The main focus of this thesis is the challenges that are facing social policy development and implementation in South Africa in relation to the enhancement of human capability. The study adopted a historical approach to assess the model of social policy in South Africa and identified that social relations of domination inherited from the apartheid era continuing to produce inequalities in opportunities. Social policy under the democratic government has not managed to address social inequalities and the main drivers of poverty in the form of income poverty, asset poverty and capability poverty which are the underlying factors reproducing deprivation and destitution of the majority of the population Although South Africa prides itself of a stable democracy, social inequalities continue to undermine the benefits of social citizenship because political participation in the midst of unequal access to economic and social resources undermine the value of citizenship. Also, inequalities in the distribution of income and wealth, and in the control of economic production undermine political equality which is an ethic upon which social rights are predicated. As a result, state interventions are lacking inherent potential to build human capability for people to live the life that they have reason to value. The paradox of social policy in South Africa is that the majority of those who are marginalised are those who were excluded by the apartheid regime even though state intervention is claimed to be targeting them. This points to the failure of incremental equalisation of opportunities within a context of stark social inequities. It is also an indication that the economic growth path delivered by the political transition is working to reinforce the inherited legacy of deprivation and it is avoiding questions related to the structural nature of poverty and inequalities. Therefore, a transformative social policy is an imperative for South Africa. Such a framework of social policy should be premised upon a notion of human security in order to built human capability. Human security focuses on the security of individuals and communities to strengthen human development. It emphasises on civil, political and socioeconomic rights for individual citizens to participate fully in the process of governance. Although this thesis is a case study of social policy in South Africa, it can be used to appreciate the role of social policy in other developing countries, particularly the impact of political decision making on social distribution. Poverty and social inequalities are growing problems in developing countries and so is the importance of putting these problems under the spotlight for political attention.

The study focused on the exploration of the implication of partnership between the government and civil society organizations in the implementation of the Zimbabwe National Orphan Care Policy (ZNOCP). The study was carried out in Masvingo District in Zimbabwe to explore on the feasibility of inter-organizational interaction in policy implementation and how it affects the service delivery system. The study incorporated government departments, civil society organizations and ward councillors who stood as the custodians of the people. The study was intended on unveiling the different contextual aspects that exist between government departments and civil-society organizations (CSOs) as individual and separate entities and how the compromising of their values would affect the partnership. Looking at the hierarchical and bureaucratic features of government institutions, the study also intended to understand how this could be concealed and compromised with CSOs‟ open agendas in public policy implementation to ensure effective service delivery to the people. The 5C protocol, critical variables in policy implementation which are policy content, context, capacity, commitment of those entrusted with the implementation process and also clients and coalitions were used as the yardsticks. These variables acted as a yardstick on which to analyze the partnership between the Zimbabwean government and the civil society in the implementation of the Z.N.O.C.P, their different attitudes, bureaucratic settings, organizational culture, values, norms, and how their readjustments or failure affect the service delivery system. It also became imperative to look at the government legislations that govern the CSO space of operation and financial aspects to understand the implications of partnership between government and civil society. An understanding of these aspects leads to an increased understanding of the feasibility of state-CSO partnerships and its implications on policy implementation.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the nature, merits and limitations of the citizen participation model used in the process of developing a municipal plan for the impacts of population aging. The research is based on a literature review and participant observation of one case study. It is evident from the literature that citizen participation is integral to the democratic decision making process, since it can strengthen principles central to the practice of democratic government, namely, representation, public interest and accountability. Power and its distribution are fundamental elements in distinguishing one level of participation from another. They are also, therefore, key factors to consider in the design of participation programs. Of the models investigated, partnership is identified as one that requires government and citizens to engage in shared decision making Citizen participation in planning practice over the last twenty-five years has varied widely in terms of the intent, design and techniques used. Among citizen participation theorists there is some consensus on the causes of all too frequent failures in practice. These include differing expectations and objectives among the government actors and citizens involved, failure to match appropriate techniques with objectives, and lack of evaluation. Based on the theory, the partnership model effectively addresses these problems and has considerable advantages over other models such as consultation. The research reveals that in partnership, the objectives of both citizen and government participants guide the process, and that resources, expertise and decision making power are shared during the planning process. Problems associated with the model include dangers of cooptation of citizens involved, and the tendency for the citizen participants to become an elite group unrepresentative of the larger public. These findings are explored and amplified through an evaluation of a case of partnership in practice which generates mixed results in terms of its merits and limitations. This model produced conditions for a substantial degree of shared decision making Techniques used provided direct access to resources and the planning process for citizen and government participants. An open-ended project design and multiple opportunities provided for participation in varying degrees were also successful features used in achieving partner-ship. The research also indicates that citizens engaged in partnership with government were relatively few, and the project lacked political support necessary for changes in resource allocation. These results are attributable to, in part, a trade off between the quality and quantity of citizen participation as sharing of decision making power increases. Conclusions of this study of a model of citizen participation suggest that in defining social issues and developing plans to address them, government and citizen participants need to redefine their roles and expectations of each other. In the past, common roles for citizens in the planning process have been as clients, advocates, complainants, advisors and supplicants. As decision makers and problem solvers engaged in partnership planning with government, their participation may be more effective. The study of the Project on Aging generates some lessons for future practice of the partnership model. This case suggests that planning in partnership requires commitment to the partnership objective as a substantive and not a symbolic goal. This means government takes an active role in creating conditions for partners to act on their interests. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

