The growing global awareness of sexual violence as a weapon of war has been accompanied by the strategic and pervasive inclusion of women’s personal stories of war rape. This representational strategy of Western media, academia and humanitarian policies was critically examined in order to understand how war raped women in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are discursively situated as “Other.” Drawing on the theoretical concepts of abjection and objection, the study did not question the truth of women’s experience but rather examined whether the pervasive inclusion of war rape stories constituted a true feminine subjectivity. A foucaldian notion of discourse provided a method to expose meaning and dominant discourses, which make certain identities and stories of war rape more visible than others. The purpose of this study was to critically engage with dominant Western discourses of war rape and provide a more complex understanding of how diverse power structures, identities and representational practices impact the struggle of Congolese women to open self-determined pathways of empowerment. A qualitative method of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) was used to examine the textual and visual processes of representation. Samples of text were taken from three main areas: media coverage (print, television, web based magazines, and films), feminist academic literature (journals, reports and books), and humanitarian policies (UN mission reports, Security Council resolution, mandates and reports). The results revealed that war rape victims, the DRC and acts of war rape were all positioned as “Other” and as a media spectacle that was further consumed by Western audiences. It was also found that certain war rape identities and social factors remained invisible, including the West’s complacency in the DRC conflict. Ultimately, the study finds a tension between discourse as a tool of liberation and a tool of power and control. This thesis recommends that anti rape activists must examine their own dominance over war rape victims and consider new strategies—beyond the simple act of storytelling—that will position rape victims as the subjects (not objects) of their own struggle to end war rape. / Thesis (Master, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2011-03-22 12:21:28.209

Thesis (M.A.)--Baylor University, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-69).

<p>In 1994, extremist Hutu rebels crossed into the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (Congo), then named Zaire, after committing genocide in their native Rwanda. Their violent presence destabilized the region and led to two wars in the Congo between 1996 to 2003 and continued violence that still plagues parts of the east, while instability remains widespread. For more than a decade, the conflict has seen civilians trapped in the middle and specifically, women and girls have found themselves under brutal attack as fighting factions employ sexual violence as a weapon in their battles. </p> <p>The widespread, systematic and vicious sexual violence against women and girls in the Congo is being perpetrated to serve a political purpose beyond individual objectives. Sexual violence has become an effective weapon used by the fighting forces as they compete for economic and political power through the control over land, resources, and the people that occupy the territory they seek. All women find themselves under attack, especially in the conflict-ridden east. All groups, including rebel forces and state agents such as the military and police, utilize sexual violence as a tool of destruction and terror against both the females they attack and the communities ripped apart by the stigma that accompanies the womens rapes. </p> <p>An examination of the specific reasons the groups commit strategic and systematic sexual assaults against women and girls, and of the contributing political and societal factors that create a climate where the abuse can occur without recourse, help to provide an understanding as to why sexual violence is being used as a political tool in the Congo. In addition, the ongoing political struggles, especially surrounding control over land, are rooted in a century of shifting political policies by divisive, oppressive and kleptocratic leadership that worked for themselves and left little for the population. It is this history that has led to an almost inevitable conflict that sees the destruction of women and girls through rape and other violent assaults on their being.</p>

<p>In 1994, extremist Hutu rebels crossed into the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (Congo), then named Zaire, after committing genocide in their native Rwanda. Their violent presence destabilized the region and led to two wars in the Congo between 1996 to 2003 and continued violence that still plagues parts of the east, while instability remains widespread. For more than a decade, the conflict has seen civilians trapped in the middle and specifically, women and girls have found themselves under brutal attack as fighting factions employ sexual violence as a weapon in their battles. </p> <p>The widespread, systematic and vicious sexual violence against women and girls in the Congo is being perpetrated to serve a political purpose beyond individual objectives. Sexual violence has become an effective weapon used by the fighting forces as they compete for economic and political power through the control over land, resources, and the people that occupy the territory they seek. All women find themselves under attack, especially in the conflict-ridden east. All groups, including rebel forces and state agents such as the military and police, utilize sexual violence as a tool of destruction and terror against both the females they attack and the communities ripped apart by the stigma that accompanies the womens rapes. </p> <p>An examination of the specific reasons the groups commit strategic and systematic sexual assaults against women and girls, and of the contributing political and societal factors that create a climate where the abuse can occur without recourse, help to provide an understanding as to why sexual violence is being used as a political tool in the Congo. In addition, the ongoing political struggles, especially surrounding control over land, are rooted in a century of shifting political policies by divisive, oppressive and kleptocratic leadership that worked for themselves and left little for the population. It is this history that has led to an almost inevitable conflict that sees the destruction of women and girls through rape and other violent assaults on their being.</p>

