favorecido em interações cujos informantes são familiares ou amigos. De um ponto de vista linguístico, o emprego das variantes é correlacionado pelo Princípio do Contorno Obrigatório e por questões morfossintáticas, semânticas e discursivo-cognitivas, com especial atenção à referência do pronome. Os resultados corroboram a hipótese de cliticização da variante reduzida, mas fornecem um contra-argumento à correlação direta entre erosão fonética e abstratização semântica, defendida na literatura sobre gramaticalização. / This master thesis analyzes the variation in the use of the second person pronoun (singular and plural) in the city of São Paulo. Two alternative forms are employed: você you, and a phonetically reduced form cê you. The research is developed according to the theoretical and methodological framework of Variationist Sociolinguistics. Both synchronic and diachronic multivariate analyses are pursued, with data extracted from two samples (NURC-SP-1970 and GESOL-SP-2000). The results show a balance in the distribution of the two variants in the speech community. Although it was observed a typical change in progress (apparent time) in the 1970s, the analysis of the 2000s data reveals a case of stable variation in the speech community. In the 2000s, the innovative, phonetically reduced variant tends to be favored by younger people and women over 50 years old. Cê is disfavored among individuals between 35 and 45 years which can be related to issues of speech monitoring and the linguistic market (Paiva & Duarte, 2003). In addition, cê tends to be avoided by those whose level of education is higher, and is favored in conversations between informants who are friends or relatives. From a linguistic perspective, the use of variants is correlated by the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) and by morphosyntactic, semantic and discursive-cognitive factors, with special attention to the reference of the pronoun. Results confirm the hypothesis of cliticization of the reduced variant, but reveal a counterargument for the direct correlation between \"phonetic erosion\" and \"semantic abstraction\", which has been claimed in the literature on grammaticalization

Esta dissertação trata da variação no uso do pronome de segunda pessoa (singular e plural) na cidade de São Paulo. Duas formas alternativas são empregadas nessa comunidade de fala: a variante plena você(s) e a forma foneticamente reduzida cê(s). A pesquisa é desenvolvida de acordo com os pressupostos teórico-metodológicos da Sociolinguística Variacionista. Foram desenvolvidas análises sincrônica e diacrônica com dados extraídos de duas amostras (NURC-SP-1970 e GESOL-SP-2000). Os resultados evidenciam um equilíbrio na distribuição das duas variantes nessa comunidade de fala. Embora se verifique uma típica mudança em progresso (tempo aparente) na década de 1970, a análise dos anos 2000 revela um caso de variação estável na comunidade de fala. Nos anos 2000, a variante inovadora, a forma reduzida cê, tende a ser favorecida pelos informantes mais jovens e pelas mulheres acima de 50 anos de idade. Cê é desfavorecida entre os indivíduos de uma faixa etária intermediária (entre 35 e 45 anos) o que pode estar relacionado a questões de monitoramento da fala e ao mercado linguístico (Paiva & Duarte, 2003). Adicionalmente, cê tende a ser evitado entre os indivíduos mais escolarizados; e é favorecido em interações cujos informantes são familiares ou amigos. De um ponto de vista linguístico, o emprego das variantes é correlacionado pelo Princípio do Contorno Obrigatório e por questões morfossintáticas, semânticas e discursivo-cognitivas, com especial atenção à referência do pronome. Os resultados corroboram a hipótese de cliticização da variante reduzida, mas fornecem um contra-argumento à correlação direta entre erosão fonética e abstratização semântica, defendida na literatura sobre gramaticalização. / This master thesis analyzes the variation in the use of the second person pronoun (singular and plural) in the city of São Paulo. Two alternative forms are employed: você you, and a phonetically reduced form cê you. The research is developed according to the theoretical and methodological framework of Variationist Sociolinguistics. Both synchronic and diachronic multivariate analyses are pursued, with data extracted from two samples (NURC-SP-1970 and GESOL-SP-2000). The results show a balance in the distribution of the two variants in the speech community. Although it was observed a typical change in progress (apparent time) in the 1970s, the analysis of the 2000s data reveals a case of stable variation in the speech community. In the 2000s, the innovative, phonetically reduced variant tends to be favored