L'Etat en Afrique tire ses origines de l'extérieur. Il a longtemps tourné ses préoccupations vers la défense des intérets étrangers et sous la colonisation, les communautés ethniques locales sur lesquelles il exerçait son autorité n'ont jamais été véritablement représentées dans ses structures fondées sur la contrainte. Cet Etat apparait comme artificiel à cause de sa source de légitimité et de son modèle d'autorité.<p>Mais, le processus d'indépendance a enclenché une ère où il est observé un consentement à son existence et une nouvelle légitimité est accordée à ses structures.<p>L'étude analyse l'un de ces instruments par lesquels cet Etat, incarné et conservé par le "sommet" sans lien direct avec la base (notamment les communautés ethniques), parvient à nouer des relations avec celle-ci de manière à s'octroyer une nouvelle légitimité.<p>Cette étude porte donc sur les facteurs utilisés dans le système politique, le régime, le mode ou la procédure d'exercice du pouvoir afin d'améliorer la relation de l'Etat avec sa société. Elle s'intéresse au role de l'ethnicité dans la participation politique qu'animent les partis pour comprendre la légitimité de l'Etat issu de la colonisation auprès des citoyens (autochtones) qui le rejetaient autrefois./<p>The state in Africa draws its origins from outside. It turned a long time its concerns towards the foreign interests defenses and under colonization, the local ethnic communities on which it exerted its authority never were truly represented in its structures founded on the constraint. This State appears artificial because of its source of legitimacy and its model of authority.<p>But, the independence process engaged one era where it is observed an assent with its existence and a new legitimacy is granted to its structures.<p>The study analyzes one of these instruments by which this State, incarnated and preserved by the "top" without direct link with the base (in particular ethnic communities), manages to tie relations with this one so as to grant a new legitimacy.<p>This study ralates to the factors used in the political system, the mode or the procedure of power exercise in order to improve the relation of the State with its society. It is interested in the ethnicity role in the political participation which the parties animate in order to understand the (African)State legitimacy near the citizens (autochtones) who rejected it formely (colonization period). / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The study has established that modernisation development paradigm is currently governing the contemporary world of conventional development. Globalisation is the tool currently in use for modernisation, drummed up by the North, largely targeting the resources of the Southern hemisphere, through Structural Adjustment Programmes. Social welfare development interventions have been devised to provide safety-net for the poor, social casualities of modernisation process. The short cut has been to bail them out through relief handouts. Participatory development concept, is built on the belief that the world had the means to improve the situation of the poor through fair redistribution of wealth, technology, knowledge, and ideas accruing from modernisation. But this calls for the political will to address the issue of inequality, power imbalance and social injustice as a primary goal. Achieving economic growth and ensuring equitable distribution should, of necessity, be compatible. Participatory development approach is to be preferred as it is accommodative, open and creative, drawing heavily from life experiences of those involved. It also puts people at the centre of development process. It is a paradigm that seeks to empower people to assume full responsibility for their own development including the consequences of their decisions and actions. It has been established that management boards and staff are the main prime movers of strategic planning activities in an organisation. Strategic planning was appreciated by the organisational staff as an opportunity to converge their views and towards influencing organisational policy, a precious window of opportunity for them to participate in causing organisational change. Notably, donor partners generally played a minimal role in this regard. Ironically, community constituency played the least role in the planning activities owing to their often marginal disposition among stakeholders. The most satisfactory outcome of participatory strategic planning was the clarity in the future direction of an organisations and more refined planning with sense of collective responsibility. It can authoritatively be declared here that participatory strategic planning is significantly efficacious as a tool for organisation building, but under certain conditions discussed in the concluding Chapter of the thesis. / Development Studies / D. Litt et Phil. (Development Studies)

