Women and local power: processes of mobilization and female political pathways in Turkey Type: Doctoral dissertation Author: Lucie Drechselová Institutions: Charles University and EHESS, Paris Year: 2018 Abstract This thesis focuses on the issue of women's under-representation in local politics in contemporary Turkey. The intermediary level of politics - party presence in municipalities - is studied with a double approach distinguishing among political parties (AKP, CHP, MHP, and the pro-Kurdish HDP & DBP) as well as among cities (Izmir, Trabzon and Diyarbakır). The Anglo-American body of literature in political sociology is put into dialogue with the French research in the fields of sociology of mobilization, of political elites and of institutions. Gendered perspective is transversal to the whole thesis. Field work was done in 2014, 2015 and 2016 in Izmir, Trabzon and Diyarbakır and took the form of non-participant observation and semi-directed interviews with two hundred female municipal councilors and women holding an intra- party office. Conceptually, seeing parties as heterogeneous entities allows us to study exchanges that take place within the party hierarchy. The place and role of women in the candidate selection processes questions the artificial separation between the "local" and the "national"....

Eine neue Art von sozialen Bewegungen führt nicht nur Individuen aus der breiten Masse in neue politische und soziale Themen ein und stärkt ihre politische Partizipation, sondern befähigt sie, zu lernen, sich auszutauschen und zu organisieren, um sich so dafür einzusetzen, dass die politischen und gesellschaftlichen Institutionen im Sinne ihrer Interessen arbeiten. Diese Hypothesen sollen dabei helfen, eine Antwort auf folgende Forschungsfrage zu finden: Wie unterstützen digitale Technologien die Entwicklung von organischen intellektuellen? Um die oben genannten Hypothesen zu validieren, wurde ausgehend von den von Manuel Castells und Antonio Gramsci vorgestellten Konzepten eine qualitative Analyse der Ergebnisse semi-strukturierter Interviews aus vier verschiedenen Ländern auf vier Kontinenten durchgeführt. Die Forschungsarbeit untersucht zentrale Charakteristika der digitalen Umgebung globaler Web-Bewegungen. Zum einen bezieht sich dies aufgängige Kritikpunkte an politischer Online-Partizipation wie "Digital Divide", "Clicktivism" und "Simplification", zum anderen auf die Verwässerung des Konzepts der Souveränität. Auf Grundlage der erhobenen Daten argumentiert die vorliegende Arbeit gegen diese Kritikpunkte und problematisiert das Konzept der nationalen Souveränität. Die Forschungsarbeit stellt die Annahme infrage, dass globale Unterstützung für lokale Angelegenheiten auf Solidarität basiert, und führt eine Perspektive ein, die das Recht auf Beteiligung als Ausdruck einer Identifikation als globaler Staatsbürger versteht. / A new kind of social movements are not only introducing individuals from within the masses to new political and social topics, and raising their interest and activity in political education and participation, but also enabling their ability to learn, discuss, deliberate, share, and organize themselves for making the political institutions of the society to work for their interests. This hypothesis was formulated in order to aid the process of finding an answer to the research question: how are digital technologies helping in the development process of organic intellectuals? Based on the concepts presented by Manuel Castells and Antonio Gramsci, a qualitative analysis of the responses collected in four countries across four different continents using semi-structured interviews presented the evidence used to validate the above hypothesis. The research also examines couple of main aspects of the online environment in relation to a global web movement. One is relating to the major criticisms of online political participation such as 'Digital Divide', 'Clicktivism', and 'Simplification', while the second is relating to the dilution of the concept of 'Sovereignty'. The gathered data allows this research to argue against the criticisms, and problematize the concept of national sovereignty. This research questions the general assumption that a global action in support of local issues is based on solidarity, and presents a different perspective focused on the right to demand action based on an identification of global citizenship.