by younger people and women over 50 years old. Cê is disfavored among individuals between 35 and 45 years which can be related to issues of speech monitoring and the linguistic market (Paiva & Duarte, 2003). In addition, cê tends to be avoided by those whose level of education is higher, and is favored in conversations between informants who are friends or relatives. From a linguistic perspective, the use of variants is correlated by the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) and by morphosyntactic, semantic and discursive-cognitive factors, with special attention to the reference of the pronoun. Results confirm the hypothesis of cliticization of the reduced variant, but reveal a counterargument for the direct correlation between \"phonetic erosion\" and \"semantic abstraction\", which has been claimed in the literature on grammaticalization

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-04-05T14:42:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 patriciarafaelaotoniribeiro.pdf: 2225598 bytes, checksum: 96da28570e67b420a49dc173a2049ae4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-04-24T03:49:24Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 patriciarafaelaotoniribeiro.pdf: 2225598 bytes, checksum: 96da28570e67b420a49dc173a2049ae4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-24T03:49:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 patriciarafaelaotoniribeiro.pdf: 2225598 bytes, checksum: 96da28570e67b420a49dc173a2049ae4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-01 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este trabalho investiga a variação linguística na concordância de número nos sintagmas nominais (SNs) e nos sintagmas verbais (SVs) entre os falantes do município de Oliveira Fortes-MG, com o objetivo de identificar o perfil sociolinguístico da comunidade. Partimos da hipótese de que o município, em função de sua sociohistória e de suas características demográficas, tem um perfil marcado pelo conservadorismo linguístico, a partir da perspectiva de que, historicamente, no português brasileiro, a variante ausência de marca explícita de número é anterior à variante presença de marca explícita de número, em virtude da polarização territorial rural/urbana do país. A pesquisa pauta-se nos pressupostos da Sociolinguística Variacionista (LABOV, 2008 [1972], 1982, 1994, 2001) e, como desdobramento, nos estudos sobre Redes Sociais (MILROY, 1980, 1987, 2004; MILROY & MILROY, 1985; BORTONI- RICARDO, 1985, 2011). Para a investigação, foram coletados dados de vinte e quatro informantes, através de entrevista sociolinguisticamente orientada, ficha social e ficha de redes. O corpus apresenta 1407 ocorrências da variável concordância de número no sintagma nominal e 810 ocorrências da variável concordância de número no sintagma verbal, dentre as quais há o predomínio da variante ausência de marca explícita de número (89,6% nos SNs e 80,6% nos SVs). Em função desse resultado, confirmou-se a hipótese inicial, uma vez que foi constatado o conservadorismo linguístico em Oliveira Fortes-MG, motivado pelas particularidades do município e pela configuração das redes sociais dos moradores. / This work surveys the linguistic variation in number agreement in noun phrases (NP) and in verbal phrases (VP) among speakers from Oliveira Fortes-MG aiming to identify the sociolinguistic profile of this community. We have assumed that this town according to its sociohistory and demographic characteristics has a profile underlined by linguistic conservativeness from the perspective that, historically, the variant absence of the explicit number mark is earlier than the variant presence of the explicit number mark in Brazilian Portuguese. This happens because of the country territorial polarization rural/urban. This research is based on the pretext of the Variationist Sociolinguistics (LABOV, 2008 [1972], 1982, 1994, 2001) and, as adevelopment, on studies about Social Networks (MILROY, 1980, 1987, 2004; MILROY & MILROY, 1985; BORTONI- RICARDO, 1985, 2011). For the current investigation, it was collected some data from twenty-four informers throughout sociolinguistics oriented interviews, social forms and social networks. The corpus shows 1,407 occurrences of number agreement variation in noun phrases and 810 occurrences of number variation in verbal phrases. It was seen that there is a predominance of the variant absence of the explicit number mark (89.6% in NPs e 80.6% in VPs). Due to this result, it was possible to reaffirm the initial hypothesis, once it was testified that the linguistic conservativeness in Oliveira Fortes-MG is motivated by particularities of the town and its inhabitant’s social networks settings.