L’injonction à la "participation" des populations n’est pas propre aux démocraties. Dans des situations autoritaires comme en Tunisie, des politiques de développement affichent aussi la "participation de la société civile". Cette thèse analyse ces dispositifs participatifs et leurs appropriations à partir d’un matériau ethnographique et proposopographique recueilli dans la région minière de Gafsa entre 2006 et 2010, via une démarche inductive et une "description dense" des rapports ordinaires au politique. Les politiques "participatives" contribuent à la construction des figures symétriques des "bons pauvres" et des "bons experts", rôles auxquels les acteurs tendent à se conformer. Ici, la "participation" n'est pas tant l’objet de la recherche qu’un analyseur des effets de la domination du régime et des capacités des acteurs à la contourner (ou pas). Sortir des référentiels cognitifs de la "participation démocratique" – implique alors d'analyser les (contre-)conduites des acteurs et organisations concernés autant au sein qu'en dehors de ces dispositifs : le choix d'un nombre relativement réduit d'enquêtés permet une étude longitudinale des variations de ces rapports au politique. L'oxymore d'autoritarisme participatif désigne ici à la fois le type de domination autoritaire analysé et les formes des différents registres de participations politiques que cette domination tend à encourager, cadrer et canaliser, ou au contraire à interdire et à réprimer. Nous contournons par cette démarche deux oppositions par trop naturalisées : d'une part, la dichotomie entre consentement et révolte ; d'autre part, une opposition d'échelle entre individus (ou petits groupes) et structures / Injunction to “participation” isn’t specific to democratic regimes. In authoritarian situations, such as in Tunisia, development policies also claim “civil society’s participation”. This dissertation analyses the participatory devices and their appropriations from an ethnographical and prosopographic material collected in the Gafsa mining region between 2006 and 2010, through an inductive approach and thick descriptions of ordinary relations to politics. “Participatory” policies contribute to the building of the symmetric figures of the “good poors” and the “good experts” – roles to which actors tend to conform to. Here, “participation” isn’t so much the object of an investigation than an analyzer of the effects of the regime’s domination and of the capacities actors have (or haven’t) to bypass it. Breaking with the cognitive frameworks of “democratic participation” implies to analyze actor’s and organization’s (counter)behaviors within as well as outside of those devices: the choice of a relative small number of actors opens way for a longitudinal study of the variation of theirs relations to politics. The “participatory authoritarianism” oxymoron describes here both the type of the analyzed authoritarian domination and the forms of the diverse types of political participations that this domination tends to support, frame and channel; or to forbid and suppress. This enables us to avoid two oppositions which have been too much naturalized : on the one hand, the dichotomy between consent and rebellion, and, on the other, the opposition of scales between individuals (or small groups) and structures.

