Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-07-08T14:15:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 lydimaralamarcaennes.pdf: 1355695 bytes, checksum: 2f3632f7e6abd8b25d84812b1af8689d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-07-13T16:33:05Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 lydimaralamarcaennes.pdf: 1355695 bytes, checksum: 2f3632f7e6abd8b25d84812b1af8689d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-13T16:33:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 lydimaralamarcaennes.pdf: 1355695 bytes, checksum: 2f3632f7e6abd8b25d84812b1af8689d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-12-19 / O presente estudo trata do trabalho do assistente social na Previdência Social brasileira no contexto da contra-reforma do Estado. Analisamos as condições de trabalho, os desafios, os limites e possibilidades estabelecidos ao exercício profissional, a partir da contra-reforma do Estado e da Previdência Social. Na década de 1990 -, período em que houve adesão ao neoliberalismo no Brasil - ocorreu uma nova configuração da organização do trabalho, marcada por maior precarização e flexibilização das relações de trabalho e reestruturação do Estado no ajuste neoliberal. Especificamente na Previdência, analisamos a sua construção e desconstrução do início da Proteção Social à contra-reforma, configurando o desmonte nos direitos sociais do trabalho e profundas conseqüências em relação às condições de trabalho dos assistentes sociais no INSS. Para isso realizamos uma pesquisa bibliográfica e uma densa pesquisa documental, mediante análise de legislações, Leis, Decretos, Decretos-Lei, Resoluções, Portarias, Ordens de Serviço da Previdência Social e do Serviço Social do INSS. Complementando o estudo, realizamos entrevistas qualificadas complementares à análise dos limites e possibilidades do exercício profissional no espaço sócio-ocupacional previdenciário. / This study deals with the work of the social worker in the Brazilian Social Security in the context of counter-reform. We analyze the working conditions, the challenges, possibilities and limits established to professional practice, from the counter-reform and Social Security. In the 1990s - the period in which there was adherence to neoliberalism in Brazil - was a new configuration of work organization, marked by greater flexibility and precariousness of labor relations and restructuring of the state in neoliberal adjustment. Specifically in Social Security, analyzed the construction and deconstruction of the beginning of Social Protection to counter-reform, setting the dismantling social rights of labor and profound consequences in relation to the working conditions of social workers in Social Security. For this we conducted a literature search and a dense document research, through analysis of laws, Laws, Decrees, Decrees, Resolutions, Ordinances, Orders of Social Welfare and Social Work INSS. Complementing the study, we conducted interviews to qualified complementary analysis of the limits and possibilities of professional practice within the socio-occupational pension.

In education policy, the irresistible force paradox—what happens when an irresistible force meets an immovable object?—resonates with many characterisations of the dynamics of education reform and the role of teachers’ unions in reform processes. According to many theories of teachers’ unions in the United States, the paradox is resolved in favour of the immovable object: strong teachers’ unions are alleged to block necessary reforms, hampering school effectiveness and efficiency. This research tests these claims about teachers’ unions, and their impact on reform outcomes—particularly, performance-related pay. Despite teachers’ unions’ supposed opposition to performance-related pay (PRP), there are a number of cases—both within and beyond U.S. borders—where PRP has been implemented. By exploring some of these ‘exceptional’ cases, this research outlines the conditions under which reform is likely to occur, and a more specific explanation of reform ‘failure’. It finds that, though education reform is often portrayed as a power struggle between reform proponents and opponents, there are multiple pathways through which reform may occur. Overpowering unions might be one route, but reform can also be secured through cooperation and compromise. These insights have significant implications for theories of teachers’ unions’ strength, preferences, and policy impact. The findings demonstrate that the insufficiency of existing theoretical accounts. Neither union preferences nor power are simple, monolithic, or predictable, and teachers’ unions do not and cannot block reform at all times and in all places. Beyond theory, these findings carry weighty implications for practitioners regarding the role of unions in public policy decision-making.

