This thesis examines the Chiefs of Staff Committee’s (COS) decision-making and policy-making influence on Britain during the September 1939 to May 1940 period of the Second World War, commonly known as the Phoney War. To date, the actions of the COS during the Phoney War have come under little scrutiny. Historians have included only passing reference to the committee’s actions during the Winter War and the Norway Campaign, and have argued that its conduct was mired in error and misjudgement. As a consequence there is both confusion and debate over the COS’s contribution to Britain’s conduct in the Phoney War. This thesis contains the first systematic analysis of the influence of the COS on Britain’s course during the Phoney War and it advances the argument that the inadequacies of the committee had a major impact on the planning and conduct of the Phoney War. This study places the COS in the context of Britain’s wider decision-making and policy-making machinery during the Phoney War, where it was answerable to the War Cabinet and responsible for Britain’s defence. It argues that the COS was inadequate as a committee and that it failed to recognise its own limitations and to acknowledge the wisdom of its advisers. While on some occasions the COS provided good advice to the War Cabinet, it failed to press its opinions with sufficient force, particularly when the War Cabinet overlooked its recommendations. Individually, the Chiefs were dominated by both Churchill and Ironside, a factor which consistently undermined the COS’s effectiveness in policy-making and decision-making; Chiefs of Staff Newall and Pound were too easily influenced by Ironside and were insufficiently forceful in exerting their positions. This thesis also proposes that Britain’s organisation for the higher management of the war was weak and that this hindered the effectiveness of the COS; the committee structure during the period September 1939 to May 1940 was overly bureaucratic and this occupied too much of the COS’s time. It concludes that the COS demonstrated inadequacies as a decision-making and policy-making committee, however, while found to be wanting, there were mitigating factors which impinged upon its ability to perform. This thesis’s examination of the COS provides a better understanding of a little documented committee, which, although often overlooked, had a profound influence on Britain’s course during the Phoney War. Through archival research of the COS and War Cabinet papers this study will appraise the COS’s contribution to the unfolding of events between September 1939 and May 1940.

During World War II, agents of the Special Operations Executive (SOE) infiltrated into Japanese-occupied Malaya. They worked with Malayan guerrilla groups, including the communist-sponsored Malayan Peoples Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA). The MPAJA is regarded as the precursor of the communist insurgent army of the Malayan Emergency, and has been examined from that perspective, but its relationship with SOE and with other Malayan guerrilla groups remains poorly understood. Using SOE and related sources as a route into the Malayan interior during a pivotal period, this thesis traces the development of SOE’s Malayan operations, before analysing the interactions between SOE and the various guerrilla groups, and their relationships with each other. It explores the extent of Malay disillusionment with Japanese rule, and demonstrates how guerrilla service acted as a nursery for some later Malay leaders of the independent nation. Furthermore, it contributes to our knowledge of wartime Malaya by revealing the existence of a proto-state in northern Malaya ruled by guerrillas allied to the Chinese Nationalist Party. The destruction of this proto-state by the MPAJA, coupled with the communists’ acquisition of jungle-fighting weapons from SOE and their actions during the lawless period following the Japanese surrender, provides clear insights into the long-term ambitions of the Malayan Communist Party. However, the reports written about the MPAJA by SOE operatives just after the war failed to draw out the likely future threat posed by the communists to the returning colonial administration, foreshadowing the intelligence failure in the lead-up to the Malayan Emergency. In both cases, the British possessed a wealth of local information, but failed to catalyse it into active intelligence. This thesis leads us to re-assess the impact of SOE on Malayan politics, to reconsider the nature of Malayan communism’s challenge to colonial rule, and to rethink British post-war intelligence in Malaya.

abstract: There exists a significant overlap between American Indian history and American history, yet historians often treat the two separately. The intersection has grown over time, increasingly so in the 20th and 21st centuries. Over time a process of syncretism has taken place wherein American Indians have been able to take their tribal histories and heritage and merge them with the elements of the dominant culture as they see fit. Many American Indians have found that they are able to use their cultural heritage to educate others using mainstream methods. Brummett Echohawk, a Pawnee Indian from Pawnee, Oklahoma demonstrated the ways in which American Indian history merged with the larger American historical narrative through his knowledge of Pawnee history and heritage, American history, and his active participation in mainstream society throughout the 20th and into the 21st century. As a student in a government run Indian boarding school, a soldier of the famed 45th "Thunderbird" Infantry Division in World War II, and a successful artist, writer and public speaker, he offered a view of how one could employ syncretism to the advantage of all. Using an ethnohistorical approach to the subject allows a consideration of Brummett Echohawk as an individual, a representative of the Pawnee people, American Indians generally, and as an American. The ethnohistorical approach also helps elucidate the connection he made between success in life and truly fulfilling the Pawnee meaning behind their name Chaticks-si-chaticks, Men of men. Personal papers, published writings, as well as published and privately owned art (ranging from fine art in prestigious galleries to comic strips) provide insight as to how Echohawk made clear the connections between the Pawnee (and American Indian) past and American history. Interviews with family members, friends, and Pawnee veterans also demonstrate the significance of his life for the Pawnee people and the United States, particularly in terms of the martial tradition. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. History 2012