La notion de « marque politique » s’inscrit dans une dédifférenciation généralisée du champ de la consommation. L’enjeu de cette thèse est d’appréhender les propriétés socio-sémiotiques et communicationnelles de cette marque, nouveau vecteur d’engagement citoyen. La recherche s’intéressera dans un premier temps à la marque Ségolène Royal. Or, le glissement vers le domaine des marques se traduirait également par l’avènement d’un « consumérisme politique » selon lequel la souveraineté du consommateur s’impose comme modèle de souveraineté politique. Un consumérisme politique consistant également en une dynamique de jugement des marques politiques en continu, favorisée par l’émergence des réseaux socionumériques. En résulte l’avènement de communautés de marques politiques, intervenant dans le processus de co-construction de l’offre politique. Les exemples du Tea Party, Parti Pirate et MoVimento Cinque Stelle illustreront ces nouvelles formes de mobilisations issues de l’agrégation de consomm-acteurs politiquement engagés. / The concept of « political brand » is part of a widespread dedifferentiation of the consumption field. The aim of this thesis is to understand the socio-semiotic and communicational properties of theses brands that potentially foster citizen engagement. The research will at first focus on the “Segolène Royal Brand”. Nevertheless, the shift to the branding field also results in the emergence of a “political consumerism” which takes consumer sovereignty as model of political sovereignty. Boosted by online networks, Political consumerism is also promoting to the permanent judgement of political brands. It may also result in the surfacing of brand communities co-constructing their autonomous political offer. Examples such as the Tea Party, the Pirate party or the MoVimento Cinque Stelle illustrate these news forms of mobilisation, based on aggregation of political engaged prosumers.

This thesis is a qualitative study based on semi-structured interviews that were conducted with six highly educated young second-generation immigrants from the deprived neighborhood of Bäckby in Västerås. By aiming to understand how the participants portray their substantive citizenship and its impact upon political participation as an essential pillar of Swedish democracy, the author focused upon how the participants described their perceived discrimination, sense of belonging, transnationalism, and political participation. The answers were transcribed using the intelligent verbatim method and coded deductively based on a wide range of relevant literature. Among many findings, the study showed that the participants were aware of the bright barrier framing their place of comfort as well as they were highly attached to Bäckby. However, the majority of the participants considered the homeland to be a country outside of Sweden. Peregrinus citizenship was the outcome of the author's interpretations of the participants' substantive citizenship, which also was a possible explanation of the low interest in politics that the participants illustrated through their answers. Among the study's conclusions was stated that the second-generation immigrants are not only a risk group because of social risk factors present within the deprived neighborhood, but also because of the similar factors present outside of it. / Det här examensarbete är en kvalitativ studie baserad på semistrukturerade intervjuer som genomfördes med sex högutbildade unga andra generationens invandrare från den eftersatta stadsdelen Bäckby i Västerås. Genom att försöka förstå hur deltagarna framställer sitt substantivmedborgarskap och dess inverkan på det politiska deltagandet som en viktig pelare i den svenska demokratin fokuserade författaren på hur deltagarna beskrev sin upplevda diskriminering, känsla av tillhörighet, transnationalism och politiskt deltagande. Svaren transkriberades med hjälp av den intelligenta Verbatim metoden och kodade deduktivt baserat på ett brett spektrum av relevant litteratur. Bland många fynd visade studien att deltagarna var medvetna om den ljusa barriären som inramade sin komfortplats och de var mycket fästa vid Bäckby. Majoriteten av deltagarna ansåg dock att hemlandet var ett land utanför Sverige. Peregrinus medborgarskap var resultatet av författarens tolkningar av deltagarnas substantivmedborgarskap, vilket också var en möjlig förklaring till det låga intresse för politik som deltagarna illustrerade genom sina svar. Bland studiens slutsatser uppgavs att andra generationens invandrare är inte bara en riskgrupp på grund av sociala riskfaktorer som finns inom det utsatta området, utan också på grund av liknande faktorer som finns utanför det.

The aim of the thesis is to study personal identity development of the participants who move from active civic engagement within the civil society to active political participation within the political sphere at the reginal level. The thesis focuses on personal identity and the method of its construction through life stories. The theoretical part of the thesis deals with terms such as civic engagement, political participation and concepts based on narative identity. The second part contains a research methodology. Specifically is presented which presents the narrative approach with the use of narrative interview as a research method. The third part is based on deals with the research itself. The research works with a specific case based on political and socio-historical context of the city of Usti nad Labem. The data is obtained in the form of narrative interviews with local policiticians. The results of the research have shown that there are three different ways in which the actors are self- presenting their identity in relation to the environment. It was the identity of the politician, the identity of the activist / active citizen and the identity of the politician joined with the identity of the activist. Personal identity has completely changed in the case of one person, one person has changed...

