儘管民主政治是一種不夠完美的制度，但仍係人類社會迄今為止最能尊重與保障個人平等自由生活方式的一種政治制度，故而在廿世紀下半葉廣獲世界各國青睞。透過政治文化的觀點，我們瞭解到民主政治的建立與發展，一般人民是否具有民主的精神與素養，往往要比政治制度或典則是否完善，更具有決定性的影響。因此，本研究將「民主」定義為一種生活方式，希望從人們對民主內涵之覺察與認識，從蘊含於其日常行為價值觀中的表現，探討民主價值成為個人生活方式的可能影響。 東亞大陸上的華人社會，不論是中國大陸或台灣都肯定民主的價值，也都朝民主的方向邁進，然而二者選擇之路徑不同，歷經之階段亦不相同。台灣已成功地從威權體制轉型為民主政治，大陸則在改革開放的驅動下，著手施行有中國特色的社會主義民主建設。民主轉型能否成為兩岸未來和平對話的契機？值得我們關注。 兩岸青年雖然生活於不同的教育環境，但是資訊時代為他（她）們的成長提供了日益趨同的國際舞台。在現代化民主潮流的衝激下，他（她）們習得怎樣的民主內涵，對兩岸關係未來的發展，勢必會有重要的影響。因而本研究關切兩岸大學生政治學習的內容如何，其民主意識的內涵有何異同，兩岸大學生會有怎樣的政治參與意向，以及社會化媒介對其民主意識和政治參與意向所可能的影響。 經由內容分析法比較兩岸大學生高中時期政治學習的內容，發現兩岸的教育重心都在強化政治知識和政治策略，但本質意涵仍有顯著差異：其中各自對「政治社群」的認同對象不同、「政治知識」的來源不同、「政治策略」的性質不同，猶有甚者，彼此教科書對「民主價值」的認知與詮釋差異甚大。大陸方面的政治教科書對意識形態的強調與堅持比台灣遠甚。 本研究同時以態度量表進行經驗調查，以立意取樣的方式，在兩岸選取政治大學、成功大學、東吳大學和北京大學、人民大學、（廣州）中山大學等六所學校共1100餘位學生作為對比分析。經過冗長的統計分析與論證，本研究所提出的各項假設獲得了部分的驗證。 根據本研究發現，兩岸大學生影響其民主意識與政治參與意向的原因容或有所不同，但從調查結果可知，雖然兩岸在政治、經濟體制上分離了五十餘年，但本研究所調查的兩岸大學生在許多方面都呈現了相同之處，並且對於民主仍充滿了肯定，甚至大陸大學生對於民主的渴望猶勝生活在自由風氣中的台灣大學生。筆者認為，這樣的共識讓兩岸有了對話的平台，在未來的兩岸關係中，這群政治與社會的菁英勢必能由此發展出新的出路。 / Democratic political system which has been widely accepted in the second half of the 20th century all over the world has played the best role in respecting and guaranteeing individuals’ equal and liberal lifestyle so far, though it might not be the most perfect. Though the view of political culture, we acknowledge that in the establishment and development of democratic politics, whether the ordinary people have democratic spirits usually has more crucial effects than whether the political regimes and norms are flawless. Therefore in this research, the writer defines ‘democracy’ as ‘a lifestyle’ and tries to discuss the possible effect of democratic lifestyle through people’s awareness and understanding of democratic connotation and their daily behavior reflecting their values. In the Chinese society on the Eastern Asia continent, both the Mainland China and Taiwan approve the democratic value and move toward the democracy. But they chose different ways, either the developing stages. Taiwan has successfully changed from the authoritarian system to democratic politics while the Mainland China has been performing the China Style Socialist Democracy Construction in the motivation of the market-oriented Reformation. Can the democratic transition create a peacefully conversational opportunity? It’s worth paying attention. The youth of both sides are living in the different educational environment, but the Information Age provides them an international stage more and more similar. By the wash of democratic wave, what democratic connotation they have learned will make a big impact on the cross-straight relationship in the future. So this research concerns on the undergraduates’ political study contents, the differences between their democratic connotation, their political participation wills and the probably effects of socialization media on their democratic conscious and political participation wills. After comparing the political study contents in high school by content analysis method, it is found that the educational cores of both sides are political knowledge and political policy, but they have distinct essences in who the political community identifies, where the political knowledge comes, what the political policy means, and the most different, how the democratic value is explained. The political textbook of the Mainland China enhances the ideology more often than Taiwan. Meanwhile, in this research the scaling method was adopted to execute the experience survey. With the purpose-sampling method, more than 1100 students of National Cheng Chi University, National Cheng Kung University and Soochow University in Taiwan and Peking University, Renmin University and Sun Yet-san University in the Mainland China are chosen. Through the tough statistic analysis and demonstration, the hypotheses of this research have been large partly proved. According to the research founds, in both sides the factors which effect the undergraduates’ democratic conscious and political participation wills are different. This survey also tells us that the undergraduates in both sides has a lot in common although have been politically and economically separated for more than 50 years. They both feel very positive towards democracy, further more, the Mainland China undergraduates are more eager to democracy than Taiwan undergraduates who are living the liberal atmosphere. The author believes that this common opinion constructs the talk bridge between the Straights. In the future, these political and social elites will develop a new peaceful path to change the present vague relationship between both sides through the democratic way.