The following study seeks to explore the theme of what has become known as a serious security problem within the genderfield as well as the peace and development field, strategic rape as a weapon in war. More specifically, the essay analyses women's experiences of rape in the Bosnian war, in order to explore how big of a space is dedicated for these experiences to be expressed in the aftermath of war and in the process of building a nation. The empirical findings consist of stories told by women who have experienced rape during the war, available for the general public to find. With a theoretical framework consisting of a combination of feminist theories surrounding the gender order, the analysis seeks to focus on what power relations and different types of silences can be found in the stories told by war rape victims. The conclusion states that all of the power relations are based on the unequal relationship between the male and female, which influences the relationship between war rapevictims and war criminals, politicians and the victims surrounding. The silence brought to life by stigma transforms into various forms, the main ones referring to the war rapevictims and witih the politicial sphere.

This thesis aims to investigate the phenomenon of war rape in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in order to understand the dynamics, contextual realities and consequences of its perpetration. Practical and theoretical knowledge is generated which is relevant for health care interventions, humanitarian assistance and peace initiatives, that are cognizant of the actual needs of the affected populations. The study employed ethnographic methodology involving prolonged engagement with the field, participant observation, formal and informal interviews, keeping of field notes and the continuous practice of reflexivity. The four papers in this thesis represent formal interviews with participants from three distinct groups: local leaders (Paper I), ex-child soldier boys (Paper II) and women survivors of sexual violence (Paper III &amp; IV). Qualitative Content Analysis was used for the interview study with local leaders (Paper I). Findings from this study reveal how mass rape and the methods of perpetration create a chaos effectively destroying communities. The leaders draw attention to the fact that an exclusive focus on raped women misses other structural factors that contribute to war and sexual violence, factors such as the global political economy, international apathy, the stance of the church, effects of militarization, inappropriate aid and interpretations of gender roles. Through the theoretical lenses of militarised masculinity and gender based violence, interviews with ex-child soldier boys, seen as both victims of war as well as proxy perpetrators of sexual violence, were analyzed using thematic analysis. Findings revealed the systematic and violent construction of children into soldiers, inculcating a rigid set of stereotypical hyper-masculine behaviors promoting dominance by violating the subordinate “other”. These findings argue for a more complex, contextualized view of the perpetrator resulting from the ways society has (re)constructed gender, ethnicity and class. Papers III and IV reflect the interviews and narratives provided by women survivors. Guided by thematic analysis and a matrix of theories: Structural violence, Intersectionality and “new wars”; Paper III bears witness to the women’s expressions of their profound losses and dispossession as they struggle to survive stigmatization in the impoverished margins of the warzone, along with children born of rape. The perpetrator is cited here as well as by the leaders as predominantly Interhamwe. Payne’s Sites of Resilience model used in Paper IV situates stigmatized women survivors suffering in a global context as they navigate survival, demonstrating resilience in the margins through support from their faith in God, scarce health services, indigenous healing and strategic alliances. Findings suggest that collaborations of existing strengthened networks, ie: the church, healthcare and indigenous healers, could extend the reach of sustainable and holistic support services, positively effecting already identified sites of resilience. Findings draw attention to the challenges faced by public health in addressing mass trauma. Women’s raped bodies represent tangible material damage, embedded in a matrix of globalization processes and structural violence involving gender, ethnicity and class. This requires serious reflection.

