This research is to probe into the political attitude and the values of the female collegians, and take the Tainan Woman¡¦s College of Arts & Technology for example which only recruited females. The research on plural educational systems and different ages hopes to understand the life and the learning experience of the students from the way of the students¡¦ political socialization including the different backgrounds.(families, schools, mass media and peer-groups .) by using a questionnaire survey. We hope the results of this research can be the references of the schools and education. The major results are as follows: 1.The relations between the parents¡¦ occupation and the family socialization are large. 2.There was no significant difference on the family authority types between different grades. 3.There was no significant difference on the family discipline methods between different grades. 4.There was no significant difference on the family politics between different grades. 5.The school socialization is related to the educational systems, genders, the educational background of the mothers and the parents¡¦ occupation. 6.The relations between the mass media and the grades are large. 7.The peer-groups socialization is related to the educational systems, genders, the educational background of the fathers. 8.In the angles of the students¡¦ basic political attitudes forming, the national identity is related to the grades, the educational background of the mothers and the parents¡¦ occupation. 9.The students think that Taiwan and the China are different nations, more students think that Taiwan is a country. 10The ideologies of independence and unification are related to the educational background of the fathers and the parents¡¦ occupation. 11The percentage of maintaining the present situation is the most and the percentage of unifying is the least. KEY WORD: political attitude and the values, political socialization

Due to the rapid transition of our society and the economic, the local governments have to keep extending the development and the construction. While they are proposing more plans and more clear perspective to their citizens, are they aware of or consider about some practical questions, such as if their scheduled goals suit popular need? If the direction will follow up people¡¦s demand? How their policy is acknowledged by the citizens? Or if everyone knows the effect and the potential developing of those policy being carried out? This research is trying to understand how the difference between peoples¡¦ and governments¡¦ perception and viewpoients in the respects of the urban positioning, urban development policy. The citizens¡¦ multi-political attitude can be analyzed by the six elements: governmental belief, political equality, governmental satisfactory, political efficacy consciousness, public affair involvement and public affair participation. And the questions regarding to the urban positioning recognition is an unitary level. Apparently, The conclusion of this research shows that different general background of the citizens cause different multi-political attitude that influent which urban positioning recognition. Obviously, the levels of governmental belief, governmental satisfactory, political efficacy consciousness and public affair participation are positively related. This research reveals to develop multi-political attitude will help positive growth for people to recognize the position of the city and affirmative attitude toward the government. Furthermore, this research proposes the suggestions that how to improve peoples¡¦ multi-political attitude and how to enhance the citizens¡¦ recognition of the city¡¦s position in order to lead the development and the position of Kaohsiung City be acknowledged by their citizens and to raise the consciousness and the level that the citizens in Kaohsiung City to participate in the public affairs.

Understanding student political attitudes—feelings about government and perceptions of its role—has long been of interest to social scientists. One factor that may influence political attitudes is belief in a just world, a complex psychological construct well established in the literature. Our study explores changes in social work students’ perception of a supportive role of government and their beliefs in a just world after one policy course using a pretest and posttest design. Student perceptions changed toward a more supportive government role, but there was no significant change for belief in a just world. The study contributes to empirical evaluation of the social work education policy class in terms of the Council on Social Work Education competencies.