The central issue of this study revolves around public participation in the making and implementation of policy in Mauritius, particularly at the Port Louis’ local government. Public participation is regarded as one of the milestones of democracy and local governance. Local government provides an ideal forum for allowing participatory democracy to flourish as it is closest to the inhabitants. The question of what are the levels of public participation in the making and implementation of policy in Mauritius with reference to the Port Louis’ local government formed the core element of the problem statement of the thesis. Following this, the hypothesis is stated. Attention is devoted on the four objectives of the research questions: What are the key concepts that relate to public participation in the making and implementation of policy at local government level; what impact does the Constitution of the Republic of Mauritius Amendment, 2003 (Act 124 of 2003) and the New Local Government Act, 2005 (Act 23 of 2005) have on public participation in the making and implementation of policy in Mauritius, particularly at the Port Louis’ local government and what modes of public participation are used in the making and implementation of policy at the Port Louis’ local government; and what are the main factors that influence public participation in the making and implementation of policy at the Port Louis’ local government? Within the thesis, the research findings obtained from the questionnaire; and the interviews are analysed and interpreted. Ultimately, in view of the arguments presented in this thesis an attempt was made to provide some recommendations on public participation in the making and implementation of policy in Mauritius, particularly at the Port Louis’ local government. / Public Administration / D.P.A)

This dissertation examines the democratic participation in the formulation of the communal land policy in Namibia. The degree to which Government institutions allow public participation, cooperation with other sectors within government, and cooperate with other stakeholders such as Non-Governmental Organisations, is examined. Data were collected using questionnaires and interviews and literature research. The analysis of data integrated both qualitative and quantitative methodologies. Chapter One describes the background to the study, focusing on the history of democratic participation and land policies in Namibia. The literature review in Chapter Two gives a review of the relevant literature that exists on democracy, democratic participation and policymaking. Chapter Three provides a theoretical framework where the most important issues regarding policies relating to communal land were introduced. Chapter Four identified the tools and processes of conducting the study. Three regions in Namibia namely, Oshikoto, Hardap and Otjozondjupa were randomly selected to participate in this study. The findings of the study are discussed in Chapter Five and Chapter Six concludes the study. The study concluded that democratic participation in the formulation of the communal land policy in Namibia is very low. The major challenges that remain are to encourage public and inter-sectoral debate and to improve the ability of the relevant stakeholders to support development in Namibia and to clarify Namibia’s vision for democratic public participation. / Public Administration & Management / M. Tech. (Public Administration and Management)

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Rotter’s (1966) locus of control (LOC) is, fundamentally, a theory pertaining to individuals’ perceptions of personal control and their appraisal of the contingency of reinforcements in life. An individual may feel as though he/ she has either no control (external LOC) or ample control (internal LOC) over reinforcements. Due to its expediency, the locus of control construct has garnered much attention since it was first introduced to academia in the late 1960s. While originally positioned within Social Learning Theory, the notion of loci of control has since been appropriated into academic fields such as Medicine and Sociology. This particular study now brings the theory of LOC into the realm of Political Science. Employing World Values Survey (WVS) data collected over three time points (1995, 2001, and 2006) in South Africa; this longitudinal study establishes whether or not self-reported class and/ or race influence LOC by measuring the relationship between these three variables. The extent to which any relationships may be significant is also examined. The data analyses showed that the LOC of South Africans has steadily increased (become more internalised) from 1995 to 2006, and that a significant interaction effect occurs between race and class on LOC in South Africa. It was likewise discovered that class and LOC were highly correlated with each other – the self-reported Lower Class had a notably lower LOC compared to the relatively high LOC of the self-reported Upper Class. It is suggested that improved education levels and social security benefits may have a role in improving individuals’ LOC, especially in the South African context. The results of this study uncover future research avenues into class analyses, particularly studies that seek to understand the psychological dimensions of self-reported class or the psychological antecedents of class mobility. