The period spanning from the late 1850s to the mid-1860s frames a historical moment in Victorian England when lactation and breastfeeding came under intense public scrutiny in both medical and creative writing. While popular domestic author Isabella Beeton wrote on the dangers that an unwary mother’s milk represented for her child and herself in her serial publication, Mrs. Beeton’s Book of Household Management (1859-1861), prominent physicians C.H.F. Routh and William Acton launched a public dispute in medical journals contesting the physiological and moral dangers that the fallen wet nurse posed for the middle-class household (1859). Meanwhile, the medical community catalogued the bizarre long-term physical and dispositional side-effects of an infant’s consumption of “bad milk” – among them, syphilis, swearing, sexual immorality, and death (Matus 161-162). But it is not only medical writers who were latching on to the breastfeeding debate as a means of voicing social and political concerns of the day; recent literary critics have gestured towards the troubling manifestations of lactation in popular mid-century novels like Charles Dickens’s Dombey and Son (1848) and George Eliot’s Adam Bede (1859) as entry points into Victorian anxieties about classed and gendered embodiment. This project stipulates that the mid-century preoccupation with managing women’s milk represents an intersection of two overlapping cultural paradigms pertaining to female expression: a cultural devaluation of female physiological expression as unconscious if not dangerous leakage, and a deprecation of female linguistic and poetic expression as an analogously unmeditated and potentially disruptive kind of communication. Mid-century manuals, articles, and novels offered public voice to a number of existing anxieties surrounding breastfeeding which accompanied the mid-nineteenth century, a historical moment at the cusp of a waning popularity in wet nursing and at the advent and rise of patented infant formula. This project stipulates that at least three female poets of the mid-nineteenth century employ lactation imagery in their works as a means of recasting a cultural devaluation of female expression – inventing a new critical terminology of feminine poetic signifiers that uses the symbolic medium of breastmilk as its ink. Informed by the medical and cultural context of the High Victorian age, I explore how poets Elizabeth Barrett Browning (1806-1861), Christina Rossetti (1830-1894), and Augusta Webster (1837-1894) not only participate in the preoccupation with unstable bodies and fluids, but capitalize on female leakage in an elaborate rhetorical strategy that embarks on a new embodied female poetics. Barrett Browning’s Aurora Leigh, Rossetti’s “Goblin Market,” and Webster’s Mother and Daughter all enlist the lactating and feeding breast in a series of elaborate metaphors of female identity construction, literary expression, and poetic voice.

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This dissertation argues that in Renaissance discourses of the body the body is progressively evacuated of the spirit, as we move from texts of the late Medieval period to texts of the Jacobean period. Where New Historicists have suggested that the practice of “self-fashioning,” which dictates behaviour, speech and dress, takes place in the Renaissance, I argue that there was a material self-fashioning of the body occurring simultaneously. Such corporeal fashioning, motivated by desire for physical improvement, frustrates the extent to which the soul shapes the body. My Introduction lays theoretical and historical groundwork, situating the body/soul relationship in relation to Christian theology, Senecan-Stoicism, Epicureanism and philosophical materialism. Discourses of artistic creation, informed by neo-Platonism, also influence corporeal fashioning in that the most radical bodily modifications are imagined through literature, where artificers are often privileged as creators. Chapter One examines “The Miracle of the Black Leg,” a transplant, by the doctor-Saints Cosmas and Damian, of a Moor’s black leg to a white Sacristan, whose gangrenous leg is amputated. In