L’apparition de l’internet et sa propagation sur 38,8% de la population mondiale entre 1995 et 2013 indiquent que les nouveaux médias ont causé des changements significatifs dans les sociétés à travers le monde. Les caractéristiques du nouveau medium, telles que l’interactivité et la possibilité de son utilisation de n’importe quel lieu, à tout moment, pointent la possibilité élevée de développement de l’addiction par ses utilisateurs. Les données indiquent la hausse de l’utilisation générale des médias au cours des soixante dernières années. D’autre part, pendant cette même période a été notée la baisse de la participation politique, ensemble avec le déclin de la socialisation et de la participation active dans des organisations professionnelles. Les questions de recherche sont réparties en de grandes questions, relatives à l’examen sur les personnes qui sont plus sujettes à devenir dépendantes aux medias, à découvrir si les personnes sont plus dépendantes aux medias anciens ou nouveaux et à clarifier quelles sont les conséquences de la dépendance aux médias, y compris son impact sur la participation politique. Les ouvrages des penseurs classiques ont été examinés pour servir de fondement aux hypothèses, portant une attention particulière à l’anomie, l’aliénation et la société de masse. L’examen des ouvrages de la littérature contemporaine a été focalisé sur les notions de la structure sociale moderne, de l’avancée technologique, de la mondialisation, de la déception par la démocratie, du nouveau paysage médiatique et du narcissisme. L’hypothèse principale, résultat de l’examen des perspectives théoriques différentes, indique que les changements sociaux, telle que l’apparition de la production de masse et l’expansion des medias de masse, réduisent la possibilité d’expression et augmentent la manipulation de l’intérêt du profit. Cela peut être à l’origine des frustrations qui engendrent des sortes différentes de dépendance, qui remplacent les buts non réalisés, causant ainsi la baisse de la participation politique. Cette baisse permet aux “mauvaises personnes”, qui exercent mal les fonctions représentatives, de devenir des acteurs sociaux, ce qui peut, potentiellement, causer davantage de frustrations. La recherche a été conduite à l’aide d’un sondage représentatif, mis en œuvre en Serbie en 2011. Cette étude établit une nouvelle méthodologie de mesure de la dépendance par le biais d’un seul sondage; pour la première fois, elle distingue des personnes dépendantes aux médias par le niveau de leur dépendance et la longueur d’utilisation des médias comme indices objectifs, tandis qu’elle comprend aussi des indices subjectifs..... / Appearance of internet and its spread to 38.8% of world population from 1995 to 2013 indicate that new media bring significant changes to societies around the world. Features of new media such as interactivity and possibility to use it from anywhere anytime indicate internet may be highly addictive. Data point to increases in overall media use over the last 60 years. On the other hand, decreases in political participation are registered together with decline in socializing and active membership in professional organizations for the same period. Research questions are divided into large ones relating to examination of what kind of people are more susceptible to becoming media addicts, finding out if people are more addicted to old than to new media and inquiring into consequences of media addiction including its effects to political participation. Classical thinkers have been examined as basis for hypotheses with special attention directed towards anomie, alienation and mass society. Nowadays literature has been examined as well, focusing on modern social structure, advance of technology, globalization, disappointment with democracy, new media landscape and narcissism. Main presumption coming from examination of different theoretical perspectives is that social changes such as appearance of mass production and expansion of mass media decreased possibilities for expression and increased manipulation of profit interest. This may be causing appearance of frustrations leading towards different kinds of addictions as substitutions for unrealized goals, thus causing decrease in political participation. This decrease makes it possible for “wrong people” to become social agents as they perform representative functions in poor manner, which potentially causes more frustration.Research was conducted through nationally representative survey in Serbia during 2011. This study establishes new methodology to measure addiction to all media through a single survey; it divides media addicts according to level of their addiction and uses length of media use as objective indicator, for the first time, while it also includes subjective indicators.

This thesis is based on a case study of Tanzanian youths’ political participation in urban Mwanza. The purpose of this study is to examine how urban youths understand their participation in various political activities in an emerging democracy like Tanzania. The research question guiding the study is how youths understand and value voting in elections in comparison to other forms of political participation. The study focuses on three different political activities; to vote, to contact a politician and to participate in a demonstration. The three political activities are combined with Verba et al.’s (1995) theory of the attributes of political activities into a theoretical analysis model. The thesis uses a qualitative methodology based on 19 semi-structured interviews with Tanzanian youths living in urban Mwanza. The results indicated that the youths in Mwanza understood voting as their prime opportunity to communicate their political voices to politicians. However, the youths expressed that political activities beyond voting facilitate them with opportunities to communicate more specific political messages to politicians multiple times.