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / nÃo hà / Este trabalho analisa a HistÃria da MemÃria do Quebra-quebra do dia 18 de agosto de 1942 a partir do quadragÃsimo e quinquagÃsimo aniversÃrio da Segunda Guerra Mundial. Malgrado a importÃncia retroativa que poderÃamos atribuir ao evento, como um dos fatores responsÃveis por pressionar o Governo de GetÃlio Vargas a declarar guerra aos paÃses do Eixo, apenas a partir da dÃcada de 1980 que se intensificam as erupÃÃes de investimentos de memÃria que transformam as depredaÃÃes a estabelecimentos comercias que tinham alguma relaÃÃo com os paÃses do Eixo (Alemanha, ItÃlia e JapÃo) em um acontecimento atravÃs do seu compartilhamento em matÃrias de jornais, livros de memÃrias, fotografias, restauraÃÃo e construÃÃo de monumentos. Analisando especificamente os investimentos de memÃria de Thomaz Pompeu Gomes de Matos, Alberto Santiago Galeno, StÃnio Azevedo, Geraldo Nobre e as memÃrias de algumas famÃlias dos descendentes dos imigrantes prejudicados pretendemos discutir os usos do passado no presente propondo questionamentos sobre as relaÃÃes entre memÃria individual e memÃria coletiva, a interaÃÃo entre o passado do acontecimento e o presente das enunciaÃÃes e o imbricamento entre as temporalidades no processo de formalizaÃÃo das narrativas desse dia. O acontecimento à encarado aqui nÃo como uma superfÃcie da conjuntura, mas sim como uma forma de observar os imbricamentos de possibilidades no presente do pretÃrito, nÃo como um dado imutÃvel, mas sim como indeterminado, incerto e aberto a novas configuraÃÃes de sentido e significado. / This text analyzes the History of Memory of the clash referred to as âQuebra-quebraâ that took place on August 18th 1942 from the fortieth and fiftieth anniversary of World War II. Despite the retrospective importance that we assign to the event as one of the factors responsible for pressuring the government of GetÃlio Vargas to declare war on the Axis powers, only from the 1980s are there intensifying eruptions of investments in memory that transform the depredations of the commercial establishments that had some relation to the Axis (Germany, Italy and Japan) in an event through its share in newspaper reports, memoirs, photographs, restoration and construction of monuments. Specifically analyzing memory investments of Thomaz Pompeu Gomes de Matos, Alberto Santiago Galeno, StÃnio Azevedo, Geraldo Nobre and memories of some families of descendants of harmed immigrants, it intends to discuss the uses of the past in the present proposing questions about the relationships between individual memory and collective memory, the interaction between the past event and the present of utterances and the interweaving of the temporalities in the formalization of narratives that day processes. The event is seen here not as a surface environment, but rather as a way to observe the interweaving of possibilities in the present tense, not as an immutable data but as indefinite, uncertain and open to new configurations of meaning and significance.