This diploma thesis focuses on the participation of the Vietnamese national minority in the Czech Republic, especially at the level of local politics. The main objective of the thesis is to analyze and critically reflect on the motivations, attitudes, and views of the Vietnamese national minority on political and civic participation with an emphasis the local politics. At the same time, the work explores the forms of participation of the Vietnamese community and the factors that influence them. Because the target group of this work is a Vietnamese national minority, the national minority policy is first analyzed at the international level, followed by analysis at the national level. The reason for this approach is that the international environment plays a vital role in examining national minority politics and ethnic minorities. Selected instruments and institutions of national minority politics in the Czech environment are then further analyzed and compared with the German counterpart where minorities, and in particular the Vietnamese minority, have long been a significant part of society. The research part of the thesis is designed as qualitative research, using document analysis and semi- structured interviews as data acquisition techniques. This is a key part of the whole work where the...

The presented diploma thesis focuses on the attitudes of selected youth political organizations in the Czech Republic towards the European Union and the process of European integration. It takes in account the fact that youth political organizations can be identified as agents of political socialization as well as it is possible to study them within the broader term of political participation (to study their influence on attitudes and opinions of their members). The analysis concerns selected eight Czech youth political organizations, Mladí sociální demokraté (the Young Social Democrats), Mladí konzervativci (the Young Conservatives), TOP tým, Mladé ANO, Mladí zelení (the Young Greens), Mladí lidovci, Mladí křesťanští demokraté (the Young Christian Democrats) and mSTAN. The theoretical basis for the analysis is Euroscepticism, specifically the typology of C. Flood and S. Usherwood is used. This typology, with six possible positions, is linked to six scenarios of possible development, based on the five scenarios presented by the European Commission in 2017 as part of the White Paper on the future of Europe and its further direction. Compatibility of both scales is tested. The necessary data collected via questionnaire survey. The thesis concludes that youth political organizations are relevant...

Wie beheimatet sich Menschen in einer Stadt fühlen, hängt davon ab, wie politisch eingebunden sie sich begreifen. Die Entstehung von Mitbestimmungsformen in Chemnitz verlief – wie in vielen anderen Städten – nicht reibungslos. Auch die Inhalte variierten über die Jahrhunderte: Wollten die Bürger bis zum Ende der mittelalterlichen Stadtverfassung Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts vor allem über die Besteuerung, die Gerichtsbarkeit und elementare Sicherheitsfragen mitbestimmen, ging es bis 1919 um die Durchsetzung des allgemeinen Wahlrechts, das Frauen einschloss, um sozialen Ausgleich und die großen Infrastrukturprojekte der Gründerzeit. Nach Rückschritten in der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus und der DDR bekam Chemnitz mit der Gemeindeordnung Sachsens von 1994 eine freiheitliche Kommunalverfassung, die auch Raum für weitere Neuerungen lässt – wie etwa Einwohnerversammlungen in den Stadtvierteln. Zwischen mehr Mitbestimmung und effizienten Entscheidungen entsteht dabei ein gewisser Gegensatz. Dieses Bändchen bringt die Hintergründe einer aktuellen Debatte auf den Tisch. / Forms and content of political participation in Chemnitz

