Entre o período de 1801-1820, Portugal sofreu diversas agitações políticas causadas pelas Invasões Napoleônicas (1807-1813). Tais agitações influenciaram os rumos de Portugal enquanto um Estado pois além de repartir seu território com tropas napoleônicas, inglesas e espanholas que compunham as duas forças ocupantes e conflitantes, e causar uma divisão entre seus ideais e por conseguinte uma ruptura entre parte de seus cidadãos ora favoráveis aos franceses ora aos ingleses, mudou ainda a configuração administrativa interna e externa do Império Português, pois a Família Real e parte da Corte foram transferidos ao Rio de Janeiro. Como conseqüência em Portugal houve a Revolução Liberal de 1820, e em 1822 o Brasil deixa de ser colônia portuguesa para ter sua Independência proclamada. Foi nessa situação conturbada que Vicente José Ferreira Cardoso da Costa, um contemporâneo desses fatos, escreveu sua obra Considerações Políticas sobre a Revolução Portuguesa de 1808, que retrata essa época, e a Oclocracia que se estabeleceu em Portugal. / Between the years 1801-1820, Portugal suffered several political disturbances caused by the Napoleonic Wars (1807-1813). Such disturbances moved the directions of Portugal such as a State because the troops divided the territory full of french, british and spanish troops that served both conflicting sides, as well divided its citizens between two ideals (british and french), and at last changed the internal and external administrative setup, because the Royal Family and the Court left for Rio de Janeiro. As consequence to theses acts, there was a Liberal Revolution in Portugal 1820, and in 1822 Brazil declared independence. It was in this troubled situation that Vicente José Ferreira Cardoso da Costa a contemporary man of these facts wrote Considerações Políticas sobre a Revolução Portuguesa de 1808, that describes these time, and the Ochlocracy thats established in Portugal.

L'objet de cette thèse est d'étudier d'une part la place que tient la guerre dans l'œuvre de l'historien et philosophe italien Benedetto Croce (1866-1952), à la fois lorsqu'il étudie l'Histoire, notamment celle du XIXe siècle, et lorsqu'il réagit aux événements dont il est le contemporain : guerres d'Ethiopie de 1896 et 1935, de Libye de 1911-1912 et « pacification » dans les années vingt et trente, Première Guerre mondiale, Guerre d'Espagne, Seconde Guerre mondiale. La guerre est-elle parfois légitime ? Est-elle nécessaire à la construction et à l'affermissement de l'état italien ? Ou au contraire est-elle à éviter à tout prix ? Ces questions sont complexes car la guerre n'est pas l'apanage du fascisme, mais a déjà été l'un des caractères importants du régime libéral qui a précédé le fascisme en Italie. Ce travail de recherche porte également sur la pensée et l'action de Benedetto Croce en ce qui concerne le maintien puis la réinstauration de la paix, notamment après les deux guerres mondiales, et son engagement pro-européen. L'étude s'est appuyée sur le croisement entre les œuvres de Benedetto Croce et les documents contenus dans les Archives d'Etat à Rome, comme les dossiers de la Police Politique fasciste qui a surveillé Croce pendant des décennies à cause de son engagement antifasciste. / The purpose of this thesis is first to study the part that war plays in the works of the Italian historian and philosopher, Benedetto Croce (1866-1952), when he studies History -in particular that of the 19th century- as well as when he reacts to the events of which he is a contemporary: wars in Ethiopia in 1896 and 1935, in Libya in 1911- 1912 and “pacification” in the nineteen twenties and thirties, First World War, Spanish War, Second World War. Is war sometimes legitimate? Is it necessary to the construction and strengthening of the Italian State? Or on the contrary is it to be avoided at all costs? These are complex questions, for war is not the prerogative of fascism but has already been one of the important characteristics of the liberal regime that preceded fascism in Italy. This research is also focused on the thought and action of Benedetto Croce concerning peace maintaining and then restoring, in particular after both world wars, and his commitment to Europe. The study is based upon the interplay of Benedetto Croce’s works and the documents found in the State Archives in Rome, like the files of the fascist political police who watched Croce during decades because of his anti-fascist commitment.