本研究以台大批踢踢實業坊（PTT）政治類看板為例，企圖評估電子布告欄（BBS）系統是否為承載政治意見的理想論域。 在文獻探討的過程中可知，「政治參與」對於民主發展至為重要，而其中透過網際網路進行的政治意見表達，在數位時代來臨後的重要性與日俱增。因此本研究以哈伯瑪斯的公共領域與溝通行動理論為核心，建立「理想意見論域」的三項標準：開放性、公共性、理性。並據此三項標準，對研究場域PTT政治類看板進行評估。 本研究以量化的內容分析法為主，輔以直接觀察，對研究場域及其中政治意見的性質，進行客觀的描述與分析。研究結果發現，PTT政治類看板進入和參與的門檻低、互動熱絡頻繁、討論規範也並未限制理性發言空間，在「開放性」上表現佳；至於「公共性」的部分，在討論規範與看板管理者的約束下，討論的議題多能與公共事務相關；然而在「理性」面向上，論證嚴謹程度普遍不足，亦僅有半數的發言能完全保持冷靜平和。 另外，在把政治意見的各項性質進行交叉分析後，可歸納出「理想網路論域」中的「理想政治意見」，應該具有的條件包括：沒有明顯的政黨傾向、篇幅充實、切合討論主題、以事實陳述輔助個人意見、不純粹批評而是褒貶參半或持平而論、情緒冷靜平和、論證深入而嚴謹等。

Where does my individual responsibility for the environment start and end? Should I be responsible for environmental stress in India only because my shoes were produced there, or for climate change that endangers species in Antarctica, or rising sea levels on Pacific islands which just might have been caused by my driving? What do I need to do if I think it is my responsibility? And how do I decide which is a better alternative from an environmental point of view? Who should I trust when deciding on what action to take, and what opportunities do I need for acting?This multidisciplinary thesis takes the politicization of everyday household activities due to environmental consequences, and individualization of responsibility, as its starting points. These points make it increasingly important to understand what responsibility individuals experience, and how they act in accordance with these perceptions. The present thesis is a qualitative study with 28 Swedish households that concern how the householders express responsibility for the environment through their everyday activities, partly by claiming to be “environmentally conscious”, and how they attempt to exert political influence. The study contributes to the discussion on the wide field of sustainable development and environmental politics. It deals specifically with the ways four Swedish municipalities (Gothenburg, Huddinge, Piteå and Växjö) attempt to influence what the householders do in the private sphere when it comes to implementing sustainable development, and what opportunities and they supply, and what expectations they have on householders. The study thereby discusses the possibility to interfere in the perceived private sphere, and different ways to participate politically. / Sustainable households: activities, research, policies

Ce mémoire traite de la construction d’un espace social citoyen à partir de l’analyse du travail d’intervention de deux organismes locaux situés à Trou du Nord (Haïti). Il s’agit d’explorer les manières dont les membres se représentent et s’approprient leur statut de citoyen. Pour mettre l’emphase sur les mécanismes associatifs et sociaux qui interviennent dans la construction de ce que nous nommons "espace social citoyen", nous avons mené une recherche qualitative dont la charpente interprétative est conçue avec l’aide des outils théorico-pratiques de la politique de participation (Barber, 1997) et l’intervention sociale collective (Lamoureux, 1991). Nous avançons l’hypothèse centrale que les pratiques associatives sont le vecteur de la construction d’un espace social citoyen à Trou du Nord. Cette hypothèse centrale est soutenue par deux hypothèses opératoires portant sur les conditions d’exercice de citoyenneté et l’affirmation individuelle de l’appartenance des membres à l’espace commun. Nous avons recueilli quatorze entretiens semi-directifs effectués avec les membres de l’Assemblée Populaire Veye Yo Trou du Nord (APVT) et du Rassemblement des Militants Solidaires de Trou du Nord (RAMSO). Les résultats de la recherche indiquent que les membres de ces deux organisations manifestent une grande volonté de contribuer au développement de leur localité et au «mieux-être» de la population. Leur implication directe dans les affaires politiques et sociales s’accompagne des exigences pour que l’État prenne en charge ses responsabilités vis-à-vis de ses citoyens. Cette liberté d’action repose sur le partage de leurs expériences individuelles et sur une grande connaissance des divers aspects des réalités locales auxquelles sont confrontés quotidiennement les citoyens. Ces deux groupes sont conçus comme des espaces de sociabilité, des lieux publics et dynamiques issus de l’activité commune et des divers types d’interactions au niveau local. Toujours d’après l’analyse, les membres de ces deux groupes interviennent sur un problème d’ensemble collectif au niveau local sans pour autant négliger leurs propres intérêts. Ils s’inscrivent dans le jeu de marchandage électoral et apprennent à leurs