The purpose of this study is to examine how upper secondary school teachers within the social studies subject interpret and transform the mission of preparing students for political participation. Based on teachers' dictums of how the mission is interpreted and transformed ahead of teaching, as well as which factors are expressed to affect this transformation, the study aims to determine what differences exist regarding how the mission is transformed and what can be seen to cause these differences. Through semi-structured interviews with seven social studies teachers, the study aims to answer three research questions addressing how the teachers interpret the mission, their expressions of how the mission is transformed ahead of teaching as well as which factors are mentioned to affect this transformation. The general conclusion of the study is that the teachers express that the mission of preparing students for political participation contain several contrasting dimensions, which in various ways are transformed ahead of teaching. The most central differences can be seen within the knowledge conveying and participation promoting dimensions, where the variations appear as the teachers to a certain extent focus on different areas of teaching and attend to these on different levels. Furthermore, different possibilities of influence and forms of participation are accentuated to various extent. To conclude, the study indicates that the teachers, qua agents of political socialisation, are preparing the students dissimilarly for political participation. / Syftet med föreliggande studie är att undersöka hur gymnasielärare i samhällskunskap tolkar och transformerar skolans uppdrag att förbereda elever för politiskt deltagande. Utifrån lärares utsagor kring hur uppdraget tolkas och transformeras inför samhällskunskapsundervisning, samt vilka faktorer som uttrycks påverka denna transformering, syftar studien till att utröna vilka skillnader som föreligger beträffande hur uppdraget transformeras, samt vad dessa skillnader kan ses bero på. Genom semistrukturerade intervjuer med sju samhällskunskapslärare, syftar studien till att besvara tre forskningsfrågor, vilka behandlar hur lärarna tolkar uppdraget att förbereda elever för politiskt deltagande, hur de uttrycker att uppdraget transformeras inför undervisning samt vilka faktorer som uttrycks påverka denna transformering. Studiens övergripande slutsats är att lärarna ger uttryck för att uppdraget att förbereda eleverna för politiskt deltagande inbegriper flera olika dimensioner, vilka transformeras på olika sätt inför undervisning. De mest centrala skillnaderna kan ses finnas inom de kunskapsförmedlande och deltagarfrämjande dimensionerna, vilket yttrar sig genom att lärarna i viss mån fokuserar på olika undervisningsområden och behandlar dessa på olika nivåer. Vidare framhävs olika påverkansmöjligheter och deltagandeformer i varierande grad. Sammanfattningsvis indikerar studien att lärarna, i egenskap av politiska socialisationsagenter, förbereder eleverna olika för politiskt deltagande.

It is generally accepted that the youth are overall apathetic towards political activities and that such apathy is evidenced in low voter turnout during elections. Such conventional wisdom seems to be based mainly on findings in Western democracies and generates concern as to the future nature and resilience of democracy. When a significantly large proportion of the voting population shows apathetic attitudes towards the processes that enable participation of the public in democracy, it questions the extent to which a democracy can be consolidated. In the past the South African youth played an important role in the process of transformation to democracy and thereby possibly left a legacy of youth involvement. However, in the developing world, which includes South Africa, the youth seems to show the same sort of abstaining behaviour as their Western counterparts towards elections. This is problematic as the South African youth comprises a significantly large proportion of the voting population. This dissertation focuses on South African university youth and their political and voting behaviour. They have been chosen for the focus of this study as they are widely considered to be the future elite and leadership of South Africa. The aim of this study is to determine the extent to which Western scholarly explanations of youth voting behaviour can be applied to South African university youth. Western literature on voting behaviour identifies various models of voting behaviour (which comprise the Sociological Model, Michigan Model, Party Identification Model, Media/Dominant Ideology Model and Rational Choice Model) and age effects on voting behaviour (Cohort Effect, Individual Ageing Effect and Life Cycle Effect). Each of these seeks to explain voting behaviour and in order to determine how applicable they are to South African university youth, an analytical framework was developed in order to analyse and interpret the data gathered by means of questionnaires and focus group discussions. Ultimately it was found that most Western models and age effects are to some extent applicable in explaining the voting behaviour of South African university youth (albeit to a greater or lesser extent). / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

This study investigated the role of ward committees in enhancing service delivery through public participation with reference to the Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality in the Province of the Eastern Cape in South Africa. This study provided a motivation for the study to be undertaken, problem statement, objectives of the study, hypothesis, research design and methodology, ethical considerations, delimitation of the study and the overview of chapters. The Constitution of the Republic of South African of 1996 provides for the creation of three spheres of government, namely, the national sphere, the provincial sphere and the local government sphere. These spheres are interdependent from each other. Local government is one of the spheres of government created to bring government closer to the people, as well as giving communities a sense of involvement in the political and governance processes that control their daily lives. The need for effective democratic local government as a vehicle for development and national integration is imperative (Reddy, 1996:3). Municipalities are established in terms of section 12 of the Municipal Structures Act 117 of 1998, wherein Members of Executive Councils (MEC‟s) may establish a municipal area which the Demarcation Board demarcates in the province in terms of the Municipal Demarcation Act 27 of 1998.