In the Arabic-speaking world, sociopolitical upheaval, extended conflict and population displacement have triggered extensive contact between mutually intelligible varieties of the language. Notwithstanding these developments, Arabic sociolinguistic research on dialect contact settings remains limited to certain well-documented areas (e.g., Al-Wer 2020), with markedly less research targeting other locales believed to be highly propitious to convergent change, such as the long-term contact situation in Lebanon involving Lebanese and Palestinian Arabic (Fityan 1981; Hennessey 2011). Furthermore, few studies are embedded in a (comparative) variationist sociolinguistic framework (Owens 2013), and even fewer studies are articulated from a socio-historical perspective incorporating diachronic data sources with which to better understand the process of language change in Arabic (Owens 2013). Much previous research on Arabic dialects is also based on investigations of phonological variation (Al-Wer and de Jong 2018), with correspondingly less attention paid to (morpho-)syntactic variation (Choueiri 2019). The present study aims to address existing lacunae in the research literature by investigating the outcomes of dialect contact in Beirut between Palestinian Arabic (PA), the minority variety, and Lebanese Arabic (LA), the majority variety. Drawing on the framework of comparative variationist sociolinguistics (Poplack and Tagliamonte 2001) as well as research on dialect contact (Britain and Trudgill 2005), this study combines synchronic and diachronic data sources to compare three variables in LA and PA: a phonological variable, involving the word-medial raising of /a:/ to [e:] (e.g., [ka:n] alternating with [ke:n] 'he/it was'); and two morpho-syntactic variables: verbal negation and future temporal reference. The overarching aim of the research is to examine the extent to which PA shows evidence, as gauged from linguistic constraints on variant selection and variant repertoires, of becoming more structurally similar to LA in different linguistic components (Cheshire, Kerswill, and Williams 2005). The synchronic data come from 45 hours of spontaneous speech recorded in Beirut from 39 Palestinian and 27 Lebanese speakers stratified by age, sex, and level of education, generating 7,671 tokens representing the three targeted variables. A further 15,381 tokens of these three variables come from two diachronic datasets. The first is a sub-set of speech recordings from the Palestinian Oral History Archive, an online compendium of interviews with first-generation (older) Palestinians in Lebanon, recorded between the 1990s and early 2000s. The second diachronic dataset is the Lebanese Popular Theatre Corpus (LPTC), based on 34 televised plays dating from the 1960s and performed in colloquial LA. Results reveal that the [e:] variant, a stereotypical feature of LA, but not emblematic of PA spoken in Beirut (Hennessey 2011), is virtually absent from the speech of the older Palestinian generation in the synchronic and diachronic datasets, but it increases significantly in the speech of young (third-generation) Palestinian speakers, who replicate the linguistic conditioning of variant selection in LA. These results bolster the inference of contact-induced change in PA due to the influence of LA. With respect to verbal negation, the findings show that there is convergent change in terms of overall variant rates in this variable system in PA. Evidence suggests that this variable system is undergoing dialect levelling as a result of contact, with socially marked minority variants diminishing over time in the speech of educated Palestinians. The future temporal reference system, however, seems to be less amenable to contact-induced change, despite similarities in surface forms between LA and PA. Results indicate that this variable system is undergoing an internal change in PA independent of contact with LA, which is led by young, educated speakers, in line with what has been observed in PA spoken outside Lebanon (AbuAmsha 2016). Viewed in the aggregate, the results show that even though it is claimed that (morpho-) syntactic variables may be less susceptible to convergent change than phonological variables (Cheshire et al. 2005; Hinskens et al. 2005), we do not find a neat division between phonology and morpho-syntax. Word-medial imala is overtly commented on and explicitly identified by the targeted Palestinian speech community as a marker of Lebanese speech. Its iconic association with Lebanese speech patterns renders it particularly susceptible to long-term dialect accommodation for some Palestinians. Verbal negation is also subject to social evaluation, as gauged from explicit speaker meta-commentary, and socially marked exponents appear vulnerable to attrition over time. By contrast, the expression of the future temporal reference appears less socially indexical than the other variables and is not subject to normative commentary or overt correction. These differences implicate the social salience of the targeted variables as a key factor influencing their susceptibility to convergence. Situating the results in a wider perspective, the findings highlight the utility of the comparative variationist framework in elucidating the process of language change in spoken Arabic, especially in PA as spoken in Beirut, as well as in distinguishing contact-induced change from internally-motivated change. The results of this study indicate that the effects of dialect contact, and critically, the existence of contact-induced change cannot be fully understood without using a multi-faceted comparative approach incorporating horizontal and vertical comparisons. The results converge in demonstrating that an empirically accountable quantitative approach based on actual speech data is capable of transcending the limitations of alternative frameworks of analysis that have been used to investigate change in dialect contact scenarios in the Arabic-speaking world.