membres à se comporter comme une communauté d’intérêts et d’actions, elle-même inscrite dans l’ensemble des interactions, des processus et des dynamiques de résolution des problèmes au niveau local. Un tel constat vient à la fois valider certaines de nos hypothèses tout en révélant les limites de l’idée de la construction d’un espace social citoyen. D’une part, la volonté de contribuer au «mieux-être» de la population, la nécessité de prendre la parole, d’exprimer les problèmes collectifs et individuels, le souci d’avoir un contrôle sur l’action des dirigeants élus sont autant d’enjeux qui leur ont permis de passer de leur vécu particulier à une vision plus large des intérêts collectifs et à la définition des tâches qu’ils estiment correspondre au rôle citoyen qui leur incombe. D’autre part, leur positionnement dans le champ politique notamment au moment des élections les fait apparaître comme des groupes partisans, c'est-à-dire qu’ils ne sont pas toujours dans la construction de l’intérêt général. Nous concluons que ce double aspect s’avère nécessaire aussi bien à la construction de l’espace social citoyen qu’au fonctionnement démocratique au niveau local. Car, en plus de se définir comme citoyens et d’affirmer leur appartenance communautaire, les membres développent les capacités critiques face aux gestes et actes posés autant par les dirigeants locaux que par l’État haïtien lui-même. Ils acquièrent aussi les habilités de participer, même dans les interstices, aux jeux sociopolitiques faisant partie du processus de renforcement de la citoyenneté et d’un système démocratique en construction. / This master thesis focuses on the construction of a social citizen from the analysis of the intervention of two local agencies located in "Trou du Nord" (Haiti). It is exploring ways in which members will represent their ownership and represent their citizenship status. We put emphasis on the social mechanisms and associations involved in building what we call "citizen social space". We have conducted a qualitative research from the works of Barber (1997) on practical policy participation and those of Lamoureux (1991) on collective social action. We assume, as central hypothesis, that associative practices are the main vector for construction of a citizen social space in "Trou du Nord". This central hypothesis is supported by two secondary one interested on the operating conditions for the exercise of citizenship and the affirmation of individual members belonging to the common area. We have made fourteen semi-structured interviews conducted with members of the "Assemblée Populaire Veye Yo Trou du Nord (APVT)" and the "Rassemblement des militants solidaires de Trou du Nord (RAMSO)". The results indicate that members of both organizations show great willingness to contribute to the development of their locality and "wellbeing" of the population. This freedom of action is based on sharing their individual experiences and their extensive knowledge of the local realities faced daily citizens. Both groups are designed as spaces of sociability, as public and dynamics places reflecting the various types of local interaction. According to the analysis, members of both groups get involved in resolving collective problems at the local level without neglecting their own interests. They are part of the game of electoral bargaining and teach their members to behave as a community of interests and action, itself contained in all interactions, processes and dynamic resolution of problems local level. Those findings validate some of our hypothetical assumptions and reveal at the same time their limits. On the one hand, the willingness to help with the wellbeing on the population, with the need for the people to speak out and to express their collective and individual problems, with the desire to have control over the elected leaders actions, are all issues that allowed the groups to pursue broader collective interest and to define themselves as a citizen social space. On the other hand, their position in the political arena especially at election time makes them appear as groups of supporters, that is to say they are not always in the construction of the general interest. We conclude this dual aspect is necessary both for the construction of a citizen social space and that of democratic citizen at the local level. In addition, those two groups help citizen to assert their sense of belonging to a local community. They help them also to develop capacities to criticize actions taking by both local and national leaders. They help them also to acquire the skills to participate – even though in the interstices – at the sociopolitical games as part of the process of building citizenship and a democratic system under construction.