written and pictorial representations Cosmas and Damian, initially figured as Saints, are later presented as doctors who perform a medical procedure. Alongside the doctors’ increasing agency, the black leg itself, inflected by Renaissance notions of Moors and Moorishness, troubles the soul’s immanence in the body. Chapter Two examines Elizabeth I’s practices of bodily fashioning through her wigs, dentures and cosmetics. I argue that Elizabeth’s symbolic value, which includes components of monarchical rule, as well as attitudes toward female beauty, is always already pre-empted by her body. In Book III of The Faerie Queene, moreover, Edmund Spenser writes an alternative history of England through Britomart’s body to provide an heir to Elizabeth’s otherwise heirless throne. Chapters Three and Four perform close readings of Book II of The Faerie Queene, Thomas Tomkis’s Lingua, Thomas Middleton’s The Maiden’s Tragedy and Revenger’s Tragedy, and John Webster’s The Duchess of Malfi. I argue that both the allegorical and theatrical modes demand a level of materialism that paradoxically makes the body the centre of attention, and anticipates Cartesian mechanistic dualism. / Thesis (Ph.D, English) -- Queen's University, 2008-09-25 22:59:31.67

Concentrating on six plays in the 1610s, this thesis explores the ways theatrical visual effects described as “strange” channel the period’s moral anxieties about rhetoric, technology, and scepticism. It contributes to debates in repertory studies, textual and material culture, intellectual history, theatre history, and to recent revisionist considerations of spectacle. I argue that “strange” spectacle has its roots in the materialisation of morality: the presentation of moral ideas not as abstract concepts but in physical things. The first part of my PhD is a detailed study of early modern moral philosophy, scepticism, and material and textual culture. The second part of my thesis concentrates on Shakespeare’s Cymbeline (1609-10) and The Tempest (1611), John Webster’s The White Devil (1612), and Thomas Heywood’s first three Age plays (1611-13). These spectacular plays are all written and performed within the years 1610-13, a period in which the changes, challenges, and developments in both stage technology and moral philosophy are at their peak. I set these plays in the context of the wider historical moment, showing that the idiosyncrasy of their “strange” stagecraft reflects the period’s interest in materialisation and its attendant moral anxieties. This thesis implicitly challenges some of the conclusions of repertory studies, which sometimes threatens to hierarchise early modern theatre companies by seeing repertories as indications of audience taste and making too strong a divide between, say, “elite” indoor and “citizen” outdoor playhouses. It is also aligned with recent revisionist considerations of spectacle, and I elide divisions in criticism between interest in original performance conditions, close textual analysis, or historical-contextual readings. I present “strangeness” as a model for appreciating the distinct aesthetic of these plays, by reading them as part of their cultural milieu and the material conditions of their original performance.

When the famous African-American actor and singer Paul Robeson played the lead in Shakespeare's Othello in London in 1930, tickets were in high demand during the production's first week. The critical response, however, was less positive, although the reviews unanimously praised his bass-baritone delivery. When Robeson again played Othello on Broadway thirteen years later, critics praised not only his voice but also his acting, the drama running for 296 performances. My argument concerning Robeson uses elements first noted by Henri Lefebvre in his seminal work, The Production of Space, while I also draw on Paul Connerton's work on commemorative practices. Using spatial and memorial theories as a backdrop for examining his two portrayals, I suggest that Robeson's nascent geopolitical awareness following the 1930 production, combined with his already celebrated musical voice, allowed him to perform the role more dramatically in 1943.