The dissertation explores the Swedish child welfare officer system (barnavårdsmannainstitutionen) using gender as an analytical tool. The child welfare officer system was a public program designed to support single mothers and monitor the welfare of children born out of wedlock. The study concentrates on the first half of the 20th century, and particularly covers the introduction of this system in 1917/18 and the changes it underwent in 1938, after an income maintenance law (bidragsförskott) for children of unwed mothers was introduced. In 1917, Sweden was one of the first countries in Europe to introduce legislation that formalized men’s obligations towards children born out of wedlock. Consequently, state officials, called child welfare officers, were required to perform mandatory investigations of paternity. Their task was also to make sure that fathers provided economic support and mothers carried out sufficient care. The 1938 income maintenance law was one of the social policy initiatives of the 1930s. Single mothers were assured payment from the state for child support and the child welfare officers then sought to reclaim the money from the absent father. The history of the child welfare officer system is used as a case to investigate the power dynamics of gender and class, and the relationship between the state, the social work professionals and the individual citizen, concurrent with the birth of the Swedish welfare state. The political debates, the institutional arrangements and the practices connected to this policy area have been analyzed. Thus, politicians, social workers and unwed mothers and fathers are all brought into focus. An analytical point of departure is that the welfare state ”does gender”, i.e. that the welfare state regulates and directs the relation between men and women. However, the state is also treated as a complex and changeable entity, where state and welfare policy also functions as a means to change gender relations. Thus, the study argues that the introduction of the child welfare officer system opened up a new public arena for women – as politicians, social workers and as mothers – in which they were able to renegotiate the meaning of gender and their relation to the state. Prevalent ideas of gender were questioned and challenged in the public sphere of politics and labor as well as in the private sphere of the family. The study consists of a number of empirical chapters in which this social bureaucracy is scrutinized from various perspectives. The child welfare officer system is analyzed both on a national and local level. The latter is done through a case study of the local work in Stockholm. Gender was a vital component to all these levels.

Magister Economicae - MEcon / The study concentrates on a particular type of state intervention in social policy. It considers whether policy reforms and subsequent provision of information with regards to the issue of parental leave and part-time work arrangements, makes an impact on gender equity in the labour market (Del Boca, 2002; Naldini & Saraceno, 2008). Giddens' theory of structuration is the conceptual framework from which this study approaches these questions. It is thus held that agents (in this instance, women) are constrained by structures (labour policy framework and institutionalised labour practices) to achieve specific social goals. And further: that the apparent lack of power on the part of agents requires intervention on the part of the state apparatus to correct the failure (or inability) of the labour market to deliver the social justice as aspired to in the cited European Employment Strategy, as well as fostering economic efficiency (Barr, 1992). I further contend that not only are agents constrained by structural properties, but that institutional reform (in the form of labour policy reform) is constrained by the human action1 of the management of firms and enterprises as economic agents within the policy framework. / South Africa

The final thesis depicts historical development of social policy in the European Union. It describes the meaning particular members of EU attribute it. It characterizes different models of social policy and by comparing them across the EU it evaluates the efficiency and sustainability of such models. The thesis deals mainly with Czech model of social policy. It focuses on systems of social protection, incomes and expenses on social benefits and transfers and finally compares the particular structure of this issue within members of EU. It also tries to define the term "social state" and compares it with Swedish model of social state. It is focused not only on historical development but also address present issues, which modern models have to face. Based on economic indicators and characteristic variables it compares Czech model with presented Swedish model. Finally it focuses on new problems and challenges, which social policy has to deal with nowadays.

The thesis Nordic Welfare states addresses the social policies of Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden. It concentrates on specific features of policies forming the Nordic social system and the paper also evaluates the impacts of the social policies in various fields. Moreover, the paper discusses the perspectives of the Nordic welfare state and identifies potential risks which they may face in the future.

The topic of this work is a comparison of the perception of family policy and its tools from the perspective of mothers of 3 generations. We are interested in how these women evaluate family policy and its tools during their pregnancy and motherhood, as well as its changes over time. The aim of the thesis is to find out the perception of selected mothers during their motherhood from the point of view of social policy instruments that respond to the needs of motherhood, from the point of view of ways the state supports motherhood, from the point of view of perception of time course of motherhood and social view of mother and family. Based on the research goals, we set 3 main research questions. 1) How has the perception of motherhood within family life changed in the perspective of mothers from 3 generations? 2) Has the change in social policy instruments supporting families been reflected in the perspective of mothers from 3 generations? 3) How do mothers from 3 different generations perceive changes in family policy over time? At the beginning of our research, research preparation is carried out, mainly with the help of professional literature. The research itself is carried out using the focus group method with mothers from 3 generations, which are divided into 3 time categories for better...