Song of Ice and Fire is unarguably one of the most popular fantasy series of all time. Notwithstanding its success, the series has only recently begun to be analyzed critically. George R.R. Martin’s books are often celebrated for breaking many of the tropes common in fantasy literature. Despite this, the series is nonetheless a product of a genre that has been shaped by white, male authors. Using such prominent postcolonial scholars as Edward Said, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Homi Bhabha, and Albert Memmi, I analyze the five published books of Martin’s series. I argue that although Martin seems to be aware of the theoretical background of postcolonial studies and attempts to present a story sensitive to issues of colonization, the book series fails to present a Western representation of the East outside of orientalist stereotypes and narratives that reinforce imperialism. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2016. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-08-15T12:20:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Luiz Magalhães Taam.pdf: 3859925 bytes, checksum: 4b41639ab4c48ab9be1f475a5687304b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-15T12:20:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Luiz Magalhães Taam.pdf: 3859925 bytes, checksum: 4b41639ab4c48ab9be1f475a5687304b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-06-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / In the preset work, we discuss Dmitry Shostakovich’s Seventh Symphony, henceforth called the Seventh. The Seventh is and was object of political interpretations throughout all of its existence, but our research question is that all of past interpretations fail to acknowledge politics as having both a micro and macropolitical dimensions, the later having to do with party, identity and representational politics and the former with subjectivity and becomings. Historically, all of the Seventh’s reception was marked by identity and representation (“invasion theme”, “proregime”, “anti-communist”, revisionism and anti-revisionism), but the present dissertation is the first work which raises the hypothesis of the Seventh having a revolutionary power (potentia) in the micropolitical field. Since we are dealing with a political question within a musical work, our corpus is a combination of the musical text, Shostakovich’s repercussion in musicology post-1979 (the so-called Shostakovich Wars) and a theoretical framework composed by Suely Rolnik’s micropolitical theory (which unfolds in psychoanalisys, philosophy and semiotics) and Deleuze and Guattari’s philosophy. In A Thousand Plateaus, Deleuze and Guattari deal with two aspects of the State-form: the war machine and the State apparatus. These two aspects work as two poles: in the State apparatus pole there are the identity politics, the representation systems (both political and semiotic), and the signifying semiotics or semiologies. In the war machine pole there are the a-signifying semiotics, the micropolitics, the non-hegemonic ways of life (genres de vie) or non-hegemonic modes of existence, the revolutionary-becomings and all there is that is fresh and has not yet been captured by the State apparatus. By going through this theoretical path, always in dialogue with Shostakovich’s life and work, we arrive at the conclusion that, both in the aesthetic and musical qualities of the Seventh and in its micropolitical dimension, as well as the composer’s mode of being, we find the behavior of a war machine / O objeto do presente trabalho é a Sinfonia em Dó Maior Nº7 Op.60 de Dmitri Shostakovich, chamada doravante de Sétima. Nossa questão de pesquisa é que a Sétima foi alvo de interpretações políticas por toda a sua vida, no entanto, uma falha nessas abordagens: nenhuma delas entende a política como tendo uma dimensão macro e uma micro, aquela se referindo a partidos, representações e identidades e esta a subjetividades e devires. Historicamente, toda a sua recepção foi marcada por representações e identidades (“tema da invasão”, “pró-regime”, “anticomunista”, revisionistas e antirrevisionistas), mas este é o primeiro trabalho que levanta a hipótese da existência de uma potência revolucionária da Sétima no campo micropolítico. Trata-se de uma questão política dentro de uma obra musical. Para desenvolvê-la, temos como corpus o texto musical e a sua repercussão musicológica de Shostakovich pós-1979 (as chamadas “Shostakovich Wars”) e, como referenciais teóricos, a teoria micropolítica de Suely Rolnik (que se desdobra em psicanálise, filosofia e semiótica) e a filosofia de Gilles Deleuze e Félix Guattari. Em Mil Platôs, Deleuze e Guattari tratam de dois aspectos da forma-Estado: a máquina de guerra e o aparelho de estado. No pólo do aparelho de estado encontramos as políticas identitárias e os sistemas de representação, as semióticas significantes ou semiologias. No pólo da máquina de guerra encontram-se as semióticas assignificantes, as micropolíticas, os modos de existência ou de vida não-hegemônicos, os devires-revolucionários, aquilo que há de fresco e que ainda não foi capturado pelo aparelho do estado. Trilhando esse caminho teórico, sempre em diálogo com a obra e o autor, podemos arriscar nossas conclusões. A conclusão a que chegamos é que, tanto nas qualidades estéticas e musicais da Sétima quanto na dimensão micropolítica da obra e do modo de vida de Shostakovich, observa-se o comportamento de uma máquina de guerra