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:24:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Renata Falson Cavalca.pdf: 4035255 bytes, checksum: fcc8c2dbe08c5ff75321f4704e64c1d4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-17 / While condensing the repercussions arising from changes engendered by globalization and technology, local urban spaces are subject to readjustments of all kinds - social, economic, environmental, political and legal - to enable the reproduction of urban life. Population density and urban agglomerations intensified social demands and questions concerning the role of the municipality in the political, economic, social and environmental, not only in relation to the provision of services, especially those aimed at education, health, housing, transport, leisure, as well as the guarantee of citizenship rights are essential to human dignity. In this light, the present study is to focus the discussion of issues related to the position of municipal federal entity in the political and legal situation of the Brazilian federation, advocating is the need to (re) city of the invention for the realization of the right to the city. To this end, the proposed theme examines new dimensions and visions of urban space: the city. In light of the processes of urbanization and urban issues, the different forms that take on contemporary reality, recognize up ideas on environmental protection, urban environment, social, economic, cultural, political and environmental, community, citizenship, local government, governance, urban planning, environmental policies, quality of life, sustainable development, urban resilience, environmental ethics, education, local democracy, municipal autonomy and political participation of the community. The study of urban theme speaks to the debate on the effects of socio-spatial transformations in conditioning the political and institutional system of cities, and the challenges to the adoption of decentralized management models based on local governance. To this end, they propose strategies that have accompanied the tools necessary to lead to a change of the reality of urban life. Indeed, the realization of the right to the city calls for the assumption by the local community in decisions about their own development. There, as in the city a public dimension of collective life to be organized. It is precisely this need for organization of public life in the city that emerges from an urban power, political and administrative authority in charge of its management: the municipality. In addition, the city is the intervention framework in which public policies must be guided by clearly formulated policy options and guided by the local interests, and its municipal government, the principal. Thus, the local government, backed by its basic instruments, which are decentralized planning and community participation, is a mechanism of political and economic order with great effectiveness to local development. Hence the value of the city as a privileged field for the learning of democracy and the reconstruction of politics, given the proximity to the local level guard of citizens and their daily needs. With the theme, it intends to contribute to the clarification of these processes, their conflicts in different orders, joints and voltages present in the reality of urban life among the various social actors, especially analyzes to significant responses in discussions on the position and relevance of the role of the Municipality in the federal order of Brazil / Ao mesmo tempo em que condensam as repercussões decorrentes de transformações engendradas pela globalização e pela tecnologia, os espaços urbanos locais se encontram sujeitos a reajustamentos de toda ordem sociais, econômicos, ambientais, políticos e jurídicos para viabilizar a reprodução da vida urbana. Adensamento populacional e aglomerações urbanas intensificam demandas sociais e questionamentos relativos ao papel do município nas esferas política, econômica, social e ambiental, não somente em relação à prestação de serviços, especialmente aqueles voltados à educação, saúde, habitação, transporte, lazer, como também à garantia dos direitos de cidadania, essenciais à dignidade da pessoa humana. Sob esse prisma, o presente estudo tem como enfoque o debate de questões