This study aims to investigate possible consequences for rural residents and the political legitimacy for the state. In Sweden, environmental policy is widespread, and the state aims to be the first climate-neutral welfare state. Previous research and the results from our study indicate that Swedish citizens do not like carbon dioxide taxes. Many rural residents have expressed dissatisfaction in the media with the rise in fuel prices. Therefore, we were interested in what the target group has had for consequences and what they think of the measure. The results show that the consequences have not been devastating, while the rural residents do not believe that they have the right conditions to be a part of the green transition. Surprisingly many of our interviewees have considered switching to an electric gar given the rising fuel prices. For more people to be able to switch to an electric car, targeted investments from the state are required. Our results indicate that the current green transition is not possible and fair for the people in rural areas.

Social trust is one of the building stones for democratic societies. It builds on mutual understanding of the collective commonly shared norms. However, how it associates to political trust on the individual level is still ambiguous, as such this paper hopes expand the knowledge of how it is related to political trust in Sweden on an individual level.  Aim: This paper aims to explore how political trust in Sweden relates to social trust. Furthermore, it aims to study how the relationship varies by educational attainment. Data and methods: This study has used ordinary least square (OLS) to estimate to what degree political trust associated with social trust. It has also in the regression analysis included an interaction term to see how political trust interacts with educational attainment. Results: It is hypothesized that higher levels of political trust are associated with higher levels of social trust. The result from this study finds significant results that higher levels of political trust are associated with higher levels of social trust. Indicating to a positive correlation. It is also hypothesized that higher educated would express stronger effect of political trust on social trust. The estimations showed no significant interaction term. The relationship between political trust and social trust does not vary by educational attainment. Discussion: This paper found that the first hypothesis was in line with the findings of previous research and theory. As such, it was confirmed. The second hypothesis was not in line with previous findings or theory and suggested that there is no interaction effect, at least not for Sweden. The differences in methods and how the contextual and institutional differences are handled in this study compared to previous studies are discussed and highlighted. These discussions are then culminated into a proposal for future research. / Social tillit är en av byggstenarna för demokratiska samhällen. Den bygger på ömsesidig förståelse för de kollektiva gemensamt delade normerna. Hur det associeras till politisk tillit på individnivå är dock fortfarande tvetydigt, och det är denna studies förhoppning att utöka kunskapen om hur den förhåller sig till politisk tillit i Sverige på individnivå.  Syfte: Denna studie syftar till att undersöka hur politisk tillit i Sverige förhåller sig till social tillit. Vidare syftar den till att studera hur sambandet varierar beroende på utbildningsnivå.  Data och metod: Denna studie har använt minsta kvadratmetoden för att uppskatta i vilken grad politisk tillit relaterar till social tillit. Det har också i regressionsanalysen inkluderats en interaktionsterm för att se hur politiskt tillit interagerar med utbildningsnivå. Resultat: Det hypotiseras att högre nivåer av politisk tillit är associerade med högre nivåer av social tillit. Resultatet från denna studie finner signifikanta resultat att högre nivåer av politisk tillit är associerade med högre nivåer av social tillit. Detta indikerar till en positiv korrelation. Det hypotiseras också att högre utbildade skulle uttrycka starkare effekt av politisk tillit på social tillit. Skattningarna visade ingen signifikant interaktionsterm. Förhållandet mellan politisk tillit och social tillit varierar inte beroende på utbildningsnivå. Diskussion: Denna uppsats fann att den första hypotesen var i linje med resultaten från tidigare forskning och teori. Som sådan bekräftades den. Den andra hypotesen var inte i linje med tidigare resultat eller teori och visade att det inte fanns någon interaktionseffekt, åtminstone inte för Sverige. Skillnaderna i metod och hur kontextuella och institutionella skillnader hanteras i denna studie jämfört med tidigare studier diskuteras och belyses. Dessa diskussioner mynnar sedan ut i förslag till framtida forskning.

This thesis examines the effects of the so-called Hartz IV reform on the German labour market development, with special emphasis on unemployment reduction. To determine the causal link, a variety of tools are used, namely macroeconomic studies, worker flow analysis, surveys and comparison with competing arguments. Preponderance of evidence suggests, that Hartz IV played a significant role in unemployment rate reduction in the period following its implementation. Size of this effects is hard to discern exactly, but an estimate in the range of 1,5-2 percentage points should be quite accurate. Contrary to popular belief, this reduction did not occur to the detriment of general job quality, such as by splitting of old jobs or by dilution of their working hours. Furthermore, the issue of relative poverty is investigated. The thesis concludes that the increase in relative poverty was not caused primarily by Hartz IV, nor is it a good measure of actual living standard. The increase seems to be to a large degree driven by demographic changes, mainly the decreasing size of German households.