Est-ce que les romans écrits par six grands auteurs italiens (Beppe Fenoglio, Italo Calvino, Elio Vittorini, Renata Viganò, Mario Tobino), membres de la Résistance, peuvent aider les historiens à mieux comprendre cette période de la Seconde Guerre Mondiale et à analyser les processus de la construction de la mémoire collective. Les fictions apportent des éléments pour comprendre l'état d'esprit des hommes qui ont pris le parti de se battre contre les nazis et les fascistes. Les écrivains présentent le caractère spontané, incertain des motivations de ces rebelles, loin d'être des héros. L'historien Guido Quazza définit ces attitudes par le terme « d'antifascisme existentiel », insistant sur les aspects valeureux de ce mouvement, comme les historiens qui l'ont précédé. Cette différence entre les deux visions apparaît également dans l'examen des attitudes de la population. Les romans insistent sur la multiplicité et l'instabilité des comportements des civils. Les travaux des historiens des années 50 se concentrent sur les formes de soutien du monde paysan. Dans les années 70 ils étudient cette partie de la population italienne qui n'a pas voulu prendre parti, qu'ils nomment « la zone grise ». Les romans accordent une place au rôle des femmes dans la Résistance, pris en compte plus tard par la recherche historique.Cette analyse montre l'efficacité de la littérature pour l'histoire culturelle et anthropologique de la Résistance, par sa finesse et sa subtilité elle permet de percevoir, derrière les événements, les pensées des gens qui y participent. De plus l'utilisation de la littérature comme source peut contribuer à l'élaboration d'une mémoire complexe. / Six notable Italian authors (Beppe Fenoglio, Italo Calvino, Elio Vittorini, Renata Viganò, Luigi Meneghello, Mario Tobino) portrayed what the life of the insurgents was during World War II. This research investigates the potential of their fictional works to help historian better understand this crucial period, they experienced.An appraisal of fictitious accounts of the war, as seen from the insurgent's perspective, may help understanding their state of mind once facing the armed forces of both the German occupant and fascists battalions. Their pre-political sensibility has been defined by the historian Guido Quazza as 'existential anti-Fascism". Historian's accounts of the Italian Resistance portrayed it from a somewhat idealistic view, mostly highlighting the heroic side. However, it is clear from the literature analyzed, that it was far from harmonious. The writer stresses the multifarious and the diversity of the population's comportments. Historical works of the 1950's concentrated on analyzing the support by the peasants to the Resistance, while in the 1970's this focus shifted to the importance of the "grey zone", the non-committal population. The novels underline the factual, supportive attitude of women throughout the Italian Resistance, only corroborated by recent scholarly works.This research indicates the efficacy of fictional literature as a complement to the use of historical cultural anthropology, for analyzing components of the Italian Resistance. Their keenness and subtlety allows scholars to better assess people's thoughts behind observed events. Use of this material may help avoid a simplified building of memory.

Découlant des conflits qui ont opposé France et Siam à la fin du XIXe siècle pour le contrôle du Laos et du Cambodge, la crise franco-thaïlandaise de l’hiver 1940-1941 est le résultat d’un processus politique initié en 1932 et porté par les militaires nationalistes siamois au pouvoir. Influencés par le fascisme, ces derniers diffusent une propagande entretenant la nostalgie des « territoires perdus » et forgent, tout au long des années 1930, des forces armées formatées pour une guerre de revanche contre les puissances coloniales. Confrontée à partir de l’armistice de juin 1940 à l’isolement de la colonie dont elle assure la sécurité intérieure, l’armée d’Indochine est la première troupe coloniale française qui fait face à l’invasion d’un territoire de l’empire par une armée régulière. La Thaïlande s’appuie aussi sur des mouvements indépendantistes régionaux et la fidélité relative des dynasties locales envers la France afin de déstabiliser l’Union indochinoise, en même temps que la tournure des combats fragilise la position du colonisateur aux yeux de ses administrés. Position rendue encore plus précaire par la diplomatie du Japon qui impose sa médiation pour remplir ses propres objectifs politico-militaires. Par le biais d’une analyse exhaustive des archives militaires françaises et de celles du gouvernement général d’Indochine, ainsi que de correspondances privées de généraux et de la presse, nous verrons l’adaptabilité et les capacités de projection des troupes du groupe de l’Indochine, la difficulté pour celles-ci de mener une guerre sur des territoires, et les conséquences régionales et mondiales de ce conflit frontalier indissociable de la guerre d’Asie-Pacifique / The Franco-Thai crisis of the winter 1940-1941, resulting from the conflicts that brought into opposition France and Siam because of the control of Laos and Cambodia in the late nineteenth century, was the consequence of a political process initiated in 1932 and supported by the Siamese military nationalists in power. Influenced by the fascism, they dissiminated a propaganda that maintained the nostalgia of the "lost territories". They equally forged throughout the 1930s the armed forces prepared for a revenge war against the colonial powers. Facing the colony’s isolation starting from the armistice of June 1940 and being in charge of the colony’s internal security, the Indochinese army was the first French colonial troop coping with the invasion of the empire’s territory by a regular army. Thailand was also based on the regional independence movements and relative loyalty of the local dynasties to France in order to destabilize the Indochinese Union. At the same time, the turn of the combats weakened the colonizer’s position in the eyes of the citizens. This position was made even more precarious by the Japanese diplomacy which imposed its mediation in order to fulfill its political and military objectives. Through an exhaustive analysis of the French military archives, the Indochinese general government’s archives, the generals’ private correspondence and the press, we will see the adaptability and projection capacities of the Indochinese troops, their difficulty to wage war on the territories, as well as regional and global consequences of this border conflict that is inseparable from the Asia-Pacific war

