A existência de uma estrutura democrática imbuída de requisitos, de instituições e de leis é espaço para reflexão não somente sobre questões relacionadas ao poder do voto, mas as de cunho extra-eleitoral, que se revelam em democracia participativa. No BrasilaConstituição de 1988 avigorou o princípio participativo, interessando para este estudo o orçamento participativo, preconizado pela Lei Complementar n° 101/2000. O recorte para a presente pesquisa incide sobre a ação coletiva na fase de implementação de políticas públicas, quando da elaboração da Lei Orçamentária Anual, à luz da teoria de Elinor Ostrom. A estudiosa defende a necessidade de criação de incentivos para a cooperação e de mecanismos de decisão conjunta no trato do recurso comum, indicando às instituições características desejáveis, designadas de Princípios deDesign, os quais, quando presentes, levariam a resultados positivos de gestão de recursos comuns. O estudo assenta-se na problemática do orçamento público, no Município de Quatro Barras, estado do Paraná, Brasil. O objetivo geral é o de avaliar a ação coletiva na elaboração de orçamento público do município em comento a partir da edição da Lei de Responsabilidade – 2000 a 2016. Em termos de classificação da pesquisa, quanto à sua natureza, pode ser enquadrada como básica. No que compete à forma de abordar o problema, trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa. Assim, como principais resultados encontrados tem-seque a legislação trouxe a possibilidade (obrigatoriedade) de participação popular na elaboração do orçamento público municipal, e o arranjo institucional faz uso de mecanismos na tentativa de contemplar a legislação realizando audiências públicas, para as quais ocorre o chamado da população por intermédio da publicação em jornal oficial, de circulação diária, que contempla o local, o horário e a data em que ocorrerá a discussão das metas e prioridades para a Lei Orçamentária Anual. No entanto, o aporte teórico trazido indica que a ação coletiva no Município de Quatro Barras é uma pseudoparticipação e que a ausência do preenchimento das unidades de registro se traduz em ausência de ação coletiva. / The existence of a democratic structure within their own requirements, institutions and laws is a place for reflection not only on issues related with to the power of the popular vote, but also those out of election process at the democracy. After 1988 the Brazilian Constitution rised the people participation principle with participative budget, previewed by Complementary Law n. 101/2000. The following study focuses on collective action in the implementation phase of public policies at drafting the Annual Budget Law under the precepts of the Elinor Ostrom's theory. The author defends the need to create incentives for cooperation and joint decision-making mechanisms in the management of public resources, suggesting to the institutions the desirable characteristics called Design Principles which when present would lead to positive results of public resource management. This study is issued of the public budget in the Quatro Barras county, state of Paraná, Brazil. The general objective is to analyze the collective action to plan the public budget of the municipality following the edition of the Law of Responsibility - 2000 to 2016. In terms of the classification of the research its nature can be understood as basic. In what concerns about methodology and objective approach it is a qualitative research. Thus the main results found are that the legislation brought the possibility (obligatoriness) of popular participation in the county public budget planning. The institutional arrangement makes use of mechanisms in the attempt to contemplate the legislation doing public audiences for which it occurs the community call through notes at official newspaper of daily circulation, which mention the place, time and date in which the discussion of goals and priorities for the Annual Budget Law will occur. However, the theoretical contribution made indicates that the collective action in the Quatro Barras county is a false participation and that the absence of achievement of the registration units realize into an absence of collective action.