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This study examines the major works of Judith Sargent Murray, Hannah Webster Foster, and Susanna Haswell Rowson, three major writers of the 1790s whose writing responds to the ideologies of the early American Republic. I suggest that Murray, Foster, and Rowson write conduct fiction which responds to the changing attitudes toward women and education after the American Revolution. Using fiction, these authors comment on the republican woman, the need for women’s education, and the necessity for women to gather in communities for support. Despite the prevailing notion that reading too many novels would corrupt young women, Judith Sargent Murray’s novella, The Story of Margaretta (1786), Hannah Webster Foster’s novels, The Coquette (1797) and The Boarding School (1798), and Susanna Rowson’s novels, Charlotte Temple (1794) and Reuben and Rachel; or, Tales of Old Times (1798), were some of the most popular books in the late eighteenth century. If these novels were not meant to be read by young women, who were the authors’ primary audience, why were they so popular? This project situates these questions in the political environment the authors were writing in to show that a relationship exists between what women were reading and how authors of conduct fiction helped facilitate the changing roles of women in the early Republic

L’actualité de l’affaire de la Caroline en droit international public.<p>La doctrine de la légitime défense préventive en procès.<p><p><p>La principale préoccupation au centre de cette recherche a consisté à trancher la controverse qui divise les spécialistes au sujet de la légalité de la doctrine de la légitime défense préventive, spécialement du point de vue du système juridique international institué au lendemain de la deuxième Guerre mondiale. La doctrine en cause préconise clairement qu’un gouvernement d’un Etat, qui éprouverait des craintes ou des soupçons d’une menace d’attaque contre son intégrité territoriale, et dans une certaine mesure, ses intérêts éparpillés à travers le monde, serait autorisé à frapper militairement l’Etat dont le territoire est susceptible de constituer le point de départ de telles menaces :soit, parce qu’un tel Etat détient les armes de destruction massive, notamment l’arme nucléaire et les armes chimiques ;ou soit parce qu’il hébergerait des bandes hostiles, en l’occurrence, les groupes terroristes, à l’origine de ses craintes. Les partisans de cette thèse soutiennent qu’il s’agit là d’une norme de nature coutumière élaborée à l’issue du règlement de l’affaire de la Caroline survenue en 1837, entre la Grande Bretagne et les Etats-Unis d’Amérique. <p><p>En effet, un petit navire battant pavillon américain, dénommé la Caroline, avait l’habitude d’effectuer des navettes entre les territoires de Buffalo, aux Etats-Unis, et Navy Island, au Canada. Et dans cet ordre d’idées, il entama comme à l’accoutumée, la traversée du fleuve Niagara en embarquant à son bord des passagers, vers le Canada, en date du 29 décembre 1837. Mais il fut, dans ce contexte, accusé de transporter des rebelles qui étaient sur le point d’envahir le territoire canadien. C’est ainsi qu’à l’issue de ses voyages opérés durant la journée du 29 décembre 1837, alors qu’il se trouvait déjà accosté dans un port situé dans les eaux intérieures américaines, une intervention armée, décidée par le gouvernement anglais, avait eu lieu sur le territoire des Etats-Unis durant cette nuit là. Elle s’est soldée par la destruction de nombreux biens américains, dont le navire en question, qui fut au final coulé dans le fleuve Niagara. <p><p>Cet incident va du coup provoquer une grande controverse diplomatique entre les deux Etats précités. La Grande-Bretagne prétendit notamment que ce navire était engagé dans des opérations pirates, et que par ailleurs, sa destruction par ses forces armées relevait de l’exercice du droit d’autoconservation et de légitime défense. Mais au termes de nombreux rebondissements, le Secrétaire d’Etat américain, du nom de Daniel Webster, adressa en date du 24 avril 1841, une note diplomatique à l’Ambassadeur britannique basé à Washington, M. Henry Fox, dans laquelle il contestait l’ensemble de motifs avancés par la Grande-Bretagne, mais en insistant spécialement sur le fait que la destruction de la Caroline, aurait été acceptée comme relevant de la légitime défense, si et seulement si, les forces britanniques ayant agi militairement au cours de cette nuit là étaient en présence « d’une situation de nécessité absolue de légitime défense, pressante, écrasante, ne permettant pas le choix des moyens, et ne laissant pas de temps pour délibérer ». Un consensus de principe se serait donc, semble-t-il, formé autour de ce dictum, mais non de son application aux faits d’espèce. <p><p>C’est en prenant en compte les considérations historiques qui précèdent que beaucoup d’auteurs, essentiellement anglo-saxons, se permettent d’affirmer que l’affaire de la Caroline est un précédent fondateur de la légitime défense en droit international public. Et dans cette même optique, considérant par ailleurs que la singularité de cette note consiste dans le fait de subordonner la validité de telles actions armées anticipatives, à l’existence d’une menace imminente d’attaque du territoire canadien par des insurgés, la célèbre formule de Webster précitée aurait également consacré de ce fait même, la doctrine de la légitime défense préventive en droit international coutumier.