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Rotter (1966) se lokus van beheer (LVB) is, fundamenteel, ‘n teorie wat betrekking het tot individueë se persepsies van persoonlike beheer en die waarde wat hul heg aan gebeurlikhede waar versterkings hul voordoen in hul lewens. ‘n Individu mag voel asof hy/sy geen beheer het nie (eksterne LVB) of genoegsame beheer het (interne LVB) oor versterkings. As gevolg van die bruikbaarheid van die term, geniet die lokus van beheer toenemend aandag sedert die bekendstelling daarvan aan academici in die laat 1960s. Die term was aanvanklik geposisioneer in Sosiale Leer Teorie, maar die idee van lokusse van beheer is ook later aangewend in Sosiologiese en Mediese studies. Hierdie studie bring nou die teorie van LVB na Politieke Wetenskap. World Values Study (WVS) data wat versamel is tydens drie opeenvolgende jare (1995, 2001 en 2006) in Suid-Afrika is aangewend as deel van hierdie longitudinale studie om te bepaal of self-geidentifiseerde klas en/of ras ‘n impak het op LVB. Die verhoudinge van hierdie drie veranderlikes, sowel as die beduidendheid van hierdie verhoudings, is ondersoek. Die data analise toon dat die LVB van Suid-Afrikaners bestendig vermeerder het (meer geinternaliseer het) vanaf 1995 tot en met 2006, en dat ‘n noemenswaardige interaksie effek voorkom tussen ras en klas en hul impak op LVB in die Suid-Afrikaanse geval. Daar is eweneens gevind dat klas en LVB hoogs gekorrileerd is vir die aangeduide periode – die self-geidentifiseerde Laer Klas het merkbaar laer LVB in vergelyking met die relatiewe hoë LVB van die self-geidentifiseerde Hoër Klas. Dit word voorgestel dat verbeterde opvoeding vlakke en welsyns voordele ‘n rol speel in die verbetering van individueë se LVB, veral in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Die bevinding van hierdie studie kan gebruik word om toekomstige navorsing met betrekking tot klasverskille te begrond, vernaam studies wat sielkundige dimensies van self-geidentifiseerde klasgroep of die sielkundige bepalers van klas mobiliteit ondersoek.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research examines the extent of participatory democracy, as outlined in government policy, with particular relevance to the experiences of women living on farms in the Greater Stellenbosch Area, Ceres and Rawsonville. The study is based on the notion that effective and meaningful political participation in South Africa has happened at the exclusion of many of its poor and marginalised citizens, in particular poor women living on farms. The research hypothesis holds that various factors relating to the socioeconomic conditions and political orientations of farm women contribute to their low levels of participation in democratic governance. The research question therefore is: what are the obstacles that prevent women living on farms in the Greater Stellenbosch Area, Ceres and Rawsonville from effective and meaningful participation in participatory democracy? In answering the research question, mixed methods of data gathering were employed. Qualitative methods were used, with data-gathering techniques that included modified participant observation, non-scheduled structured interviews, and a focus group discussion. As relatively little is known of the experiences of farm women, these techniques were all geared towards better informing the researcher about relevant questions for the quantitative component of the research in the form of a survey. From the findings, the hypothesis that farm women do not participate in a meaningful process of participation was confirmed. The main findings in terms of the obstacles that prevent meaningful participation can be discussed in three categories. Firstly, the research indicates that farm women feel that since their opinions are not considered by politicians there is no reason for them to participate in governance. Secondly, because of a lack of capacity and resources critical for optimal participation, the women are also disempowered to not participate in politics. Finally, farm women are tired of empty promises and the abuse of power by corrupt officials. Hence they have become very cynical of processes that are supposed to be participatory, but in effect are not authentic at all. In conclusion, although participation is advanced on the basis of the principle of enhancing democracy, the lived realities of farm women cannot be ignored. Therefore, it is vital that participation in politics be seen from a holistic perspective, relying on both democratic principles and the socioeconomic development of farm women. Through political iii participation, farm women must be empowered to become not only democratic citizens, as envisioned by theorists of participatory democracy, but also capacitated people who live a dignified life. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsprojek bestudeer die omvang van deelnemende demokrasie, soos uiteengesit in regeringsbeleid, spesifiek met betrekking tot die ervaringe van vroue wat op plase in die Groter Stellenbosch Area, Ceres en Rawsonville woon. Die studie is gebaseer op die argument dat effektiewe en betekenisvolle politieke deelname in Suid Afrika die meerderheid arm en gemarginaliseerde burgers, en spesifiek arm vroue op plase, uitsluit. Die navorsingshipotese is dat verskeie faktore wat verband hou met die sosioekonomiese omstandighede en politieke oriëntasies van plaasvroue bydra tot hulle lae vlakke van politieke deelname. Vervolgens is die navorsingsvraag: Wat is die faktore wat vroue op plase in die Groter Stellenbosch Area, Ceres en Rawsonville daarvan weerhou om effektief en betekenisvol deel te neem aan die politiek? Gemengde metodes van data-insameling is gebruik om die navorsingsvraag te beantwoord. Kwalitatiewe data-insamelingstegnieke sluit in aangepaste deelnemende observasie, niegeskeduleerde gestruktureerde onderhoude en ʼn fokusgroepbespreking. Aangesien relatief min inligting oor plaasvroue bestaan, is die doel met die tegnieke om die navorser beter in te lig om vrae vir die kwantitatiewe komponent, ʼn opname, te skep. Deur die bevindinge is die hipotese dat plaasvroue nie gereeld aan effektiewe en betekenisvolle deelnemende prosesse deelneem nie bevestig. Wat die faktore wat deelname beïnvloed betref, is daar drie verskillende temas. Eerstens dui die navorsing daarop dat plaasvroue voel dat aangesien hulle opinies nie deur politici in ag geneem word nie, daar geen rede vir hulle is om aan die politiek deel te neem nie. Tweedens is plaasvroue as gevolg van ‘n gebrek aan die kapasiteit en hulpbronne noodsaaklik vir optimale deelname ook geneig om minder aan die politiek deel te neem. Laastens is die vroue moeg van leë beloftes en die misbruik van mag deur korrupte amptenare. Gevolglik is hul nou meer sinies, spesifiek oor prosesse wat veronderstel is om deelnemend te wees maar in werklikheid glad nie is nie. Ten slotte, alhoewel deelname aan die politiek bevorder word op grond van die beginsel dat dit demokrasie verbeter, kan die lewensomstandighede van plaasvroue nie geïgnoreer word nie. Hiervolgens is dit noodsaaklik dat deelname in die politiek vanuit ‘n holistiese oogpunt beskou word, gegrond op beide demokratiese beginsels en die sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling van plaasvroue. Deur politieke deelname moet plaasvroue bemagtig word om nie net demokratiese burgers te word nie, maar ook gekapasiteerde mense wat n waardige lewe lei.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Policies made by the government of a democratic country affect the lives of all citizens whether directly or indirectly. Policies should therefore represent the values of a democratic society. Since South Africa's transition to democracy in 1994, policymaking processes have promised to be everything that those in the past were not. The new government's ruling policy has promised to maximize opportunities for political participation, especially in terms of citizens being able to influence governmental decision making in cases where it affects their lives. The Tobacco Products Control Amendment Act of 1999 is regarded by many as one of the world's most controversial and regulated tobacco control policies. What makes this case exceptional is the fact that the policy process thereof seems to have caused some concern with regard to issues such as transparency, participation and consultation. The study, therefore, aims to establish the degree of political participation and consultation that one could observe in the making of the new tobacco law. It also gives an overview of what the policy-making process in general is like in South Africa; this is then compared with the case of the Tobacco Amendment Act. The study also focuses on broader aspects of the policy process such as the role of public policy with regard to the problems of the society. This research assignment is intent on describing the nature of the policy process of the Tobacco Amendment Bill and, by doing this, to promote the principles of democracy such as transparency, accountability and legitimacy, to which so many South Africans have dedicated their lives / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Openbare beleid en die daarmee gepaardgaande besluite wat deur die regering van 'n demokratiese land gemaak word, affekteer die lewens van elke burger direk of indirek. Beleid moet dus so geformuleer word dat dit die waardes van 'n demokratiese samelewing reflekteer. Sedert Suid-Afrika se oorgang tot demokrasie in 1994, was die nuwe regering se belofte dat beleidmaking meer inklusief sal wees as die van die verlede. Die nuwe bedeling se regeringsbeleid sou daarvolgens optimale geleenthede vir politieke deelname en seggenskap in belangrike beleidsbesluite skep. Die Wysigingswetontwerp op Tabakprodukte van 1999 word deur vele beskou as een van die mees kontroversiële en streng beheerde tabak beleide in die wêreld. Wat die geval so besonder maak, is die feit dat daar diegene is wat meen dat kwessies soos deursigtigheid, politieke deelname en konsultasie in die parlementêre beleidsproses agterweë gelaat is. Hierdie studie beoog dus om die mate van politieke deelname en konsultasie in die beleidsproses van die Wysigingswetontwerp op Tabakprodukte ondersoek. Die studie verskaf ook 'n oorsig oor hoe die algemene beleidsproses in Suid-Afrika daar uitsien. Dit word dan vervolgens vergelyk met die beleidsproses van die nuwe Tabakwet. Verder fokus dit ook op wyer aspekte van die beleidsproses soos die rol wat openbare beleid in die aanspreek van publieke probleme speel. In geheel, poog dit dus om die aard van die beleidsproses van die Wysigingswetontwerp op Tabakprodukte te beskryf en sodoende die beginsels van demokrasie, onder andere deursigtigheid, verantwoordbaarheid en legimiteit, waaraan so baie Suid-Afrikaners hul lewens toegewy het, te bevorder.

Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: A public meeting is one of the strategies for public participation outlined by the International Association for Public Participation (IAP2). It is a strategy that is commonly used, but tends to yield poor outcomes. Its purpose is often misunderstood and it is therefore used as a “soft” public participation option that hastens the project at hand. However, it can be a most effective strategy if it is used correctly. Its intended outcome should be to create an interest in public participation within the community, especially when it comes to community-based development. The public should be left empowered and be given scope to influence, direct and own each and every development within its community. In this study the Khayamandi community has been used as a case study. It became apparent that at Khayamandi public meetings are not used correctly as a public participation strategy, and hence the public often felt left out of developments that took place in the community. Even though there are clear constitutional/legislative guidelines on public participation, Khayamandi has not yet achieved the required level of authentic and empowering public participation. In the light of the model developed in this study for public participation that empowers communities, it is evident that public participation at Khayamandi is at a level of tokenism, where information is shared with the public but the public is not expected to participate fully in the developmental agenda. The Khayamandi community, the local municipality and the developers will have to take steps jointly in order to meet the constitutional/legislative requirement on public participation. The ideal level at which the Khayamandi community needs to be is that of citizen power, where the public becomes a change agent and assumes the role of influencing, directing and taking ownership of its own development. This study has adopted a qualitative research paradigm. Interviews and rating-scale questionnaires (on the basis of a probability sampling), focus group and observation are the tools used to collect primary data. This study follows an evaluative research design, which aims at answering the question of whether an intervention, a programme or a strategy has been successful or effective. One of the major recommendations is that the public participation model which has been developed be used by the Khayamandi community in order for the public to be empowered and have the scope to influence, direct and own community-based development and decision-making processes. The public should make use of this model for optimal results. If the public participation strategy is used correctly, Khayamandi can be in a position to achieve the appropriate level of citizen power. Once that happens, the impact on integrated community-based development and decision-making processes will be positive, with improved service delivery as a consequence. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: ’n Publieke vergadering is een van die strategieë vir publieke deelname soos omlyn deur die Internasionale Assosiasie vir Publieke Deelname (IAP2). Dit is ’n strategie wat algemeen gebruik word, maar dit neig om ‘n swak uitkoms te lewer. Die doel daarvan word dikwels verkeerd verstaan, en gevolglik word dit gebruik as ’n niksseggende openbare deelname-opsie wat die gang van die voorgenome projek versnel. Dit kan egter een van die mees doeltreffende strategieë wees as dit korrek toegepas word. Die beoogde uitkoms behoort te wees om belangstelling in publieke deelname binne die gemeenskap aan te wakker, veral waar dit gemeenskapsgebaseerde ontwikkeling betref. Die publiek behoort daardeur bemagtig gelaat en geleentheid gegee te word om ieder en elke ontwikkeling binne die gemeenskap te beïnvloed, te bestuur en te eien. In hierdie studie is die gemeenskap van Khayamandi as studie-onderwerp gebruik. Dit het geblyk dat publieke vergaderings in Khayamandi nie korrek as ’n openbare deelnamestrategie gebruik word nie, daarom voel die publiek dikwels uitgesluit uit ontwikkelings wat in die gemeenskap plaasgevind het. Alhoewel daar duidelike grondwetlike/wetgewende riglyne oor publieke deelname is, het Khayamandi nog nie die gewensde vlak van egte en bemagtigende openbare deelname bereik nie. Beoordeel volgens die model wat in hierdie studie ontwikkel is vir openbare deelname wat gemeenskappe bemagtig, is dit duidelik dat openbare deelname in Khayamandi op ‘n simboliese vlak is waar inligting aan die gemeenskap gegee word, maar die publiek word nie verwag om ten volle aan die ontwikkelingsagenda deel te neem nie. Die gemeenskap van Khayamandi, die plaaslike munisipaliteit en die ontwikkelaars sal gesamentlik stappe moet neem om die grondwetlike/wetgewende voorskrifte omtrent publieke deelname na te kom. Die ideale vlak waarop die gemeenskap van Khayamandi behoort te wees, is dié van burgerlike mag, waar die publiek die agent van verandering word en die rol aanvaar om sy eie ontwikkeling te beïnvloed, te bestuur en te eien. Hierdie studie het ’n kwalitatiewe navorsingsparadigma nagevolg. Onderhoude en vraelyste met ‘n assesseringskaal (volgens ‘n waarkynlikheidsteekproef), ’n fokusgroep en waarneming is metodes wat gevolg is om primêre data in te samel. Hierdie studie volg ’n evalueringsnavorsingsplan, wat ten doel het om die vraag te beantwoord of ’n ingryping, ’n program of ’n strategie suksesvol of effektief was. Een van die hoofaanbevelings is dat die publiekedeelnamemodel wat ontwikkel is, deur die gemeenskap van Khayamandi gebruik word, sodat die publiek bemagtig word en geleentheid het om gemeenskapsgebaseerde ontwikkelings- en besluitnemingsprosesse te bestuur, te eien en te beïnvoeld. Die publiek behoort hierdie model vir optimale resultate te gebruik. As die publiekedeelnamestrategie korrek gebruik word, kan Khayamandi in staat wees om die gepaste vlak van burgerlike mag te bereik. Sodra dit gebeur, sal die impak op geïntegreerde gemeenskapsgebaseerde ontwikkeling en besluitnemings-prosesse positief wees, met verbeterde dienslewering as gevolg.