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este trabalho parte do reconhecimento de que a educação permanente em saúde tem sido investida como noção a embasar diferentes referenciais teórico-conceituais para a produção de políticas voltadas à educação de profissionais de saúde, particularmente no Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS). Nesse sentido, o trabalho buscou apreender os diferentes usos dessa noção e seus sentidos para a produção de políticas. Assim, buscou delimitar o surgimento dessa noção no campo da educação e sua posterior apropriação no campo da saúde, inicialmente a partir da produção institucional da Organização Pan-Americana da Saúde e em seguida ressignificada no Brasil no âmbito da Política Nacional de Educação Permanente em Saúde (Pneps). A análise dos textos e documentos institucionais da Organização Pan-Americana da Saúde (Opas) responsáveis por desenvolver esses referenciais redundou na construção de duas matrizes conceituais, tendo sido a primeira desenvolvida entre 1974 e 1984-5; e a segunda, entre 1984-5 e 2002. Atualmente essas matrizes conceituais costumam ser denominadas respectivamente por educação continuada em saúde e educação permanente em saúde, ainda que esta última noção seja utilizada por ambas, fato discutido pelo autor ao longo do trabalho. A terceira matriz conceitual foi construída a partir da análise dos textos e documentos publicados no bojo da criação da Pneps. A partir da construção dessas três matrizes conceituais foi realizado um breve histórico das ações voltadas à educação de profissionais de saúde promovidas pela Secretaria de Gestão do Trabalho e da Educação na Saúde (SGTES), especificamente o Departamento de Gestão da Educação na Saúde (Deges), órgão criado em 2003 para se dedicar ao tema da formação de profissionais para o SUS. Nesse particular, foi proposta uma periodização das ações do Deges, relacionando cada período às diferentes matrizes conceituais construídas. A noção de educação permanente em saúde é então interrogada a partir da discussão sobre educação de adultos proposta por Arendt e de sua contextualização no referencial do capitalismo pós-industrial e das sociedades de controle, conforme delimitado por Deleuze. O conjunto dessas reflexões embasa a discussão sobre novos usos possíveis para a educação permanente em saúde e novas configurações para a política de saúde que adota essa noção, discutindo possíveis inovações para esse campo a partir da articulação com a discussão sobre inteligência coletiva. Por fim, propõe-se repensar a política de educação permanente em saúde, endereçando-a no sentido de promover o protagonismo das práticas de saúde como espaços de aprendizagem, buscando novas possibilidades no diálogo com a experiência dos pontos de cultura do Ministério da Cultura. / This work starts from the recognition that it has been invested in permanent health education as a notion to base different theoretical and conceptual references in the production of policies for the education of health professionals, particularly in the Unified Health System (SUS). In this sense, the study sought to grasp the different uses of this notion and its senses to the policies. Thus, it has tried to define the emergence of this notion in the field of education and its future appropriation in the health field, initially from the institutional production of the Pan American Health Organization and then re-signified in Brazil under the National Policy of Permanent Education in Health (PNEPS). The analysis of texts and institutional documents of the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) responsible for developing these theoretical frameworks resulted in the construction of two conceptual matrices, being the first developed between 1974 and 1984-5 and the second between 1984-5 and 2002. Currently, these conceptual matrices are often denominated, respectively, as continuing education in health and permanent health education, although the latest notion is used by both frameworks, a fact discussed by the author throughout the work. The third conceptual framework was built from the analysis of texts and documents published in the context of the creation of PNEPS. From the construction of these three conceptual matrices was carried out a brief history of actions aimed at the education of health professionals promoted by the Secretary of Labor Management and Health Education (SGTES), specifically the Department of Education Management in Health (DEGES), a department created in 2003 to devote itself to the subject of professional training for the SUS. In this regard, it proposed a periodization of DEGES actions, relating each time to the different conceptual built matrices. The notion of permanent education in health is then interrogated from the discussion of adult education proposed by Arendt and under the referential of post-industrial capitalism and societies of control defined by Deleuze. This set of reflections underlies the discussion of possible new uses for permanent education in health and the new settings for health policy embracing this notion, discussing possible innovations for this field from the connection with the discussion of collective intelligence. Finally, it is proposed to rethink the permanent education in health policy, addressing it to promote the protagonism of health practices as learning spaces, searching for new possibilities in the dialogue with the experience of the political culture.