Entre o período de 1801-1820, Portugal sofreu diversas agitações políticas causadas pelas Invasões Napoleônicas (1807-1813). Tais agitações influenciaram os rumos de Portugal enquanto um Estado pois além de repartir seu território com tropas napoleônicas, inglesas e espanholas que compunham as duas forças ocupantes e conflitantes, e causar uma divisão entre seus ideais e por conseguinte uma ruptura entre parte de seus cidadãos ora favoráveis aos franceses ora aos ingleses, mudou ainda a configuração administrativa interna e externa do Império Português, pois a Família Real e parte da Corte foram transferidos ao Rio de Janeiro. Como conseqüência em Portugal houve a Revolução Liberal de 1820, e em 1822 o Brasil deixa de ser colônia portuguesa para ter sua Independência proclamada. Foi nessa situação conturbada que Vicente José Ferreira Cardoso da Costa, um contemporâneo desses fatos, escreveu sua obra Considerações Políticas sobre a Revolução Portuguesa de 1808, que retrata essa época, e a Oclocracia que se estabeleceu em Portugal. / Between the years 1801-1820, Portugal suffered several political disturbances caused by the Napoleonic Wars (1807-1813). Such disturbances moved the directions of Portugal such as a State because the troops divided the territory full of french, british and spanish troops that served both conflicting sides, as well divided its citizens between two ideals (british and french), and at last changed the internal and external administrative setup, because the Royal Family and the Court left for Rio de Janeiro. As consequence to theses acts, there was a Liberal Revolution in Portugal 1820, and in 1822 Brazil declared independence. It was in this troubled situation that Vicente José Ferreira Cardoso da Costa a contemporary man of these facts wrote Considerações Políticas sobre a Revolução Portuguesa de 1808, that describes these time, and the Ochlocracy thats established in Portugal.

Les guerres civiles des dernières décennies de la République, de 49 à 30 avant J.-C., mettent en avant le savoir faire des élites romaines dans la conduite des opérations militaires, éclairent les limites et précipitent les transformations de l’outil militaire et des pratiques guerrières.À partir des effectifs comptabilisés et des besoins ensuite estimés, il apparaît que le ravitaillement sur le terrain ne constitue qu’un complément occasionnel et conjoncturel à un approvisionnement depuis l’arrière.À l’échelle stratégique, la mobilisation des ressources de l’Empire romain connaît alors une ampleur sans précédent. Aucune province n’est épargnée. Le partage du monde romain entre l’Occident et l’Orient, modifie les schémas habituels de mobilisation des ressources et sollicite des régions récemment intégrées au monde romain dans de nouveaux réseaux logistiques. L’ampleur et la nature des besoins des effectifs engagés vont nécessiter des bases stratégiques étendues et faire du transport maritime un axe essentiel des systèmes logistiques.À l’échelle opérationnelle, les infrastructures indispensables pour supporter le réseau logistique réduisent les choix possibles pour l’établissement des bases arrières. Les armées romaines ne bénéficient visiblement pas de structures déjà constituées à cet effet.Enfin, l’acquisition des fournitures et le financement de la logistique nécessitent des bouleversements fiscaux, parfois accompagnés d’exactions et du pillage des ressources provinciales, en raison de l’absence d’une fiscalité efficace. Ces conflits mettent en lumière la perte de pouvoir du Sénat au profit d’imperatores autonomes et indépendants, jusqu’à la confiscation définitive du pouvoir par l’un d’entre eux. / The civil wars that took place during the last decades of the Roman Republic (49-30 B.C.) reveal the expertise of Roman elites in the art of war, along with its limits, and accelerate the transformations of the military tool and Roman warfare.After the manpower and needs of the Roman armies estimation, living off the land doesn’t seem to have been more than an occasional mean of supply, supplemented by a more effective logistical support from the rear.The resources of the Roman Empire are mobilized at an unprecedented scale, sparing no province, as the split of the Roman world between western and eastern sides transforms the usual patterns of logistical mobilization. Recently conquered provinces are therefore added to newly raised logistical systems in the Eastern Mediterranean. The maritime transportation plays a central role, as the amount of the supplies needed requires large strategic bases across the Mediterranean sea.The infrastructures needed to support the logistical network at an operational scale are rare among the Mediterranean cities and restrain the choice of operational bases. The Roman armies can obviously not rely on previous established military structures.Finally, the Roman tax system has to go through deep changes to face the financial needs of the logistical system, along with plunder and spoil. The Senate loses its power during the civil wars to the benefit of independent imperatores, until Octavian’s final rise to supreme power.