This dissertation investigates the use of the subjunctive in completive clauses governed by verbs in Italian, both synchronically and diachronically, and in Vulgar Latin. By making use of the tools provided by the Variationist Sociolinguistic framework (Labov 1972, 1994), the current study sheds light on the underlying conditioning on variability using actual usage and speech-surrogate data. Contemporary actual speech data comes from LIP (De Mauro et al. 1993) and C-ORAL-ROM (Cresti & Moneglia 2005) corpora, providing spontaneous discourse in casual and careful speech as well as sub-sample divisions representative of geographical variation. In order to measure any changes in the underlying conditioning on subjunctive selection, a diachronic benchmark is established: a corpus of speech-like surrogates of 16th to 20th century Italian, COHI (Corpus of Historical Italian), and a corpus of Vulgar Latin (Cena Trimalchionis, from the Satyricon by Petronius). The subjunctives were extracted in adherence to the principle of accountability (Labov 1972), using the method developed by Poplack (1992): every complement clause governed by a matrix verb (governor) that triggered the subjunctive at least once was included. This method enables us to circumvent the issue of the lack of consensus in the literature on exactly which contexts, i.e. verbs and/or meanings, should trigger the subjunctive in discourse. This issue surfaces as well from the meta-linguistic analysis of a compendium of 58 Italian grammars and treaties (CSGI, Collezione Storica di Grammatiche Italiane), constructed for the purpose of this research. A series of linguistic and extra-linguistic factors proposed by formal and prescriptive literature are operationalized and tested against the corpora of both Italian and Vulgar Latin, in order to ascertain the nature of variability in discourse: i.e. whether the use of the subjunctive is semantically motivated, productive in speech or undergoing desemanticization and lexicalization. Despite widespread assumption of a change that occurred after the political and the subsequent linguistic unification of Italy, i.e. that the subjunctive has lost ground in favour of the indicative when it was supposedly used categorically in the past, quantitative and statistical evidence shows that subjunctive selection is largely determined by lexical identity of the governor as well as embedded suppletive forms of essere, and that this pattern has been operative at least since the 16th century. On a more socio-linguistic aspect, this study confirms the linguistic prestige that the subjunctive has acquired in contemporary speech, being selected with a wider range of infrequent and singleton governors by highly educated speakers. Also, the highly lexicalized pattern on variability was found to be largely shared amongst the four main urban centres of Florence, Milan, Rome, and Naples, thus countering the assumption of divergent linguistic behaviour between northern and southern varieties of Italian. The study also shows that despite the significant time span targeted, no evidence of desemanticization has been found. Likewise, the variationist analysis on the Vulgar Latin subjunctive shows that subjunctive choice was already largely determined by, and restricted, to a few governors, identified as ‘volitive’ and ‘emotive’ matrices. These governors remained strong predictors for the selection of the subjunctive in Italian as well, suggesting that this lexical pattern has been transferred and consistently retained in the daughter language.