Despite the increasingly common situation of statelessness in the contemporary Middle East, a majority of the theoretical tools used to study nationalism are contingent upon the existence of a sovereign state. As such, they are unable to fully explain the mechanisms of national identity, political participation, and integration in non-institutional contexts, where other social identities continue to play a significant political role. In these contexts, the position of demographic minorities in society is significant, as actors with the most popular support –majorities -- tend to have the strongest impact on the shape of the political field. This thesis demonstrates what we can learn from studying the mechanisms of nationalism and political participation for one such minority group, the Palestinian Christians, particularly with regards to how national identity fails or succeeds in instilling attachment to the state and society. This is accomplished by applying the theoretical framework of social identity theory to empirical field research conducted in the West Bank in 2014, combined with an analysis of election and survey data. It is argued that the level of attachment individuals feel towards the “state” or confessional communities is dependent on the psychological or material utility gained from group membership. If individuals feel alienated from the national identity, they are more likely to identify with their confessional community. If they are alienated from both, then they are far likelier to emigrate. Additionally, I suggest that the way in which national identity is negotiated in a stateless context is important to future state building efforts, as previous attempts to integrate national minorities into the political system through, e.g., devolved parliaments and quotas, have failed to instil a universal sense of the nation.

In South Africa, the right to protest is under constant threat as a result of the state response. Increasing cases of forceful policing and sometimes unlawful procedural prohibitions of protest attest to this. This study aims to firstly describe this situation through securitisation theory, essentially arguing that South Africa has become a securitised state. It also aims to understand how this is sustained by the state and why the state needs to use a securitised response to maintain power. Interviews were conducted with members of different communities and organisations. Their responses helped to illustrate the frustration of the right to protest or brutal policing during a protest. This provided primary evidence to support the claims of the study. The research shows that claims to protest are being delegitimised under the guise of security as protestors are being constructed as threats to the state. This is further substantiated by looking at how the reorganisation and remililtarisation of the South African Police perpetuates the criminalisation of protestors which necessitates a forceful response from the state. Furthermore, it shows that there is a distinct relationship between the prohibition of protest and the recent increase in ‘violent’ protests which legitimate forceful policing thereby creating a state sustained cycle of violence. The larger implication of this treatment is that these protestors are treated as non- citizens who are definitively excluded from participating in governance. In understanding why this is taking place, it is clear that a securtitised response is an attempt to maintain power by dispelling any threats to power, a response which is seen to have a long history in the African National Congress (ANC) when examining the politics of the ANC during exile. Maintaining power in this way distracts from the larger agenda of the state, which this thesis argues, is to mask the unraveling of the ANC’s hegemony and inability to maintain national unity. In other words, the increasing dissatisfaction of some of the citizenry which has manifested through protest greatly undermines the legitimacy of the government to provide for its people.

Public Participation is a critical facet of development communication. The Republic of South Africa (RSA) Constitution 1996 promotes a set of values of good governance setting a framework for the public participation, and democratization of the public sector through instruments such as developmental communication in order to impact better service delivery. Public participation is an effective communication platform of a new democratic South Africa, as such, public participation forms part of the Constitution of the RSA Act (108 of 1996). To necessitate good governance, it is very imperative that the citizenry, being voters to take an active role in the affairs of governance. The credibility, legitimacy, acceptability, support for governance structures and sustainability of any government is dependable mostly on how citizens are participating in the affairs of government.The research topic being-assessing the effect of Public Participation and Development Communications on service delivery:the case of the department of Social Development in the Eastern Cape focused on Ingquza Municipality in O.R.Tambo District of the Eastern Cape.The public administration has positioned financial management and human resources as critical elements for effective and efficient system. The study has identified that the omission of public participation and development communication as a gap that need to be optimally utilized to avoid communication gap that leads to unnecessary service delivery protests. The study position communication as strategic and management function of each and every manager. The importance of Public Participation is that it could help to ensure that the citizens take ownership of processes as an important democratic principle.The imbizo’s as public participation tool and effective communication platform has been proven to be effective. The strengthening of development communication in the department to empower communities through development communication cadres and information dissemination is paramount important. Furthermore this will make sure that there is a continuous feedback on quality assurance programme in implementing political pronouncements that are made during imbizo’s.