Ce travail se propose de définir la représentation de la Grèce chez dix voyageurs français qui visitent le pays entre 1947, fin de la guerre civile grecque, et 1967, début de la dictature des Colonels. Le corpus est constitué des écrivains suivants : Jacques Lacarrière, Robert Levesque, Jean Cau, Jean Cocteau, Roger Milliex, Michel Butor, André Malraux, Michel Déon, Jacques Chardonne et Thierry Maulnier. Tous partent avec une solide culture classique et une image stéréotypée de la Grèce, qu’ils ont à confronter avec la réalité. Les traces des guerres, des guerres balkaniques aux guerres civiles, sont très visibles, notamment dans les villes et la misère de la population est très sensible. Pourtant, les voyageurs français sont tous à la recherche des stéréotypes véhiculés en Europe. S’ils ne sont pas déçus par les paysages grecs, ils ont de la peine à retrouver les Grecs dans les Grecs. Ils se font l’écho des théories élaborées ou reprises au XIXème siècle, selon lesquelles les Grecs n’ont plus rien de commun avec les Grecs de l’Antiquité ou qu’ils sont dégénérés. Pourtant chacun fait des efforts parfois vains, pour trouver une continuité dans la Grèce, en confrontant types humains contemporains, moeurs et coutumes, voire langue, aux réalités correspondantes antiques. L’élément religieux, dont ils n’ignorent pas qu’il constitue une rupture, est analysé en terme de syncrétisme, ou clairement rattaché à Byzance, considérée comme une étape de l’histoire de la Grèce. Mais il ressort de l’ensemble des textes, plus ou moins explicitement, que les véritables héritiers de la Grèce antique sont les Européens, auprès desquels les Grecs peuvent réapprendre à être ce qu’ils étaient autrefois. / The present research work suggests to delineate Greece through the delicacy of ten French travelers who visit the country between 1947, the end of the Greek civil war, and 1967, the beginning of the military dictatorship. The corpus comprises the undermentioned authors: Jacques Lacarrière, Robert Levesque, Jean Cau, Jean Cocteau, Roger Milliex, Michel Butor, André Malraux, Michel Déon, Jacques Chardonne et Thierry Maulnier. All of them set out accompanied with a solid classical culture and a conventional concept of Greece, which requires the contrast with the « real world ». The traces of the warfare, from the Balkan wars to the civil wars, are evident, notably in the towns where the population is visibly poverty-stricken. Nevertheless, the French travelers are searching for the European conveyed stereotypes. Although they are not disappointed by the Greek landscape, they hardly recognize the Greek people. They echo the 19th century elaborate or resumed theories according to which the Greeks have nothing in common any more with the Ancient Greeks or rather they have degenerated. However, each one of them endeavors vainly at times to find continuity with Greece by comparing contemporary human types, modus vivendi and customs even the language, with corresponding ancient situations. The religious element, of which they are conscious that it constitutes a splitting component, is analyzed in terms of syncretism, or it is intelligibly associated with Byzantium and considered to be an important stage in the history of Greece. All the same, it stands out from the entire written work of art, more or less explicitly, that the real inheritors of Ancient Greece are the Europeans, to the side of whom, the Greeks can learn anew how to become the people they used to be.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:22:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriana Francisca Souza Pena.pdf: 915057 bytes, checksum: 307687ff81bf78819a09c40ee9083859 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-01 / The present work has the aims to bring to light evidences that the relationship between the dominant nation-states, dominated nation-states and human rights is today presented in a distorted way: the sovereign entity that was created to protect the interests of nations, in practice, when acts, does so as an agent of coercion. The situation is that we live in a state of emergency, a state of war in which the military and economic power dominates the world of fear. Using the writings of Walter Benjamin and his notion of Erfahrung (crossing) as well as the critique of mythologem of sovereignty and social contract theory we intend to show the need for behavioral change through education for peace with the aim of forming a culture of peace and not an institutional program that will regulate the war, as occurred with the production of peace treaties and institutions created from them, especially in the period of World War II / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo trazer à luz a evidência de que a relação entre estados-nações dominantes, estados-nações dominados e os direitos humanos está, hoje, apresentada de forma distorcida: o ente soberano que surgiu para tutelar os interesses das nações, na prática, quando atua, o faz como agente de coação. A constatação é a de que vivemos num estado de exceção, num estado de guerra, no qual o poder bélico e econômico domina o mundo do medo. Utilizando o pensamento de Walter Benjamin e a sua noção de Erfahrung (travessia), bem como a crítica ao mitologema da soberania e à teoria do contrato social pretendemos mostrar a necessidade de uma mudança comportamental por meio da educação para a paz, com o objetivo de formar uma cultura para paz e não um programa institucional que normatize a guerra, como ocorreu com a produção dos tratados de paz e as instituições a partir deles criadas, em especial, no período da segunda guerra mundial