Mit der vorliegenden "Mitte"-Studie wird das rechtsextreme Einstellungspotential in Deutschland zum siebten Mal seit 2002 dokumentiert. Zunächst werden in Kapitel I und II die Ergebnisse und theoretischen Implikationen der bisherigen Studien zusammengefasst und erweitert. In Kapitel III werden die Ergebnisse der „Mitte“-Studie 2014 vorgestellt, die im abschließenden Kapitel IV zusammengefasst und im Kapitel V abschliessend diskutiert werden.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-09-21T20:11:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 francinellyaparecidamattoso.pdf: 892010 bytes, checksum: ed345016d2974c1da3868df7929abccc (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diamantino Mayra (mayra.diamantino@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-09-26T20:28:15Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 francinellyaparecidamattoso.pdf: 892010 bytes, checksum: ed345016d2974c1da3868df7929abccc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-26T20:28:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 francinellyaparecidamattoso.pdf: 892010 bytes, checksum: ed345016d2974c1da3868df7929abccc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-22 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente estudo discute as implicações da dimensão territorial na vida dos jovens pobres. Privilegia-se como eixos de análise a juventude, entendida como categoria socialmente construída e sua relação com o espaço e tempo histórico; o território, a partir das relações estabelecidas pelos jovens por meio de suas práticas e interações cotidianas em seus espaços de inserção na cidade e as repercussões daí advindas, no que se refere aos limites e possibilidades de participação desses sujeitos. Nesse sentido, são problematizadas questões como as condições de vida dos jovens pobres no espaço urbano por meio das categorias cotidiano e pobreza. A análise incide nas experiências e percepções de jovens pertencentes a dois bairros do município de Juiz de Fora no campo da educação, trabalho, família e das relações que estabelecem com a cidade. Os resultados do estudo demonstram que jovens com mesmo perfil sócio-econômico, mas que vivenciam dinâmicas sócio-espaciais distintas, estabelecem perspectivas de participação e de futuro destoantes em virtude das desigualdades vivenciadas na cidade. / This paper focuses on analyzing the effects of the territory on young people’s behavior. For this purpose, youth is considered as a built-up group of the society that keeps regular interaction with space and time; the territory consists of the place where youth are living, taking into consideration the various areas of their lives in a city and, consequently, the boundaries to their actions and the limits to their participation in everyday’s social life. In this sense, many matters are studied, such as that of the poor youth’s life quality and how it has to do with the urban standards. The main analysis is based on the experience and point of view from young people grown in two neighborhoods of Juiz de Fora. Not only were family and education subjects of this study but also relationships established at the workplace and relationships established with different sectors of their urban life. The results of this study appoint that young people with similar socioeconomic background but raised in different special contexts, tend to have different expectations for the future as well as divergent conception on social engagement.

The outline of this project begins with the exploration of basic idea of leadership and further linking it with Chinese political environment. Subsequently the transformational leadership model is used to analyze Chinese students’ perception of President Xi Jinping, while the traits of followers — in this case Chinese students — are defined using Robert Kelly’s followership model. The central piece of this research was to conduct survey among Chinese students, while the survey questionnaire was analytically designed to reveal the follower’s level of agreement with Xi Jinping’s policies as well as overall popularity. The survey data also helped indicate the types of followers and to examine relevant connections to their viewpoints, which aided in investigating their perception of Chinese president as a leader. This framework would conceivably be an effective attempt to indicate that how followers define themselves and how their standpoint conceives leadership. This study can not only help identify the popularity of Chinese leader among students but also evaluate the effects of policies introduced by Xi Jinping. Finally, the research is included to understand to what extend current policies meet students’ expectations, which can predict the trend and help weigh future reforms, formulation of new policies and development of the governing system.

More and more foreign spouses have been immigrating to Taiwan. The ¡§New Taiwan Children¡¨ are consequently expected to become the elites of Taiwan¡¦s next generation. The political education and learning in families, as well as the political attitude of the husband¡¦s family, will all influence the political attitude and national identity of foreign spouses and their children. Most of the dissertations regarding foreign spouses now, however, are focused on the life adaption and Chinese character recognition services for foreign spouses. Little effort has been made to explore their political attitudes. In this research, therefore, we focus our research on the participants of the Chinese-character Recognition Classes in 24 elementary and junior high schools in Kaohsiung City and probe their political attitude after attending the courses. In this paper, we will discuss the factors influencing the political attitudes of foreign spouses, particularly, their personal backgrounds (including nationality, language and education), family backgrounds of their husbands (e.g., the political party supported by their spouse and their perspectives on unification or independence), and social inclusion factors (for example, political-related discussions with neighbors and friends, community activities, participation in Chinese-character recognition classes or life adaptation-courses organized by the government, etc.) The ultimate purpose of the study is to determine whether innate factors (i.e., personal backgrounds) or environmental factors (i.e., the social factors) are more influential on their political attitudes. If environmental factors turn out to be more influential, we may expedite the social inclusion process through collaborative efforts between the government and private agencies. We will also incorporate in the ¡§conclusion¡¨ our recommendations for further facilitating social inclusion. It was found in the research process that, in terms of political inclusion, a significant level (P<.001) has been reached in four aspects including ¡§Evaluation of Government Performance¡¨, ¡§National Identity¡¨, ¡§Political Participation¡¨ and ¡§Political Efficacy¡¨. The correlation coefficients between social inclusion and political inclusion are, respectively, .370, .362, .187 and .270. It is therefore recommended that increasing the political participation of foreign spouses may be achieved by encouraging their social inclusion. The research results also show that, for foreign spouses with different language proficiency, there is a significant variance in the extent of social inclusion. On the average, more foreign spouses communicate with the families of their husbands in English, Mandarin or Fukienese, as compared with those communicating in the language of Thailand, Philippines or Indonesia. We suggest that the authorities should provide more subsidies/incentives to encourage foreign spouses to participate in language-training courses. The survey also shows that foreign spouses rarely attend the community activities or discuss with their friends, mainly because of language barriers. Improvement of language ability will be a motivating factor for their social inclusion. Foreign spouses seldom participate in community activities or in political discussions. The main reasons for this include busy with childcare or household chores, language problems or inadequate Chinese proficiency, which causes insufficient social inclusion. It is recommended that the government should provide subsidies/incentives to encourage their participation in community activities, including attending the life coach classes and Chinese-character Recognition Classes, etc. The research shows that foreign spouses with better Chinese proficiency are better prepared to participate in political activities. For example, they will find it easier to read election-related information. Among the foreign spouses surveyed this time, few have the habit of reading political commentary in newspapers or TV programs; this is due to their incompetency in Chinese language. One of the ways to improve their abilities in political participation, therefore, is to encourage them to participate in the Chinese-character Recognition Classes. In our visit to the Immigrant Center of Learning in the city, we learned from an instructor at the YMCA that free Chinese courses are now offered by the YMCA to the foreign spouses. It is our hope that through close cooperation between the government and the private institutions we can expedite the social and political inclusion of foreign spouses, enabling them to enjoy a happy life in Taiwan with all of us.