Submitted by Ricardo Cedraz Duque Moliterno (ricardo.moliterno@uefs.br) on 2018-07-30T19:59:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTA??O FINAL.pdf: 2612834 bytes, checksum: 57632b3a6c17b1b1cb4931a237ec93e4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-30T19:59:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTA??O FINAL.pdf: 2612834 bytes, checksum: 57632b3a6c17b1b1cb4931a237ec93e4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-28 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / This paper makes a sociolinguistic analysis of the use of strategies of Relativization in the popular and standard norms of the spoken Portuguese in Feira de Santana-BA, based on the theoretical-methodological contribution of the Variationist Sociolinguistics, based on Weinreich, Labov and Herzog (2006 [1968]). For the methodological treatment of the analysis, the relative clauses are subdivided in non-prepositional strategies ? the gap-leaving variant and the resumptive pronoun strategy? and prepositional strategies ? the pied piping variant, the PP-chopping strategy, the PP-chopping strategy with resumptive and the where and when relatives. The focus of this research is the covariation between the pied piping strategy (subscribed by the traditional grammar) and the PP-chopping strategy (considered an innovative strategy in the Brazilian Portuguese), having as corpus real speech data extracted from 24 interviews (12 of the standard norm and 12 of the popular norm) of the project The Portuguese language of the Bahia semiarid region ? Phase 3: samples of the spoken languagein Feira de Santana-Ba, headquartered in the Nucleus of Portuguese Language Studies (NELP). Starting from the theoretical assumptions of the theory of variation and linguistic change, this study brings a reflection on the Brazilian Portuguese (PB) socio-history, highlighting the linguistic contact, the late urbanization and schooling of Brazil, the irregular linguistic transmission, the hypothesis of approach between the popular and standard norms of PB and the socio-history of the urban center of Feira de Santana-BA, emphasizing its commercial characteristics, the migratory factor and its geographical position. The data were investigated based on linguistic and social variables in order to answer which linguistic and sociocultural factors act in the variable use of the PP-chopping relative and the pied piping strategy and if there is an approximation or a distancing of the standard and popular norms in regards to the use of these strategies in the Portuguese of Feira de Santana. The results confirm the syntactic change attested by Tarallo (1983), by evidencing the majority use of the PP-chopping relative by the feirense speakers in both standard and popular norms, allowing to the contestation that there is an approximation of the norms in the spoken Portuguese in of Feira de Santana, confirming what Lucchesi (2001) and Mattos and Silva (2004) ratified about the Brazilian Portuguese. / Esta disserta??o faz uma an?lise sociolingu?stica do uso das estrat?gias de relativiza??o nas normas culta e popular do portugu?s falado em Feira de Santana-BA, apoiando-se no aporte te?rico-metodol?gico da Sociolingu?stica Variacionista, com base em Weinreich, Labov e Herzog (2006 [1968]). Para o tratamento metodol?gico da an?lise, subdividem-se as ora??es relativas em estrat?gias n?o preposicionadas ? relativa com lacuna e relativa com lembrete ? e preposicionadas ? relativa pied piping, relativa cortadora, relativa cortadora com lembrete e relativas de onde e quando. O foco desta investiga??o ? a covaria??o entre a relativa pied piping (abonada pela gram?tica tradicional) e a relativa cortadora (considerada uma estrat?gia inovadora do portugu?s brasileiro), tendo como corpus dados reais de fala extra?dos de 24 entrevistas (12 da norma culta e 12 da norma popular) do projeto A l?ngua portuguesa do semi?rido baiano ? Fase 3: amostras da l?ngua falada em Feira de Santana-Ba, sediado no N?cleo de Estudos da L?ngua Portuguesa (NELP). Partindo dos pressupostos te?ricos da teoria da varia??o e da mudan?a lingu?stica, pontua-se uma reflex?o sobre a s?cio-hist?ria do portugu?s brasileiro (PB), evidenciando o contato lingu?stico, as tardias urbaniza??o e escolariza??o do Brasil, a transmiss?o lingu?stica irregular, a hip?tese de aproxima??o entre as normas culta e popular do PB e a s?cio-hist?ria do munic?pio de Feira de Santana-BA, enfatizando suas caracter?sticas comerciais, o fator migrat?rio e sua posi??o geogr?fica. Os dados foram investigados com base em vari?veis lingu?sticas e sociais buscando responder quais fatores lingu?sticos e socioculturais atuam no uso vari?vel da relativa cortadora e da pied piping e se h? uma aproxima??o ou um distanciamento das normas culta e popular no que se refere ao uso dessas estrat?gias no portugu?s feirense. Os resultados confirmam a mudan?a sint?tica atestada por Tarallo (1983) ao evidenciar uso majorit?rio da relativa cortadora pelos falantes feirenses tanto na norma culta quanto na norma popular, permitindo constatar que h? uma aproxima??o das normas no portugu?s feirense, ratificando o que dizem Lucchesi (2001) e Mattos e Silva (2004) sobre o PB.