臺灣社會隨著新移民的逐年增加，根據內政部移民署統計，截至2016年2月以婚姻來台之東南亞新移民，女性約12萬人，這些新移民女性及新移民二代，是近年臺灣政府積極關心的對象。根據調查，多數新移民來台後生活會有許多考驗與不便，例如語言與生活適應，過去研究也顯示新移民嫁入的家庭多數較為貧窮或屬於農漁養殖業，新移民女性來台後的生活適應因此有許多困境，女性主義學者認為，「賦權」為一種改變弱勢、提升自我地位的手段與過程。 賦權過程有許多方式，本文透過實際訪談新移民女性，瞭解政治賦權對新移民女性有何影響，觀察實際的參與有何行動？本文主要探討問題有三；第一，新移民女性政治賦權之現況與類型為何？第二，比較不同政治參與程度的新移民女性，其參與行為的差異與影響參與的條件為何？第三，目前政治賦權可能扮演何種角色？與教育賦權、經濟賦權相互間的重要性為何？ 本研究經過與12位新移民以及1位非政府組織幹部進行訪談，發現政治參與確實可以改善新移民在社會上的弱勢地位或改善其生活困境，但非每個新移民皆認為其地位為弱勢，因此她們政治參與的類型會有所不同，而經濟與教育程度的差異並非影響政治參與的關鍵因素，所以本文認為新移民在台的政治社會化與自身經驗、個人特質，可能才是影響政治參與的關鍵。 / The number of New Female Immigrants is gradually increasing in Taiwan; according to the statistics of Taiwan Immigration Department indicates, the population of the New Female Immigrant is 120,000 as of February 2016. Previous research indicates these female immigrants had lots of difficulties, such as learning foreign language and adaptation to different culture. Past research also confirms these New Female Immigrants' tough situations because most of them married to those who live in poor villages or engage in agriculture and fishery industry. Some feminist scholars suggest that empowerment is a mean way to enable New Female Immigrant to take control of her own life and improve her social status. Empowerment consists of different dimensions, such as economic, education and political empowerment; this thesis will focus on the political empowerment and discuss its effect on the New Female Immigrant by observing their participation in politics practically. There are three main inquiries in this thesis: First, what are the present situation and type of the New Female Immigration's political empowerment in Taiwan? Second, what is the condition that influences the New Female immigrant's political participation? Last but not least, what kind of role that political empowerment features in the present, and what is the interaction among economic, education and political empowerment? Through the in-depth interview with 12 New Female Immigrants in Taiwan and a Non-Government Organization (NGO) supervisor, this thesis figures out that New Female Immigrants can overcome their difficulties in daily life and weak status by participating in politics. These New Female Immigrants’ different cognitions of their social status lead to various types of political participation. In other words, their economic and educational background are not the key factors in their political participation. To sum up, the core of the New Female Immigrant’s political participation is their personality, experience, and political socialization in Taiwan, regardless of their economic or educational background.

Theories of deliberative democracy, which emphasize open-mindedness and cooperative dialogue, confront serious challenges in deeply divided political populations constituted by polarized citizens unwilling to work together on issues they collectively face. The case of mountaintop removal coal mining in Appalachia makes this clear. In my thesis, I argue that such empirical challenges are serious, yet do not compromise the normative desirability of deliberative democracy because communicative mechanisms can help transform adversarial perspectives into workable, deliberative ones. To realize this potential in divided societies, mechanisms must focus on healing and reconciliation, a point under-theorized by deliberativists who do not take seriously enough the feminist critique of public-private dualisms that illuminates political dimensions of such embodied processes. Ultimately, only a distinctly two-stage process of public deliberation in divided populations, beginning with mechanisms for healing and trust building, will give rise to the self-transformation necessary for second-stage deliberation aimed at collectively binding decisions.

There has been much scholarly attention directed at the Iraq war's role in determining voter choice. I attempt to extend that research into voter turnout to determine what role the Iraq war played in 2006 voter turnout. This paper argues that turnout at the state level could be explained by the number of US deaths each state had sustained from the Iraq occupation at the time of the election. A theory of voter activation based on information availability is put forth to explain the relationship between national events and voter turnout wherein national events like the Iraq war will raise the amount of information voters have at their disposal, which will increase the likelihood of their voting on election day. Regression analysis comparing the turnout rates of the 50 states to their casualties in Iraq revealed no relationship between the two factors, indicating that something else is responsible for the high turnout of the midterm.