The study investigates community participation in the decision-making processes in Mnquma Local Municipality. The issue of community participation in decision making is receiving attention in South Africa, from both government and civil society sectors. Governments in many parts of the world have begun to take a fresh look at the need for public participation in decision-making processes. The main problem to be addressed in this study is the extent to which the community can be involved in decision making processes in Mnquma Local Municipality. To address the research problem and to achieve the aims of this study, an in depth review of the literature on decision making was done. The empirical search was done by distributing self-administered questionnaires to the participants in Mnquma Local Municipality. The research findings revealed that in Mnquma Local Municipality community participation in decision-making is not effective. Consequently, the delivery of services in this municipality is poor. Another factor that inhibits community participation in the decision making processes in the municipality is that most of the municipal documents are written in English a language in which the majority of the members of the community are not competent in because they are Xhosa speaking people. Recommendations for improved satisfaction in service delivery, communication, consultation, regular meetings, and language were made with regard to community participation in decision making. If these recommendations are implemented, they will assist Mnquma Local Municipality in the area of decision making.

Public Participation is widely accepted as a way to strengthen the pillars of democratic and accountable governance. In South Africa, public participation is receiving prominence and increasing attention especially at local government level as this level is regarded as the sphere of government closest to the people. The new democratic government in South Africa regards public participation as a cornerstone of democracy. Ackerman (2004:448) asserts that the opening up of the core activities of the state to societal participation is one of the most effective ways to improve accountability and governance. Such accountability and involvement can be better achieved when communities are part of decision making processes in their communities. In South Africa, public participation was heralded by various pieces of legislations which obligated the public to participate and have a say in the decisions taken by their communities. Section 152 of the constitution: Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (Act No 108 of 1996) requires local authority to “encourage the involvement of local communities and community organizations in matters of local government” Informed by the broad principles of the Constitution, the White Paper on Local Government 1998 introduced the notion of developmental local government. According to this Paper, “developmental local government is defined as local government that is committed to working with citizens and groups within the community to find sustainable ways to meet their social, economic and material needs and improve the quality of their lives”. It is through the process of public participation that citizens are given the opportunity to provide input and partake in decision making on service delivery and governance matters of their municipalities. It is widely acknowledged that active public participation is evidence of deepened democracy and can assist municipalities in i) enhancing service delivery ii) making government and officials more effective and accountable and most importantly involve the communities in decisions affecting their lives and communities. By and large, community involvement through public participatory systems ensures that municipalities incorporate the developmental needs of the people. Theseneeds are expressed and consolidated in municipal integrated development plans. To realise the above, the White Paper on Local Government 1998 suggests that “municipalities should develop mechanisms to ensure citizen participation in policy initiation and formulation, and the 3 monitoring and evaluation of decision-making and implementation”. As outlined above various laws gave a new meaning and a legitimised mandate to the role of local communities in the development of their communities. Informed by the above, this study examines the extent to which public participation influences decision making within the IDP processes and by association its impact on service delivery. This study is premised on the widely accepted view that public participation is a process involving the community or the public to gather opinions, investigate the needs, desires and wishes of the local community and to ensure that they as the community are involved in the decision making processes of their municipality. The study is of the view that the IDP processes represent a structured vehicle to enable citizens and groups to influence decision making through institutionalised municipal participatory structures. By so doing, the public and the government form a pact/partnership to ensure that the needs and aspirations of the community receive priority in the IDP processes.

In terms of section 152(1)(a) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 local government should provide a democratic and accountable service to local communities. Therefore, elected representatives and municipal officials must be accountable for their actions. This study investigates the influence of public participation in enhancing the accountability of ward councillors in the Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality (BCMM). For the purpose of the study, the hypothesis was formulated that accountability of ward councillors is hampered by improper public participation mechanisms in Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality (BCMM). In order to achieve the goal of this study and to test the hypothesis, it was essential to review literature on the accountability of ward councillors and public participation in local government. Primary data was obtained by interviewing ward committees and ward councillors from Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality. Interviews were conducted with ward councillors and ward committees in wards 13 and 14 of BCMM. The major findings of the study, inter alia, are that ward councillors give feedback to their constituencies. Ward committees are instrumental in encouraging members of the public to attending these meetings. The most popular forum for public participation is the Independent Development Planning (IDP). It was established that approachability, accessibility and visibility of both ward councillors and ward committees in the community enhance public participation. The study concludes with recommendations that will assist the BCMM to enhance the accountability of ward councillors through public participation.