The recent political events in Egypt, Libya, Yemen, and Tunisia (2011) have confirmed the key role of social networks (SNSs), as well as online political news in supporting citizens with their self-determination. Furthermore, “changes in the media landscape present new challenges for scholars interested in the relationship between the media and civil society. Additionally, the explosion of the Internet that started in advanced democracies and has spread through much of the globe provides new and unexplored pathways for communication. Moreover, the inclusion of the Internet in the media environment raises new questions for citizens, politicians, researchers, journalists, and government” (Oates, Owen & Gibson, 2006, p. 1). This study looks at the relationships between young people’s exposure to political news on the Internet and their political awareness. It develops and applies an index for political participation composed of several variables measuring political interest, discussion, knowledge, and participation. The survey among students in both countries was administered in Arabic and German, while the master questionnaire was developed in English. The survey was conducted between April and June 2010 in Egypt at Minia University and in Germany at Technical university of Dresden. The sample size was 1000 (500 in each country) students from several departments representing different academic fields: three departments of Engineering, three departments of Humanities and Social Science, and finally three departments of Natural Science. The study’s main research question was: “What is the impact of students’ exposure to political news on the Internet on their political awareness and civic activities?” The researcher started from the hypothesis that heavy use of political news on the Internet is positively related to political awareness. A further research question aimed at gauging the role of intervening variables such as gender and field of study for the relationship between the use of political news on the Internet and the level of political awareness. Results show that there is a positive relationship between using political online news and political awareness. German students’ political awareness for German students was higher than Egypt student’s political awareness (M=63.02, SD=15.65, comparing to M=45.72, SD= 17.65 for Egyptians).:Table of Contents: ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS II ABSTRACT III TABLE OF CONTENTS IV INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 1 POLITICAL COMMUNICATION IN THE LIFE OF YOUNG PEOPLE……………………………………………………………………………...8 1.1 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL COMMUNICATION 8 1.2. POLITICAL MEDIA USES AND EFFECTS IN THE LIFE OF YOUNG PEOPLE 10 1.3. THE ROLE OF POLITICAL COMMUNICATION IN ELECTION CAMPAIGNS 12 1.4. THE LITERATURE UP TO NOW IN THIS AREA 14 1.5 RESEARCH QUESTIONS AND HYPOTHESIS 18 1.5.1 RESEARCH QUESTIONS 18 1.5.2 RESEARCH HYPOTHESIS 18 CHAPTER 2: CHANGING COMMUNICATION ENVIRONMENT THROUGH THE INTERNET AGE ……………..20 2.1 INTRODUCTION 20 2.2 INTERNET HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT 20 2.3 STRUCTURE, FEATURES AND PHENOMENA OF THE INTERNET 23 2.3.1 MANY TO MANY COMMUNICATION 23 2.3.2 INTERACTIVITY 34 2.3.3 CREDIBILITY 28 2.4 SOCIAL NETWORK (SNSS) 30 2.4.1 SOCIAL NETWORK; DEFINITION, HISTORY, AND DEVELOPMENT 30 2.4.2 SOCIAL NETWORK (SNSS); USERS, CHARACTERISTICS AND FEATURES 32 2.4. 3 BLOGS 35 2.5 INTERNET USE 38 2.5.1 GENERAL TRENDS 38 2.5.2. SOCIODEMOGRAPHIC VARIABLES AND –INTERNET USE 40 2.6. SOCIAL NETWORK AND POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION IN EGYPT 44 2.7 CONCLUSION 47 CHAPTER 3 POLITICAL AWARENESS AND RELATED CONSTRUCTS……….. 49 3.1 INTRODUCTION 49 3.2 POLITICAL COGNITIONS 50 3.3 POLITICAL INTEREST 51 3.4 POLITICAL KNOWLEDGE 52 3.4.1. MEASURING OF POLITICAL KNOWLEDGE 53 3.4.2 MEDIA USE AND POLITICAL KNOWLEDGE 54 3.5. POLITICAL EFFICACY 56 3.5.1 DEFINITION 56 3.5.2. MEASURINGOF POLITICAL EFFICACY 58 3.6. POLITICAL PARTICIPATION 59 3.6.1. THE INFLUENCE OF MEDIA ON POLITICAL PARTICIPATION 61 3.6.2. MEASURING OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION 62 3.6.3 VOTING 63 3.7. POLITICAL DISCOURSE 66 3.8. POLITICAL AWARENESS 67 3.8.1. CONCLUSION ON THE OPERATIONALIZATION 68 3.8.2. MASS MEDIA AND POLITICAL AWARENESS 70 CHAPTER4: THE POLITICAL AND MEDIA SYSTEMS IN GERMANY AND EGYPT 71 4.1. EGYPTIAN POLITICAL SYSTEM 71 4.2. EGYPTIAN MEDIA SYSTEM 72 4.2.1 HISTORY AND POLITICAL FRAMEWORK 72 4.2.2 THE EGYPTIAN PRESS 75 4.2.3. RADIO AND TV UNION 77 4.2.4 OTHER MEDIA OUTLETS 97 4.3. GERMANY MEDIA SYSTEM AND POLITICAL SYSTEM 81 4.4. GERMANY MEDIA SYSTEM 82 4.4.1 HISTORY AND POLITICAL FRAMEWORK 82 4.4.2 THE GERMANY PRESS 83 4.4.3. RADIO AND TV UNION 84 4.4.4. OTHER MEDIA OUTLETS 85 5.1. CONCLUSION 85 CHAPTER 5: METHODS ………87 5.1. SAMPLE 87 5.2. QUESTIONNAIRE DESIGN AND DEVELOPMENT 88 5.3. FIELDWORK AND DATA COLLECTION PROCEDURE 89 5.3.1 DEPENDENT VARIABLES 89 5.3.2. INDEPENDENT VARIABLE (IV’S) 91 5.4. DATA ANALYSIS …92 5.5. VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY OF MEASURES.. 93 5.5.1 VALIDITY 93 5.5.2 RELIABILITY 94 CHAPTER 6: RESULTS COMPARING EGYPTIAN AND GERMANY UNIVERSITY STUDENT’S ….95 6.1 POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS OF MEDIA USE 95 6.1.1 POLITICAL FREEDOM 95 6.1.2 TECHNICAL ACCESS TO INTERNET 98 6.1.3 THE DIGITAL DIVIDE 98 6.2. GENERAL MEDIA EXPOSURE 101 6.2.1 TRADITIONAL OR NEW MEDIA PLATFORM? 102 6.2.2 WHERE AND WHEN DO YOUNG PEOPLE USE THE INTERNET? 104 6.3 EXPOSURES TO POLITICAL MEDIA CONTENT 106 6.3.1 ACCESSING POLITICAL INFORMATION ONLINE 107 6.3.2. THE AMOUNT OF ONLINE COVERAGE OF POLITICAL NEWS 109 6.3.3 CONFIDENCE AND ACCURATE PICTURE OF ONLINE POLITICAL NEWS 110 6.4 POLITICAL AWARENESS 111 6.4.1 POLITICAL INTEREST 111 6.4.2 POLITICAL DISCUSSION 113 6.4.3. POLITICAL KNOWLEDGE 113 6.4.4 POLITICAL PARTICIPATION 116 6.5. INTERNET USE AND POLITICAL AWARENESS 119 CHAPTER 7: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION IN LIGHT OF THEORY AND HYPOTHESIS 126 8. RECOMMENDATIONS 129 9. REFERENCES 130 APPENDICES. 145 A/QUESTIONNAIRE IN ENGLISH LANGUAGE 145 B/QUESTIONNAIRE IN GERMAN LANGUAGE 155 C/QUESTIONNAIRE IN ARABIC LANGUAGE 166 APPENDIX. D. AGREEMENT LETTER TO APPLY QUESTIONNAIRE IN EGYPT FROM CENTRAL AGENCY FOR PUBLIC MOBILIZATION AND STATISTICS 175 APPENDIX. E. LIST OF TABLES 176