Mit der vorliegenden "Mitte"-Studie wird das rechtsextreme Einstellungspotential in Deutschland zum siebten Mal seit 2002 dokumentiert. Zunächst werden in Kapitel I und II die Ergebnisse und theoretischen Implikationen der bisherigen Studien zusammengefasst und erweitert. In Kapitel III werden die Ergebnisse der „Mitte“-Studie 2014 vorgestellt, die im abschließenden Kapitel IV zusammengefasst und im Kapitel V abschliessend diskutiert werden.:Einleitung; Die "Mitte"-Studien der Universität Leipzig – Die Ergebnisse der bisherigen Erhebungen (2002 –2012); Narzisstische Plombe und sekundärer Autoritarismus; Die Untersuchung 2014; Zusammenfassung – Die stabilisierte Mitte; Diskussion – Sekundärer Autoritarismus, autoritäre Aggression und starke Wirtschaft

回顧過去半世紀以來，我國在各方面突飛猛進，一方面順應劇烈的環境變遷，以因應全球化的浪潮，另一方面在國人勤奮的耕耘下，無論是經濟或社會層面，都能在穩健中提升國家競爭力、促進社會的進步與經濟成長。在社會、經濟大幅發展的過程中，探究成長的因素，政治環境的穩定與多元蓬勃的教育，功不可歿。選擇臺灣地區政治、經濟發展較為充分的北高兩直轄市，以學童經由生活背景、教育環境、社會機構的階段學習，了解臺灣地區兩大城市的未來主人翁，在政治社會的學習成效，期能獲知學童在政治定向上的思維，提供政治社會化教育、穩定政治社會，貢獻微薄成果。 本研究透過調查問卷的分析、學童與教師訪談的驗證與補充，探討經由家庭、學校、同儕團體、傳播媒體等不同的社會化機制，在累積、認同、模仿、轉移、類化、認知發展等不同的學習模式下，形成直轄市學童不同的政治社會化學習成效；包含對政治的看法、政治知識、對政府的認知、國名選擇、政治信任感、政黨偏好與政治興趣等政治定向。 經由不同的個人背景，在性別上，對於政府執行政策，女生比較男生不具政治信任感，而父母親職業對於學童的政治知識程度具有顯著性的影響，父親的職業愈是如醫師、律師、建築師、會計師等專業人員，學童的政治知識學習成效就愈高；父母親的教育程度亦與學童的政治知識學習成效成顯著性的正相關；雖然多數學童對政治持負面的看法，惟居住臺北市的學童，對政治持負面看法的比例高於高雄市，具有顯著的差異。 南北兩直轄市的學童家庭，具有權威型的家庭決策權與民主型的管教權；多數家庭屬中政治化程度，家庭的政治化程度與學童的政黨偏好以及政治行為傾向呈顯著正相關，家庭的政治化程度愈高，學童的政黨偏好程度愈高，且愈呈現政治興趣上的中、高政治行為傾向。另學童父母親的政黨傾向，對於學童政治態度上的政黨偏好與政治興趣上的政治行為傾向，亦具有顯著性的影響，父母親的政黨偏好「泛藍」，學童的政黨偏好亦傾向「泛藍」。 在學校的社會化機制方面，學校的民主氛圍與學童的政治知識程度，成顯著性的正相關，與學童對政府的認知，則呈現顯著性的負相關；學校教師多屬民主型的領導風格，惟學童對於政治多數不具信任感。學童同儕之間的互動較少，同儕互動與國名選擇，不具關聯性；不同的同儕互動，對於學童對政治的看法、政黨偏好與政治興趣上的政治行為傾向，則具有顯著性的影響。就大眾傳播的電視媒體而言，雖然電視的新聞時事節目，不是大多數受訪學童的最愛，但收視電視媒體之經常度，卻與政治知識程度成顯著性正相關，而平常愛看「新聞時事」的學童，多數政黨傾向偏好「泛藍」，愈高的接觸「電視時事」節目程度，學童在政治興趣上，具有中/高政治行為傾向愈高。 學童在政治社會化學習成效的政治定向相互之間，雖然學童的政治知識對於學童政治興趣上的政治行為傾向，不具相關性，而學童對政府的認知與政治信任感，則具有顯著性的相關；另政治的信任感與對政治的看法，以及政治興趣上的政治行為傾向，亦具有顯著性的相關；大多數屬於偏低信任感的學童，對於政治的聯想亦多數持負面看法；對於政府官員執行政務高度信任的學童，佔有較高比例的「中/高政治行為傾向」。 環境與人是息息相關的，在人類追求美好生活的福祉下，優質穩定的政治生態，為孕育學習與成長的搖籃，探討學童政治社會化的學習成效，不僅有助於學童將來的適應環境社會，且能使其學習成效反饋於政治系統，因此探討直轄市學童政治社會化的學習成效，深具實用性。