Pendant l’été 1943, la principale agence gouvernementale américaine de propagande, l’Office of War Information (OWI), s’accorda avec les huit Majors hollywoodiennes pour envoyer quarante films, cinq par studio, dans les pays européens qui seraient libérés. Ces longs métrages devaient être diffusés rapidement par des structures rattachées aux armées alliées après les débarquements.Cette thèse questionne ce lot de quarante films et le plan le concernant, en s’appuyant sur une vaste recherche dans la presse et les archives américaines, italiennes et françaises. En étudiant de près cet événement, il s’agit de proposer un changement de « focale » et de renouveler le regard sur le retour du cinéma américain en Europe à la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale.Dans un premier temps, afin de mieux saisir les spécificités de ce plan, le regard s’élargit pour remonter à l’utilisation du cinéma dans la propagande extérieure américaine pendant la Première Guerre mondiale. La genèse du plan et la sélection des films sont ensuite appréhendés en enquêtant sur les enjeux pour ceux qui y participèrent, les Majors et l’OWI, sur le processus complexe et accidenté de sa mise au point, et sur la précédente campagne cinématographique pour l’Afrique du Nord. Le questionnement porte ensuite sur les quarante films du lot, sur comment et jusqu’à quel point ils pouvaient répondre aux objectifs de l’agence gouvernementale. Enfin, ce travail se conclut en interrogeant la mise en oeuvre du plan en Italie et en France à la Libération, et en esquissant la pluralité des réactions suscitées par le lot de longs métrages sélectionnés. / During the summer of 1943, the Office of War Information (OWI), the main US government propaganda agency, entered into an agreement with the eight Hollywood Major studios to send forty films, five from each studio, to the European countries to be liberated. These feature films were to be screen rapidly by the allied armies after the landings.This Ph.D. dissertation examines this stock of forty films and its aim and purpose, grounding its thesis on extensive research drawn from American, Italian and French newspapers and archives. The detailed study of this particular program aims to offer a change of « focalization » and a new perspective in studies about the return of American cinema in Europe at the end of World War Two.First, in order to have a better grasp at this program, a « wide-angle lens » is used to go back to the times when American propaganda was used abroad during World War One. Then, the genesis of the program and the film selection are examined, focusing on the interests at stake for those involved in the project (the Major Hollywood companies and the OWI), on the project’s rough and complex designing process, as well as on the previous film campaign laid out for North Africa. The analysis then focuses on the forty films concerned, on the ways in which they could meet the goals of the government agency, and to what extent. Finally, the study examines the program’s implementation in Italy and in France during the Liberation, and attempts to draw a picture of the diverse reactions elicited by this selection of feature films.

No description available.

This thesis analyses the formation of images and representations of Japan in British films of the 1950s. Japan's image changed drastically during and after World War II, as knowledge of Japan's maltreatment of prisoners of war (POWs) became known. The thesis considers four films and the novels or scripts from which they were made: The Wind Cannot Read (both David Lean's and Ralph Thomas's version), A Town Like Alice, The Bridge on the River Kwai, and The Camp on Blood Island. This study shows how film became a venue for expressing untold experiences and the battle over 'proper' representations of both the POWs themselves and the Japanese Army. Japan's side is more sympathetically addressed in Lean's work; those critical of the country are represented in Alice. A film that led to greater intervention related to Japan's point of view was Kwai, aspects of which were extended, and others overturned, in a subsequent horror film (Blood Island). As further argued here, Japan as an (ex) enemy often assumes a feminine or demonised form in these texts, and sometimes blurs with the Nazi image. Generally, the West portrays the 'Other' as hostile male or available female, while Japanese women in Thomas's Wind are frequently presented as insensitive. This thesis further reveals that Japan's envoys endeavoured to present the country as a trustworthy state before the United Nations in an attempt to inhibit the circulation of negative images, while Britain, in the process of reconfiguring rapidly changing relations to its colonies and ex-colonies, tried to present itself as a new Empire with its Commonwealth. These studies of representations of Japan are examined in the context of oral histories of those who lived in the POW camps, showing how each experience interacts with the ways Japan, as the (former) captors, was represented.

The aim of this thesis is to analyse the life and attitudes of members of the German Reich aristocratic family Schaumburg-Lippe, who owned the Náchod estate in the Czech lands between 1842-1945, and Czech-German coexistence in the first half of 20th century. The first chapter is focused on the 19th century and the person of prince Wilhelm. Its goal is to highlight prince's attitudes and actions, which played an important role in forming the Czech-German "symbiosis". The second chapter deals with the topic of Náchod estate and its owner prince Friedrich in the interwar period. The "symbiosis" is examined through the prism of the Land reform as the most important aspect of the 1920's and the beginning of 1930's. The main area of the interest of this thesis, which deals with the family's lives and Czech- German coexistence during Second World War, is addressed from the third chapter on. This part is focused on the question whether Schaumburgs used the occupation of Czechoslovakia by Nazi Germany and establishment the Protectorate for their benefit, whether they changed their behaviour towards the Czech people, how they experienced and described the events of the war and what was their relationship to the Nazi regime and the representatives of the occupation's administration. The last part of the...