Les enjeux environnementaux contemporains nécessitent la mobilisation de l’ensemble des acteurs sociétaux. Dans ce contexte, comprendre adéquatement la participation politique citoyenne face à l’environnement est primordial. En recensant la littérature, on note que certains courants analytiques concluent à la nécessité d’élargir les concepts de participation politique et d’activisme environnemental afin de mieux considérer l’impact du mode de vie et de la sphère privée. En nous appuyant sur les points saillants de ces deux littératures, nous avançons une typologie qui différencie les gestes activistes pro-environnementaux selon leur «nouveauté» (en tant qu’objets analytiques de nature politique) et leur radicalité. Afin de valider empiriquement ce modèle et de déterminer si les nouveaux comportements activistes environnementaux sont réellement politiques, nous avons analysé les données d’un sondage réalisé auprès de 3458 Canadiens issus de la population générale et de 2653 membres de groupes environnementaux canadiens. Nous avons d’abord effectué une analyse factorielle exploratoire afin d’identifier différents types de gestes pro-environnementaux. Après avoir associé les facteurs résultant aux quadrants de notre typologie, nous avons effectué une série d’analyses de régression linéaires visant à comparer les caractéristiques des gestes conventionnellement politiques et des nouveaux comportements activistes. Les résultats tendent à confirmer la vision voulant que ces derniers aient une forte résonance politique. Il semble donc nécessaire de tenir compte du potentiel élargi de la notion de comportement politique, de façon à tirer des conclusions plus justes, tant au niveau de l’évaluation de la participation politique citoyenne que de l’engagement activiste lié aux enjeux environnementaux. / Contemporary environmental issues require the mobilization of all societal actors. In this context, it is essential to be able to adequately understand citizen political participation regarding the environment. In reviewing the literature, we note that certain analytical currents conclude that there is a need to broaden the concepts of political participation and environmental activism in order to better consider the impact of lifestyle and the private sphere. Based on the highlights of these two literatures, we propose a typology that differentiates pro-environmental activist actions according to their "novelty" (as analytical objects of a political nature) and their radicality. In order to empirically validate this model and to determine whether new environmental activist behaviours are truly political, we analyzed data from a survey of 3458 Canadians from the general population and 2653 members of Canadian environmental groups. We first conducted an exploratory factor analysis to identify different types of pro-environmental actions. After associating the resulting factors to the quadrants of our typology, we conducted a series of linear regression analyses to compare the characteristics of conventional political actions and new activist behaviours. The results tend to confirm the view that the latter have a strong political resonance. It therefore seems necessary to consider the broader potential of the notion of political behaviour in order to draw more accurate conclusions, both in terms of assessing citizen political participation and activist engagement in environmental issues.