Women’s rights and female security is a growing concern in several conflicts around the world. In Congo, conflict-related violence has long been used as weapon and Congo has today become known as the “rape capital” beacuse of these war rapes. Further more, reports from South Sudan states that UN troops has ignored pleas for help by women being raped. United Nation Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 was implemented by the UN Security Council to combat conflict-related violence and add a gender perspective in UN Peacekeeping operations.  The aim of this thesis is to analyze the impact of UNSCR 1325 by comparing UN Peacekeeping operations’ mandates and actions before and after the resolution was implemented. The thesis will also analyse the UN’s action to eliminate conflict-based sexual violence and war rape. The peacekeeping operations that will be discussed are MINURSO (West Sahara) MONUSCO (Congo) and UNMISS (South Sudan). In order to do so, the theory of Female Security Studies [FSS] and Militarized Masculinity will be applied. In our thesis, the UN’s actions were found to be insufficient. The main factors resulting in this insufficiency was found to be the systematic failure to take the actions needed to implement UNSCR 1325, such as the increasing the number of female involvement in peacekeeping and peacebuilding processes. In large, the impact of UNSCR 1325 could have been bigger if the resolution had been implemented more efficiently. While the written changes were significant with the implementation of the resolution, these changes were not as visible among the actual actions taken in the peacekeeping operations in West Sahara, Congo and South Sudan.

Conflicts have been present in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) for many decades. The demand for the country's natural resources in combination with unstable state power and the presence of armed groups are the reasons why sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) has continued to petrify the local communities. It is used as a systematic weapon to terrorize, humiliate, and intimidate civilians and to destroy communities and families. The aim of this study is thus to investigate the conditions for reproduction of SGBV in DRC as well as its individual and structural consequences. The results of this literature study are analyzed based on the following theoretical approaches: doing gender, toxic masculinity and “the established and the outsiders”. The study, with an integrative approach, shows that there are numerous consequences both for the women and the society, including for example fistulas, gunshot wounds, death, anxiety, depression, rejection, and stigmatization. The results also show that the efficiency depends, among other things, on how culturally integrated the sexual violence is and that it is allowed to reproduce due to gender norms. The violence has unifying effects on members of the armed groups where hypermasculine characteristics are rewarded. Overall, it can be stated that the situation is complex and SGBV is a destructive element in the conflict. The violence is a consequence of prevailing structures while contributing to their maintenance. The study therefore contributes with knowledge about the driving factors behind sexual violence in war and shows the importance of gender norms in its reproduction. / I östra Demokratiska republiken Kongo (DRK) har konflikter varit närvarande i många decennier. Konflikten om landets naturresurser, i kombination med en instabil statsmakt och närvaron av beväpnade grupper är anledningen till att användandet av sexuellt våld fortsatt lamslå lokalsamhällen. Det används som ett systematiskt vapen för att terrorisera, förödmjuka och skrämma civila och för att splittra samhällen och familjer. Syftet med studien är att förstå och förklara vilka faktorer som reproducerar brukandet av sexuellt våld som ett vapen i krig samt dess individuella och strukturella konsekvenser. Detta görs genom en litteraturstudie och resultaten analyseras utifrån följande teoretiska begrepp: att göra kön, toxisk maskulinitet samt etablerade och outsiders. Litteraturstudien, som har ett integrativt förhållningssätt, visar att det finns många konsekvenser både för kvinnor och samhället: fistlar, skottskador, död, ångest, depression, exkludering och stigmatisering är några exempel. Resultaten visar också att effektiviteten bland annat beror på att det sexuella våldet är djupt rotat i kulturen i DRK och reproduceras av rådande könsnormer. Våldet har förenande effekter på medlemmar av de beväpnade grupperna där hypermaskulina egenskaper premieras. Sammantaget kan det konstateras att situationen är komplex och det sexuella våldet är ett mycket destruktivt inslag i konflikten. Våldet är en konsekvens av rådande strukturer samtidigt som det bidrar till upprätthållandet av dem. Studien bidrar därför med kunskap om de drivande faktorerna bakom sexuellt våld i krig samt visar på könsnormers betydelse för reproduktionen av det.