Submitted by Ricardo Cedraz Duque Moliterno (ricardo.moliterno@uefs.br) on 2016-07-13T23:29:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 entrega DISSERTA??O SIMEIA.pdf: 2026591 bytes, checksum: 1a9f43b45ba81ae8ce62414bca386df7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-13T23:29:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 entrega DISSERTA??O SIMEIA.pdf: 2026591 bytes, checksum: 1a9f43b45ba81ae8ce62414bca386df7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-22 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / This dissertation is mainly aimed to do a mapping or not of occurrence of plural reading in the first person of existing verbs in spoken language in the Baiano semiarid region through a sociolinguistic analysis, checking which linguistic and sociocultural factors that contribute or not to this variation.We sought to investigate the hypothesis that there are patterns of variation and quantitative differences among the communities studied, due to: i) the ethnic background; ii) the community isolation and iii) the distance geographic area of the capital city, urbanization center. For this, it was taken as a research topic verbal agreement with the first person plural (P4) in rural communities of the Baiano semi-arid region, this topic has already been investigated by scholars as Silva (2003) and Lucchesi, Baxter and Silva (2009) which focused only in rural communities marked ethnically, Nina (1980), Almeida (2006), Araujo (2012), in addition to the descriptive analysis undertaken by dialectology scholars of the early twentieth century and by Veado (1982). Perceiving that the studies with the theme of the verbal agreement with P4 take, in most cases, as an example urban Brazilian Portuguese and also the study of pronominal switching (we / us), it is believed that this research becomes relevant because it is a work, in a way, unprecedented, once investigates rural speech and search to see specifically how the verb agreement is made with the first person plural in this variety. It drew up a comparative study between the dialects of the Baiano regions: Rio de Contas and Jeremoabo which according to social history are formed by black people (Barra / Bananal community) and white people (Mato Grosso community), located in the municipality communities of Rio de Contas; remaining Indians in Tapera community, Quilombo remnants in Casinhas community; mestizos and whites people in Lagoa do In?cio community, such communities are located in the municipality of Jeremoabo.In conclusion, the characterization of popular Portuguese of the country is marked by the socio-historical influence of each chosen community. Therefore, it can state that the verbal agreement is a variable phenomenon in the Baiano semi-arid region that it has gained trend towards the use of CV. Thus, it is used the theoretical - methodological model of Variationist Sociolinguistics it was found that the contact of ethnic groups, such as the isolation of some of them, resulted in linguistic differences, so that it can?t be ignored that formation of the popular Brazilian Portuguese language has its roots planted in the rural variety. / Esta disserta??o teve como objetivo central realizar um mapeamento da ocorr?ncia ou n?o da marca??o de plural na primeira pessoa dos verbos existentes na l?ngua falada no Semi?rido Baiano atrav?s de uma an?lise sociolingu?stica, verificando quais fatores lingu?sticos e socioculturais contribuem ou n?o para essa varia??o. Buscou-se investigar a hip?tese de existem padr?es de varia??o e diferen?as quantitativas entre as comunidades estudadas, por conta: i) da forma??o ?tnica; ii) do isolamento da comunidade e iii) da dist?ncia espa?o geogr?fico da capital, centro de urbaniza??o. Para isso, tomou-se como t?pico de pesquisa a concord?ncia verbal com a primeira pessoa do plural (P4) em comunidades rurais do semi?rido baiano, t?pico este j? investigado por estudiosos como Silva (2003) e Lucchesi, Baxter e Silva (2009), que centraram apenas em comunidades rurais marcadas etnicamente, Nina (1980), Almeida (2006), Araujo (2012), al?m da an?lise descritiva empreendida por dialet?logos do inicio do s?culo XX e de Veado (1982), entre outros. Observando que os estudos realizados com a tem?tica da concord?ncia verbal com P4 tomam, na maioria das vezes, como amostra o portugu?s brasileiro urbano ou apenas o estudo da altern?ncia pronominal (n?s/a gente), acredita-se que esta pesquisa torna-se relevante por ser um trabalho, de certa