Orientador: Evelina Dagnino / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T02:28:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cury_MarciaCarolinadeOliveira_D.pdf: 6183718 bytes, checksum: 2443d51248ce9e7e0d804e1293084f83 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Depois da vitória da Unidade Popular (UP), em setembro de 1970, a "experiência chilena" despertou grande interesse de estudiosos do país e da América Latina, o qual se justifica por consistir numa experiência singular que expressou a possibilidade de edificar uma sociedade socialista sem romper com os mecanismos institucionais. Diferentes autores analisaram características desse processo, especialmente o conflito político institucional entre os partidos atuantes no período, as disputas ideológicas internas da UP, e a articulação do golpe militar. Em pesquisas mais recentes é possível visualizar uma nova tendência analítica voltada para as manifestações da classe trabalhadora chilena durante o governo da Unidade Popular. Inserido neste quadro, a presente tese busca realizar uma análise da atuação da classe trabalhadora chilena que valorize as múltiplas experiências no cotidiano dos bairros operários, no ambiente de trabalho, nas entidades de classe, além das relações entre os movimentos sociais envolvidos naquele processo político e os partidos de esquerda, elementos fundamentais para a formação de uma identidade de classe centrada no compartilhamento de interesses. Por meio do cruzamento de diferentes fontes, como documentos partidários, sindicais, registros do Ministério do Trabalho, panfletos, jornais e fontes orais, visamos compreender como os trabalhadores atuaram naquele processo político, participação que entendemos como uma das principais expressões de identidade da classe trabalhadora daquela sociedade e como a faceta mais criativa do socialismo chileno. Além disso, analisar as tensões que configuravam as relações entre trabalhadores e governo consiste em um dos nossos objetivos. Acreditamos que a atuação da classe trabalhadora, que ultrapassou os canais institucionais de representação, assentava-se numa longa tradição política, e que os trabalhadores se reapropriaram do projeto político apresentado pela esquerda a partir das suas próprias experiências e concepções de mundo / Abstract: Since the victory of the coalition Popular Unity (UP) in September of 1970, the "Chilean Experience" has aroused great interest of scholars in the country and in Latin America as a whole, much of which is justified, as it constitutes a singular experience that expressed the possibility of building a socialist society without breaking the institutional mechanisms. Different authors have analyzed this process, specifically the political institutional conflict between the active parties at that time, the internal ideological disputes within UP, and the composition of the military coup. In the most recent studies it is possible to detect a new analytical tendency focusing on inherent manifestations of the Chilean working class during the UP government. Within this context, this thesis aims to analyze the role of the Chilean working class that values the multiplicity of daily experiences in blue-collar neighborhoods, in the working environment, in labor unions, apart from the relations among the social movements involved in that political process and the left parties, essential elements for the making of a class identity centered on shared interests. From the wealth of different sources, such as party documents, unions, records of the Ministry of Labor, pamphlets, newspapers, we seek to understand the involvement of the workers in the political process, and the participation we understand as one of the main expressions of identity of the working class in that society, and the most creative aspect of Chilean socialism. Moreover, analyzing the tensions that were present between workers and the government is at the heart of our objectives. We believe that the role of the working class that went beyond the institutional representative channels, was built on a long political tradition, and that the workers redefined the political project presented by the left wing, based on their own experiences and worldviews / Doutorado / Política Contemporânea / Doutora em Ciência Política

O tema desta dissertação é o patrimonialismo como um estilo político ainda atuante nos dias de hoje. Sob o ponto de vista da cultura política, o patrimonialismo pode ser entendido como um tipo de comportamento que deriva de crenças e valores tradicionais cultivados na história brasileira. Além da sua sobrevivência por meio da cultura, é argumentado que a ideologia do Estado autoritário também seja um meio sustentador e disseminador do fenômeno. O estilo político patrimonialista é caracterizado pelo poder arbitrário legitimado por uma tradição em tratar a coisa pública como privada. Sustenta e é sustentado pela cooptação política e pelas relações clientelistas e assimétricas entre os atores políticos. Esse comportamento antirrepublicano e antidemocrático é composto por uma lógica corrupta em sua essência podendo ser um estimulador da desmobilização social (que culmina na baixa participação política) e da reduzida qualidade democrática em nosso país. O objetivo é apontar alguns vínculos teóricos entre patrimonialismo, cultura política, ideologia do Estado autoritário, participação política e qualidade democrática. / The theme of this dissertation is the patrimonialism as a current political style. According to the theory of political culture, patrimonialism can be understood as a type of behavior that derives from traditional beliefs and values maintained alive during Brazilian history. Besides its survival through culture, it is argumented that the ideology of the authoritarian State is another way of sustaining and disseminating the behavior. The patrimonialist political style is characterized by the arbitrary power legitimated by a tradition used to treat the public as a private matter. It sustains and is sustained by political co-option and by client-based and asymmetric political relationships. This anti republican and antidemocratic behavior carries within a corrupt logic that can stimulate social demobilization (which results in low political participation) and the reduced democratic quality of Brazil. The objective is to point a few theoretical ties between patrimonialism, political culture, ideology of the authoritarian State, political participation and the quality of democracy.

Engagement and proactivity of the general public in democratic process is essential for a stable and functional democracy. Participation of citizens in the political environment can be expressed by either elections or by other forms of political involvement. Current research shows that political participation requires skills, motivation to get involved and support of a group of public actors. Million Moments for Democracy is a civic organisation who support and cultivate political culture in Czechia. This work examines the supporters of the civic movement. The results show that the supporters is a group that has higher individual resources, higher political interest and distrust of the government. The supporters of the civic organisation more politically participate, especially in the activities that the organization emphasizes. The model of belonging to the association showed that the fact that the organisation was originally a protest movement cannot be ignored. Keywords political participation, electoral and non-electoral participation, civic movement, active citizens, demonstrations, petition, politics Title Participation of supporters of the civic association Million Moments in the democratic process