ligadas à posição do ente federado municipal na conjuntura político-jurídica da federação brasileira, propugnando-se pela necessidade de (re)invenção da cidade para a concretização do direito à cidade. Para tanto, o tema proposto analisa novas dimensões e visões do espaço urbano: a cidade. À luz dos processos de urbanização e das questões urbanas, nas diferentes formas que assumem na realidade contemporânea, reconhecem-se ideias sobre proteção ambiental, meio ambiente urbano, problemas sociais, econômicos, culturais, políticos e ambientais, comunidade, cidadania, poder local, governança, planejamento urbano, políticas públicas ambientais, qualidade de vida, desenvolvimento sustentável, resiliência urbana, ética ambiental, educação, democracia local, autonomia municipal e participação política da comunidade. O estudo da temática urbana dialoga com o debate sobre os efeitos das transformações socioespaciais, no condicionamento do sistema político-institucional das cidades, e os desafios colocados à adoção de modelos de gestão descentralizada, baseados na governança local. Para tanto, são propostas estratégias que vêm acompanhadas dos instrumentos necessários para conduzir à alteração da realidade da vida urbana. Com efeito, a concretização do direito à cidade exige a assunção, pela comunidade local, de decisões acerca de seu próprio desenvolvimento. Há, pois, na cidade uma dimensão pública de vida coletiva a ser organizada. É exatamente dessa necessidade de organização da vida pública na cidade que emerge um poder urbano, autoridade político-administrativa encarregada de sua gestão: o Município. Além disso, a cidade é o quadro de intervenção no qual as políticas públicas devem ser norteadas por opções políticas claramente formuladas e orientadas pelos interesses locais, sendo seu governo municipal, o principal responsável. Dessa forma, o poder local, amparado por seus instrumentos básicos, que são o planejamento descentralizado e a participação comunitária, constitui um mecanismo de ordenamento político e econômico de grande eficiência para o desenvolvimento local. Daí a valorização do município como campo privilegiado para o aprendizado da democracia e a reconstrução da política, dada a proximidade que a esfera local guarda dos cidadãos e de suas necessidades cotidianas. Com o tema, intenta-se contribuir para o esclarecimento desses processos, seus conflitos de diferentes ordens, das articulações e tensões presentes na realidade da vida urbana entre os diversos atores sociais, sobretudo de análises que permitam respostas significativas nos debates sobre a posição e a relevância do papel do Município na ordem federativa do Brasil

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-04-09T13:03:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Jeferson Tadeu Martins.pdf: 1332410 bytes, checksum: 83dcc9eedfc7d3309e7885c7cd112abd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-09T13:03:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jeferson Tadeu Martins.pdf: 1332410 bytes, checksum: 83dcc9eedfc7d3309e7885c7cd112abd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This work aims to study the category of political action in the book The Human Condition by Hannah Arendt. This is a category that evidences the search of the author in valorizing the vita activa, understood as labor, work and action. Considering that the totalitarianism of the twentieth century caused a rupture with the tradition of western political thought, Arendt proposes to think of the category of political action from a recovery of what she believes has been relegated to oblivion throughout tradition, to investigate some political phenomena, as originally manifested. In this dissertation, after the proposal of Arendt’s work is presented in general, the author's understanding about vita activa was evidenced, briefly addressing the categories of labor and work, and then presenting the main aspects of the action, based on the book The Human Condition. Finally, Arendt's analysis of modernity is clarified, along with the process of alienation from the world and the reflection on the system of councils, in which, for Arendt, political action is manifested in an authentic way / Este trabalho tem como objetivo estudar a categoria da ação política na obra A Condição Humana de Hannah Arendt. Essa é uma categoria que evidencia a busca de Arendt em valorizar a vita activa, entendida enquanto trabalho, obra e ação. Partindo da consideração de que o totalitarismo do século XX ocasionou uma ruptura com a tradição