forma, in?dito, visto que investiga a fala rural e busca ver, especificamente, como a concord?ncia verbal se realiza com a primeira pessoa do plural nessa variedade. Tra?ou-se um estudo comparativo entre os falares das regi?es baianas: Rio de Contas e Jeremoabo que segundo a s?cio-hist?ria s?o formadas por negros (a comunidade de Barra/Bananal) e brancos (a comunidade de Mato Grosso), comunidades situadas do munic?pio de Rio de Contas; remanescentes de ?ndios na comunidade de Tapera, remanescentes de quilombolas na comunidade Casinhas; mesti?os e brancos na comunidade Lagoa do In?cio, comunidades essas situadas no munic?pio de Jeremoabo. Concluiu-se que a caracteriza??o do portugu?s popular do pa?s est? pautada na influ?ncia s?cio-hist?rica de cada comunidade escolhida. Deste modo, ? poss?vel afirmar que a concord?ncia verbal ? um fen?meno vari?vel na regi?o semi?rida baiana que tem ganhado tend?ncia ao uso da marca??o de plural nas formas verbais. Desse modo, utilizando-se o modelo te?rico-metodol?gico da Sociolingu?stica Variacionista constatou-se que o contato de etnias, tal como o isolamento de algumas delas, implicou em diferen?as lingu?sticas, de modo que n?o se pode desconsiderar que forma??o do portugu?s popular brasileiro tem suas ra?zes fincadas na variedade rural.

The variety of middle-class speakers in St. John’s conforms to some degree to mainland Canadian-English pronunciation norms, but in complex and distinctive ways (Clarke, 1985, 1991, 2010; D’Arcy, 2005; Hollett, 2006). One as yet unresolved question is whether speakers of this variety participate in the Canadian Shift (cf. Clarke, 2012; Chambers, 2012), a chain shift of the lax front vowels that has been confirmed for many different regions of Canada (e.g. Roeder and Gardner, 2013, for Thunder Bay and Toronto, Sadlier-Brown and Tamminga, 2008, for Halifax and Vancouver). While acoustic phonetic analyses of St. John’s English are rare, some claims have been made that urban St. John’s speakers do not participate in the shift, based on two or six speakers (Labov, Ash & Boberg, 2006; Boberg 2010). Other researchers with larger data sets suggest that younger St. John’s speakers participate in mainland Canadians innovations to different degrees than mainlanders (e.g. Hollett, 2006). The Canadian Shift has not been uniformly defined, but agreement exists that with the low-back merger in place, BATH/TRAP retracts and consequently DRESS lowers. Clarke et al. (1995), unlike Labov et al. (2006), assert that KIT is subsequently lowered. Boberg (2005, 2010), however, emphasizes retraction of KIT and DRESS and suggests unrelated parallel shifts instead. In this PhD thesis, I demonstrate the presence of the Canadian Shift in St. John’s, NL, conforming to Clarke et al.’s (1995) original proposal. In my stratified randomly-sampled data (approx. 10,000 vowels, 34 interviewees, stratified as to age, gender, socioeconomic status, and “local-ness”), results from Euclidean distance measures, correlation coefficients, and linear, as well as logistic, mixed-effects regression show that (1) young St. John’s speakers clearly participate in the shift; and that (2) age has the strongest and a linear effect. Continuous modeling of age yields even more significant results for participation in a classic chain shift (6% decrease in lowering per added year). My findings also confirm that the change seems to have entered the system via formal styles (cf. Clarke, 1991, 2010, for TRAP in St. John’s). Traditionally, the linguistic homogeneity on a phonetic level of the Canadian middle class has been explained by Canada’s settlement and migration patterns of the North American Loyalists from Ontario to the west (cf. Chambers, 2009). Newfoundland’s settlement is distinct, in that the British and the Irish were the only two relevant sources. If settlement were the only crucial reason for a shared pronunciation of Canada’s middle class from Vancouver to St. John’s, the Canadian Shift should be absent in the latter region. I suggest three reasons for middle-class St. John’s’ participation in the Canadian Shift: 1) Newfoundland’s 300-year-old rural-urban divide as a result of its isolation, through which British/Irish features are attributed to rural und lower social class speakers; 2) the development of the oil industry since the 1990’s, through which social networks changed according to the perception of social distance/closeness; and 3) the importance of the linguistic marketplace, which is high in St. John’s due to 1) and 2).