L’Afrique centrale a été marquée par une longue guerre de Trente Ans, des années 1880 aux années 1900, lorsque s’est imposé dans la région l’État indépendant du Congo, propriété privée du Roi des Belges, Léopold II. Cette thèse a pour objectif d’étudier les violences armées à l’œuvre au Congo à la fin du XIXe siècle en s’intéressant à l’expérience des combattants européens partis faire la conquête – les « conquistadors ». Elle se fonde sur l’utilisation d’archives privées (carnets, lettres, souvenirs) mais aussi étatiques (commission d’enquête) ainsi que sur une série d’images produites par ces hommes (dessins, photographies) : ces sources ont permis de brosser une histoire sociale, depuis le départ de ces hommes vers le Congo jusqu’à leur retour en Europe. L’analyse de leurs représentations et de leurs pratiques durant la conquête coloniale révèle l’importance de leur rapport à la nature et à la faune sauvage. Fervents chasseurs, ils définissent les espaces naturels et les populations comme autant d’exemples de la sauvagerie africaine qu’il faut domestiquer et dominer. Cette thèse démontre les liens puissants établis par ces hommes entre la chasse et la guerre de conquête. Aidés par une armée coloniale puissante, la Force Publique, bien armés et se représentant comme des chefs puissants, ces militaires européens développent des pratiques et des gestuelles cynégétiques dont l’objectif est de soumettre les populations, les contraindre au travail forcé et mettre la main sur les chefs rebelles. Cette thèse met notamment en avant le rôle de ce modèle cynégétique dans les guerres du caoutchouc menées par l’État indépendant du Congo et les compagnies privées, et montre l’importance des trophées dans cette expérience combattante. Les liens entre chasse et guerre se retrouvent à leur retour en Europe par l’exhibition d’objets africains et de trophées animaux. / Central Africa has been characterized by a very long thirty years war from the 1880s to the 1900s as the Congo Free State, the private property of the King of the Belgians Leopold II, was built up in the region. This thesis aims at analysing armed violence and conflicts occurring in the Congo area at the end of the 19th Century and studying war experiences of European soldiers involved in the colonial conquest – also named “conquistadors”. This research is based on a various sources such as private archives (letters, memoirs, notebooks), state archives (commission of inquiry) and iconographic material (drawings, photographs), embracing a large social history of those soldiers from their departure to the Congo to their return in Europe. The analysis of their representations and practices during the colonial conquest period reveals one key element, i.e. the importance of their relationship to nature and wildlife. As fierce hunters they define the natural world and populations as many examples of savagery that need to be domesticated and controlled. Thus this research showcases the strong links established by those men between hunting and war of conquest. Those European soldiers think of themselves as powerful chiefs, well armed and helped by a mighty colonial army, the Force Publique. They have developed hunting gestures and practices that helped them to submit indigenous peoples and impose forced labour. This thesis especially argues that such hunting model is very significant in the rubber wars that were led by the Congo Free State and private companies; it also shows the importance of trophies in colonial war experiences. The links between hunting and war are finally well-exemplified back in Europe when those soldiers displayed African items and animal trophies.

The focus of this study was the organizational working environment and existing partisanship evident in the United States Congress. There has been a reduction in the number of laws passed over the last 30 years from a high of over 1,000 to a low of around 120, with a period of complete government shutdown in 2013. This qualitative research utilized qualitative content analysis to discover the nature of partisan conflict as demonstrated by 6 members of Congress. The conceptual framework for this study was moral foundations theory. Different moral principles held by Democrats and Republicans were studied as a possible explanation for the inability of one end of the political spectrum to identify with, work with, and comprehend the belief systems of the other. Archival video data for each participant was viewed on C-Span and related transcripts were analyzed using qualitative content analysis. Emerging themes were then inductively coded in order to understand the nature of the partisan conflict in Congress. Results demonstrate that Republicans and Democrats rely on different sets of moral foundations and that there is limited crossover between those who occupy the extreme ends of the ideological continuum. This lack of crossover essentially leads members with differing ideology and moral foundations to not comprehend the moral message of their opponents. With this knowledge, political strategists can help to develop communication and political approaches that take into consideration the moral foundations of ideological opponents. Social change implications include improved understanding of the ideological stance of members of the opposing party and improved working relationships in Congress, resulting in an organizational working environment that is less conflicted.