do pensamento político ocidental, Arendt se propõe a pensar a categoria de ação política, a partir de uma recuperação daquilo que ela acredita ter sido relegado ao esquecimento ao longo da tradição, para investigar alguns fenômenos políticos, tal qual se manifestaram originalmente. Nesta dissertação, após se apresentar de modo geral a proposta de trabalho arendtiana, evidencia-se sua compreensão a respeito da vita activa, abordando de maneira sucinta as categorias de trabalho e obra, para depois apresentar os aspectos principais da ação, tendo como base sua obra A Condição Humana. Por fim, esclarece-se a análise arendtiana a respeito da modernidade, juntamente com seu processo de alienação frente ao mundo e à reflexão acerca do sistema de conselhos, nos quais, para Arendt, a ação política se manifesta de modo autêntico

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:31:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 GiseliPaimCosta.pdf: 2055407 bytes, checksum: 8e7262d885edbf9b17c344ebfcc836c0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-05-26 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente trabalho apresenta um estudo sobre a formação da consciência política, viabilizada pela participação política. Esse estudo foi desenvolvido com moradores e trabalhadores de Unidades de Reciclagem de Lixo, em algumas comunidades, na cidade de Porto Alegre. Realizamos questionários e entrevistas semi-estruturadas com moradores e trabalhadores das Unidades de Reciclagem de Lixo, dentre os quais contemplamos lideranças comunitárias, assim como técnicos de diferentes Secretarias ou Departamentos Municipais, que trabalham junto às comunidades nas quais se encontram as Unidades de Reciclagem. Além disso, fizemos uma pesquisa documental para a coleta de informação sobre a realidade pesquisada. Com base nos discursos de nossos entrevistados e nos referenciais teóricos de Sandoval (1989, 1994, 2001) e Melucci (1989, 1994, 2001, 2004), analisamos as relações entre consciência política e participação política, inferindo que o exercício da cidadania, viabilizado pela participação política, compõe um cenário importante para a formação da consciência política. Constatamos que fóruns de participação, dentre os quais destacamos o Orçamento Participativo, constituem-se em importantes canais de interlocução, além de serem decisivos para a configuração de valores societais que permitem aos indivíduos se fortalecerem enquanto atores sociais e políticos, bem como se engajarem, coletivamente, em ações que possibilitem o exercício da cidadania, a emancipação e a qualidade de vida. Percebemos que as políticas públicas incidem na vida dos indivíduos, no entanto, faz-se necessário considerarmos os impactos psicopolíticos que interferem no comportamento político dos mesmos, de forma a entendermos a complexidade da participação política

Este trabalho busca analisar como o projeto Sementes de Primavera contribuiu para promover a cidadania planetária desde a infância por meio da participação da comunidade escolar no processo de construção do Projeto Eco-Político-Pedagógico nas escolas da Rede Municipal de Osasco (2007 a 2009). O texto está estruturado em três capítulos: no primeiro é apresentado o quadro teórico do movimento da educação ambiental e do desenvolvimento sustentável; no segundo é tecida uma reflexão sobre o princípio da Gestão Democrática na política educacional de Osasco (2007 e 2008), com ênfase na participação das crianças; no terceiro é feita uma reflexão sobre como a participação infantojuvenil da gestão escolar para ampliar o conceito de escola sustentável que vem sendo construído no Brasil e no mundo na última década. / This Masters of Arts Thesis analyzes how the project Spring\'s Seeds (Sementes de Primavera) contributed to promote planetary citizenship since childhood in the educational units of Osasco\'s Municipal School System (2007-2009). The text is structured in three chapters: in the first, the theoretical framework of environmental education movement and sustainable development is presented; in the second, there is a consideration on the democratic management in the educational policy of Osasco, specially from the experience of children\'s participation in the schools\' planning process and in the elaboration of the Eco-Political-Pedagogical Projects; in the third, there is a reflection on how the views of the children of Osasco contributed to expand the concept of a sustainable school that has been cons tructed in Brazil and in the world in the past decade.