Thesis (MPhil (Sustainable Development Planning and Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / This study evaluates community participation in the Huidare Informal Settlement (HDIS) as a case study. The hypothesis is that the breach of trust between the previous community leaders of the HDIS and the current community members has an effect on community participation in issues affecting them and their community today. The research methodology employed is explained as well as the policy context for community participation both on an international level and in Namibia, is reviewed. The legislation on community participation that has been enforced by the City of Windhoek contradicts what happened in the HDIS. The possibility will be investigated as to whether these policy documents of the City of Windhoek are only another form of tokenism.

本論文從「後社會主義中國」發展的框架下以「村民自治」來研究九十年代大陸基層政治參與，從制度層面及非制度層面探討大陸農村村民「政治參與權」發展情況，並分析對大陸未來政治發展可能產生的積極影響及消極影響。制度層面指涉的範圍是在「村民自治」的正式制度規範設計對於人民政治參與權利以及管道上的影響，主要包括「民主選舉」、「民主決策」、「民主管理」、「民主監督」、「村民小組」等等；非制度層面指涉的是包括內外部政治環境、傳統文化、經濟環境、社會環境等因素對人民政治參與的影響。從「村民自治」的制度層面和非制度層面的因素探討中，發現九十年代「村民自治」的政治參與呈現出一種嚴重的不平衡發展狀態。在制度面上，＜組織法＞比＜試行法＞在「四個民主」的機制設計比較進步，但是在選舉的競爭機制改善上成就不是很大；在非制度面上，經濟發展、仲介社團的產生及資訊的進步等因素對於民眾參與的意願有所促進，但是宗族、黨幹部的心態、傳統文化以及政府對傳媒的管制等因素卻使民眾的政治參與受到限制。九十年代大陸基層政治參與情況，由於制度變遷「路徑依賴」的選擇及自我強化的結果，使「後社會主義中國」政治參與的轉型發展，朝著「部份民主化」的方向前進，形成「接近自主型」、「部分自主型」、「被動型」三種不同的「政治參與權」型態。照目前「村民自治」發展情況來看，中共政權朝民主化方向發展是侷限性大於可能性。以漸進、溫和的方式由下而上的推動制度變革、經濟的發展、社會多元化、公民意識及參與政治文化的建立，來作為大陸推動民主化的策略選擇，雖然目前看來成功機會不大，但可作為未來大陸政治轉型之一種轉形發展策略。 / This paper attempts to look into the local political participation in Mainland China during the 1990s. The analysis on the villagers’ self-government under the framework of the post-socialism and the transitional development of Chinese Mainland and the analysis on the villagers’ “political participation powers and rights” from the formal and the informal systems of villagers’ self-government will be used to find the positive and the negative influences on the future of Mainland China’s political development by local self-government political participation. The scope of the formal system of villagers’ self-government includes democratic election, democratic decision-making, democratic management, democratic supervision and villagers’ subcommittee. The scope of the informal system of villagers’ self-government includes the interior and the exterior political environment, traditional culture, economic factor, and social environment. From the gathered data, we find the local political participation on the Mainland China during the 1990s is seriously unbalanced in rural areas of PRC. Because of the effect of path dependence, the transitional path forms three different types of “political participation powers and rights.” From the indications of current local political participation, the democratization of PRC in the near future will be limited. However, the strategy for gradualism reform still can be viewed as one possible path for transitional development of Chinese Mainland.