This dissertation deals with the nature of the black middle-class assimilation in the South African suburban space, a space that was the sole preserve of the white middle-class during apartheid. It explores the relationship between these races as they come to meet in this space and what new identities are being formed. It also explores the relationship between both the black and white suburbanites and the urban poor who stay in an adjacent area to the suburb. The study uses the Beacon Bay area, which is constituted by one of East London’s most affluent suburbs and a poor township, Nompumelelo, to show how the emergent black middle-class has managed to enter this space in the post-apartheid era. Previous studies by Richard Ballard (2004) and Grant Saff (2001) have shown how the white middle-class has always been against any form of race or class mixing. Within the suburb, the new black suburbanites in Beacon Bay appear to have been welcomed but with conditions by their fellow white counterparts. The relationship between these two races does not stretch beyond meet and greets and it is only in the second generation black middle-class that you find better and non-superficial relations with fellow white suburbanites. In the older generation, the generation that experienced apartheid, the relationship between these two races has been that of tolerance and serious escape of contact unless when necessary. The children of both white and black families, though, have a far better relationship in school and in sport than their parents. This has created another area of contact for both these races and it bears potential for meaningful integration in the suburban space. Externally as it relates to relations between the black middle-class and the urban poor, the findings show that these new black suburbanites express a similar discomfort as the white suburbanites about the urban poor’s presence in the area. This shows that the evolution of the Beacon Bay suburb, with its deep-rooted discourse of white middle-class exclusivity, has not been entirely about hatred of the urban poor necessarily but about an identity ascription of what it means to live in a suburb. Despite these realities traditional ceremonies organised by the black middle-class in the suburbs and the church appear to be playing a role in creating relations between these suburbanites and the Nompumelelo residents. This is why we have decided to use the conceptualisation of the 18th century frontier zone as the borders of segregation within the suburb and between the suburban residents and those of the township can be crossed and re-crossed.

Resource control as a form of community participation in the mineral economy has gained much recognition. One prevailing argument is that direct control of natural resources by local communities is an important precondition for equitable utilisation of the natural resource wealth, peaceful co-existence between mining corporations and indigenous communities, and congenial relations between local communities and the state. Studies have also shown that the absence of direct community control of mineral wealth remains a major factor in the communal resistance and socio-political conflict witnessed in the natural resource-endowed regions of countries such as Nigeria, Ecuador, Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. However, little is known about mineral resource control at the community level. Does community control necessarily translate to equity? How does local involvement in the mobilisation of mining royalties benefit different segments of the community? Indeed, how do different segments of the community “control” the wealth? What is the specific model adopted to engender broad-based community participation in the utilisation of mineral wealth – and does it matter? These theoretical and practical questions were the impetus for undertaking this study in the Royal Bafokeng and Bakgatla Ba Kgafela – two platinum-rich ‘traditional’ communities in South Africa’s North West Province that have significant control over platinum resources in their territories. Utilising ethnographic data collected in the two study communities in 2008 and 2009, the thesis examines the character of community participation in platinum wealth utilisation; specifically, the conditions under which community participation promotes or hinders sustainable community development. The analysis uses a “three-dimensional participation ladder” conceptual scheme, based in part on Sherry Arnstein’s (1969) “ladder of citizen participation” and subsequent typologies of participation. Among the key findings of the thesis are that despite observed benefits, the interface of resource wealth and community development is fraught with tokenistic participation, elite-targeted grassroots anger, and local tensions – all linked to the contradictory nature of participation. The thesis further reveals that in some instances the challenge of platinum wealth-engendered community development tends to undermine existing customary and democratic spaces for participation, and that this is exacerbated by community-level issues such as poverty and inequality. The findings of the study compel a shift of analytical focus from conflict as an epiphenomenon of collective community exclusion and deprivation (as in the case of many natural-rich countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and elsewhere), to conflict as also resulting from collective community inclusion (in natural resource utilisation). At the policy level, the study generates insights that will, hopefully, assist mineral resource-endowed countries, such as South Africa, in dealing with the challenge of developing appropriate policy frameworks for regulating business and social partnerships between local communities and mining corporations, and within resource-rich communities themselves.