La recherche sociale présentée se focalise sur la participation et la représentation politique indienne à l'intérieur d'un district électoral. Le district électoral 04, siégé à Zacapoaxtla à la Sierra Norte de Puebla, est habité par des populations nahuas et totonaques. Le regard anthropologique nous rend les outils qualitatifs pour analyser le rapport entre l’État et les groupes indiennes de la région comprenant les échelles inframunicipale, municipale et du district. Il s'agit d'une étude de cas qui permet de comprendre la complexité du vote dans un contexte rural afin de dévoiler les phénomènes de multipartisme et alternance politique. / The research is focus on the participation and representation of indigenous people in a federal electoral district recently developed (2005) within electoral processes. The 04 federal electoral district based in Zacapoaxtla is located in the Sierra Norte de Puebla, inhabited by nahuas and totonacs groups. The anthropological point of view offers qualitative instruments for the understanding of the interaction between the State and the indigenous people through different analysis scales: infra-municipal, municipality and district. It is a case study that allows the understanding of the complexity of the vote in rural areas, with the purpose of comprehending the phenomenon of pluralist political arena and political alternation. / La investigación se enfoca en la participación y representación política indígena en un distrito electoral federal de nueva creación (2005) en el contexto de los procesos electorales. El distrito electoral 04 con cabecera en Zacapoaxtla se ubica en la Sierra Norte de Puebla, habitado por grupos nahuas y totonacos. La mirada antropológica ofrece las herramientas cualitativas para el análisis de la relación del Estado con los grupos indígenas a través de distintas escalas como: inframunicipal, municipal y distrital. Es un estudio de caso que permite entender la complejidad del voto en un contexto rural, con la intención de comprender los fenómenos de multipartidismo y alternancia política.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniela Kalil.pdf: 1708469 bytes, checksum: 351e62fde2a6802246162bf1c86afa06 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-28 / Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie / The preamble of the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil of 1988, called Citizen Constitution states that representatives of the Brazilian people gathered in the National Constituent Assembly to institute a Democratic State. This democratic state founded on some fundamental principles constitutionally expressed, including, sovereignty and citizenship, which are prerequisites for citizens' political participation in public affairs. All these concepts are interrelated, complementing each other and constitute a set of principles, rights and duties, which provides the practical existence of democratic political order. The challenge of Brazilian society, as well as of other contemporary democratic societies, is to promote the improvement and accomplishment of popular participation in the State s life, which reveals a very complex task from the moment one understands that, first, it is imperative that become effective the rights and guarantees proclaimed in the Constitution. Aside from this need, it is essential, also, that people dispose of participatory mechanisms, which enjoy a truly legal and political framework that aims at the achievement, execution and result. In a country whose highest law prescribes that all power emanates from the people, who may exercise it in a direct form, popular participation is a prerequisite for the fulfillment of the purposes of a democratic State under law. The plebiscite comes as a fundamentally valuable tool for the achievement and consolidation of participatory democracy. / O preâmbulo da Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988, denominada Constituição Cidadã, declara que representantes do povo brasileiro reuniram-se em Assembléia Nacional Constituinte para instituir um Estado Democrático. Esse Estado Democrático de Direito alicerça-se em alguns princípios fundamentais constitucionalmente expressos, dentre eles, a soberania e a cidadania, que são pressupostos para a participação política dos cidadãos nos negócios públicos. Todos esses conceitos estão interligados, complementando-se mutuamente, e constituem um conjunto de princípios, direitos e deveres, que propicia a existência prática da ordem política democrática. O desafio da sociedade brasileira, assim como das demais sociedades democráticas contemporâneas, é promover o aprimoramento e a concretização da participação popular na vida do Estado, o que se revela tarefa de grande complexidade a partir do momento que se compreende que, antes, é imprescindível que se efetivem os direitos e garantias fundamentais previstos na Constituição. Afora essa necessidade, é essencial, ainda, que o povo disponha de mecanismos participativos, que usufruam de uma estrutura genuinamente legal e política que vise à sua aplicação, execução e resultado. Em um país cuja Lei Maior prescreve que todo o poder emana do povo, que poderá exercê-lo de forma direta, a participação popular é requisito para o cumprimento dos propósitos do Estado Democrático de Direito. O plebiscito surge como um instrumento fundamentalmente valioso para a realização e consolidação da democracia participativa.