<p><p>Notre hypothèse de travail est simple. En effet, nous partons du point de vue selon lequel, le raisonnement des partisans de la doctrine de la légitime défense préventive, fondée spécialement sur le précédent de la Caroline, soulève de vrais problèmes d’équilibre et de cohérence du système international élaboré après la deuxième Guerre mondiale, dans la mesure où, il aboutit dans ses applications, à cautionner, au sujet de l’interdiction de la force, l’existence d’un ordre juridique ambivalent. Autrement dit, si l’on transpose les enseignements tirés de l’affaire de la Caroline, dans le droit international positif, on aurait immanquablement, d’un côté, un régime conventionnel restrictif de la Charte, qui limite la possibilité de riposter militairement à la seule condition où un Etat a déjà effectivement subi une attaque armée. Tandis que de l’autre côté, on aurait parallèlement un régime coutumier plus permissif, qui laisserait à l’Etat un pouvoir discrétionnaire d’appréciation des circonstances de temps et de lieux, dans lesquelles il peut se permettre de frapper militairement un autre Etat, en invoquant la légitime défense.<p><p>Le travail de déconstruction auquel nous avons procédé pendant nos recherches, nous a amené à constater, au bout de cette thèse, que tous les arguments qui sont généralement invoqués par les partisans du précédent de la Caroline présentent des limites et des excès, dans leur prétention à fonder juridiquement, une règle de légitime défense préventive en droit international public, et du coup, ils doivent être relativisés dans leur teneur respective. Pour cette raison, nous soutenons en ce qui nous concerne l’hypothèse selon laquelle, le droit international public en vigueur, ne permet pas encore en son état actuel, l’extension du champ opératoire du concept de légitime défense, tel que stipulé à l’article 51 de la Charte, de manière à justifier l’emploi de la force dans les rapports entre les Etats, en cas d’une simple menace, peu importe son intensité et sa nature, tant qu’il n’y a pas encore eu véritablement une attaque armée de la part de l’Etat envers qui on agit militairement. En conséquence, la tentative doctrinale qui consiste à justifier l’existence d’une règle coutumière, autorisant la légitime défense préventive, en se fondant sur l’autorité de l’affaire de la Caroline, procède en quelque sorte d’un malentendu doublé d’un anachronisme évident. <p><p><p><p>Bruxelles, le mardi 6 mai 2008<p>Ivon Mingashang / Doctorat en droit / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis looks at occurrences of "living death" – a liminal state that exists between life and death, and which may be approached from either side – in early modern English drama. Today, reference to the living dead brings to mind zombies and their ilk, creatures which entered the English language and imagination centuries after the time of the great early modern playwrights. Yet, I argue, many post-Reformation writers were imagining states between life and death in ways more complex than existing critical discussions of “ghosts” have tended to perceive. My approach to the subject is broadly historicist, but informed throughout by ideas of stagecraft and performance. In addition to presenting fresh interpretations of well-known plays such as Thomas Middleton’s The Maiden’s Tragedy (1611) and John Webster’s The White Devil (1612), I also endeavour to shed new light on various non-canon works such as the anonymous The Tragedy of Locrine (c.1591), John Marston's Antonio's Revenge (c.1602), and Anthony Munday's mayoral pageants Chruso-thriambos (1611) and Chrysanaleia (1616), works which have received little in the way of serious scholarly attention or, in the case of Antonio's Revenge, been much maligned by critics. These dramatic works depict a whole host of the living dead, including not only ghosts and spirits but also resurrected Lord Mayors, corpses which continue to “perform” after death, and characters who anticipate their deaths or define themselves through last dying speeches. By exploring the significance of these characters, I demonstrate that the concept of living death is vital to our understanding of deeper thematic and symbolic meanings in a wide range of dramatic works.