The variety of middle-class speakers in St. John’s conforms to some degree to mainland Canadian-English pronunciation norms, but in complex and distinctive ways (Clarke, 1985, 1991, 2010; D’Arcy, 2005; Hollett, 2006). One as yet unresolved question is whether speakers of this variety participate in the Canadian Shift (cf. Clarke, 2012; Chambers, 2012), a chain shift of the lax front vowels that has been confirmed for many different regions of Canada (e.g. Roeder and Gardner, 2013, for Thunder Bay and Toronto, Sadlier-Brown and Tamminga, 2008, for Halifax and Vancouver). While acoustic phonetic analyses of St. John’s English are rare, some claims have been made that urban St. John’s speakers do not participate in the shift, based on two or six speakers (Labov, Ash & Boberg, 2006; Boberg 2010). Other researchers with larger data sets suggest that younger St. John’s speakers participate in mainland Canadians innovations to different degrees than mainlanders (e.g. Hollett, 2006). The Canadian Shift has not been uniformly defined, but agreement exists that with the low-back merger in place, BATH/TRAP retracts and consequently DRESS lowers. Clarke et al. (1995), unlike Labov et al. (2006), assert that KIT is subsequently lowered. Boberg (2005, 2010), however, emphasizes retraction of KIT and DRESS and suggests unrelated parallel shifts instead. In this PhD thesis, I demonstrate the presence of the Canadian Shift in St. John’s, NL, conforming to Clarke et al.’s (1995) original proposal. In my stratified randomly-sampled data (approx. 10,000 vowels, 34 interviewees, stratified as to age, gender, socioeconomic status, and “local-ness”), results from Euclidean distance measures, correlation coefficients, and linear, as well as logistic, mixed-effects regression show that (1) young St. John’s speakers clearly participate in the shift; and that (2) age has the strongest and a linear effect. Continuous modeling of age yields even more significant results for participation in a classic chain shift (6% decrease in lowering per added year). My findings also confirm that the change seems to have entered the system via formal styles (cf. Clarke, 1991, 2010, for TRAP in St. John’s). Traditionally, the linguistic homogeneity on a phonetic level of the Canadian middle class has been explained by Canada’s settlement and migration patterns of the North American Loyalists from Ontario to the west (cf. Chambers, 2009). Newfoundland’s settlement is distinct, in that the British and the Irish were the only two relevant sources. If settlement were the only crucial reason for a shared pronunciation of Canada’s middle class from Vancouver to St. John’s, the Canadian Shift should be absent in the latter region. I suggest three reasons for middle-class St. John’s’ participation in the Canadian Shift: 1) Newfoundland’s 300-year-old rural-urban divide as a result of its isolation, through which British/Irish features are attributed to rural und lower social class speakers; 2) the development of the oil industry since the 1990’s, through which social networks changed according to the perception of social distance/closeness; and 3) the importance of the linguistic marketplace, which is high in St. John’s due to 1) and 2).:List of Tables viii List of Figures x 0 Prologue – Variationist Sociolinguistics 1 1 Introduction 27 2 English-speaking Canada and its Vowel Shifts 31 3 Newfoundland and its Englishes 77 4 Data and Methodology 107 5 Analysis and Discussion 243 6 Conclusion 363 Bibliography 375 Appendices 409 A Interview Questionnaire 409 B Normality Tests per Speaker and Age Group 423 C Vowel Plot of Median Formant Values 433 D Results for the Assumptions of T-tests 435 E Results from Decision Trees and Optimal Binning 439 F Results from Regression Analyses 449 G Résumé 457 H Deutsche Zusammenfassung der Dissertation 461 I Eidestattliche Erklärung zur Eigenständigkeit 469