本論文主要的研究旨趣，在於嘗試從原住民國中生的個人特徵、家庭背景及學校教育機制角度，探討其與政治知識及民主價值觀的關聯性。並藉以瞭解不同背景因素的政治文化差異，是否影響原住民國中生的政治社會化行為。 本研究是以臺灣地區年齡十二至十四歲之原住民國中學生為研究對象，採非隨機抽樣方式。選定新北市烏來國民中小學等七所原住民地區的學校，安排450位學生進行施測。並依問卷分析及檢視結果，對屏東縣瑪家國中學生及教師作進一步的訪談。 本研究問卷採封閉型式，共分成「個人基本資料」、「家庭背景」、「學校教育機制」、「政治知識」及「民主價值觀」等五大部份。分別採用描述性統計分析、信度分析、t檢定、單因子變異數分析、皮爾遜積差相關係數分析及迴歸分析等統計方法處理。 本研究共有以下幾點發現： 一、教室民主氣氛有助於原住民國中學生政治知識的提升。 二、教室氣氛愈民主、同儕團體討論愈熱烈，對原住民國中學生民主價值觀愈有正面的影響。 三、原住民國中學生的政治知識與其正相關民主價值觀有顯著。 / The main essential of the research is trying to inquire the correlation of the political knowledge and the democracy value of the aboriginal junior high students, characters based on family background and school formation. The research tries to realize whether the different political cultures based on different background effect the political socialization of the aboriginal junior high students in Taiwan. This research object is with the 12 to 14 year- old junior high school students in aboriginal district in Taiwan for research, not random samples. The research chooses 450 students , who are in Wulai in New Taipei and other six junior high school students in aboriginal district for testing. It looks for the result by the questionnaire analysis. And it makes a further interview to Majia junior high school students and teachers in Pingtung County. The questionnaire research is in closed type. It includes five parts such as personal information, family background, school education formation, political knowledge, and the democracy value, etc. And the research adopts the statistical methods such as descriptive, reliability, t tests, one-way ANOVA, Pearson product-moment correlation, and multiple regression analysis. This research has the following findings: 1. The democracy atmosphere of the classroom contributes to the promoting of the political knowledge of the aboriginal junior high school students. 2. The more democratic atmosphere the classroom and the more discussion the students has all contribute to the positive influence to the aboriginal junior high school students. 3. The political knowledge of the aboriginal junior high school students are positively related to their value of democracy.