The participation of communities and community organizations in Municipal governance is set in terms of the law as a mechanism to deepen democracy. Municipalities are required to develop a culture of governance that complements representative democracy with community participation. However the participation of communities in local governance has not translated to the strengthening of governance and the deepening of democracy as municipalities have not done enough to involve communities in municipal affaires. Lack of human resources, and financial capacity have been cited as some of the reasons that beset municipalities and undermine citizen participation. Municipalities have taken steps to encourage community participation and these include establishment of structures to enable participation, however without the guidance and financial support of the municipalities these structures are not able to perform their functions. In spite of all the efforts made by municipalities to encourage participation, a culture of community participation has not yet taken root in local government. While the legislative framework provides for communities to participate, practice shows that the implementation of legislation is complex and requires dedicated capacities within the councils to be effective. This can be achieved when municipalities develop their own community participation policies which address their special circumstances, which must be reviewed on a regular basis. Unless communities are empowered with knowledge on the available participation mechanisms, the dream of a culture of participation will remain just that, a dream. Thus civic education coupled with capacity building of officials will assist in ensuring the development of a culture of participation. Council must also develop mechanisms to evaluate the effectiveness of community participation processes and procedures, to avoid a one size fits all approach. It is imperative that councils as the legislative arm of municipalities must lead the process and not leave everything to the executive arm.

Dallas is a unique city whose history has been overshadowed by its elite. The War on Poverty in Dallas, Texas, has been largely overlooked in the historical collective. This thesis examines the War on Poverty, more specifically, Community Action Programs (Dallas County Community Action Committee) and its origin and decline. It also exams race within the federal program and the push for federal funding among the African American and Mexican American communities. The thesis concludes with findings of the politicization of the Mexican American community and the struggle with African Americans for political equality.

The dissertation thesis focuses on independent local lists (ILLs) in local elections in the Czech Republic. The research approaches the issue from various views. It studies formation of independent local lists in five specific towns, cities: Brno, Brno, Mnichovo Hradiště, Praha 10, Prachatice a Vodňany. It is related to ILLs: To Live Brno, We Live for Hradiště, the coalition Vlasta, Living Prachatice and the Vodňany for Change. Beside this five case studies, the research is dealing with topic of rising electoral support for ILLs in 27 statutory cities. The dissertation thesis is working with several theoretical concepts such as phenomenon of the cartel party, anti-party sentiments, non-political politics and development of political participation. The thesis is answering the question of how are the ILLs formed in relation to engagement of their representatives in civil society. According to my thesis, organization of civil society are more inclusive and open for participation than political parties. But this participation, outside political institution has its limits. These limits are reasons for forming independent local lists and pursuing political office. The paper also presents a typology of lists that allows for more in depth research and distinction between ILLs and political parties. It is...

This diploma thesis deals with the political participation of national minorities in the Czech Republic. The main aim of this thesis is to find out what the possibilities of national minorities are to enter the political process in order to articulate their specific minority interests and how effective these possibilities are from their perspective. The emphasis is placed on ethnic political parties, minority interest groups, advisory bodies such as the Government Council for National Minorities and committees for national minorities at all political levels. At the same time, these selected minority institutions and bodies are also examined at the international level, which makes it possible to gain an overview of the attitudes of some states to national minority policy and their comparison, or even inspiration for the Czech Republic. The analysis was carried out on a group of five national minorities: German, Polish, Roma, Slovak and Vietnamese. The author also tried to find out how these selected national minorities are politically active, what factors influence their political participation and what is the interest in the issue of national minorities among the majority political parties. The author chose a qualitative research method for the research project and the technique of...

Rätten till politisk delaktighet skapar möjligheter för medborgare att göra anspråk på sina mänskliga rättigheter, och därmed möjliggör för medborgare att påverka sina levnadsförhållanden. Frånvaron av möjligheter till att delta och att kunna påverka beslut är därmed ett betydande rättighetsproblem. Uppsatsen har sin start i den politiska ojämlikheten som har påvisats i Sverige, där den allmänna rösträtten inte verkar räcka till för att garantera politisk jämlikhet. I utredningar föreslås medborgardialog som en lösning. Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka om medborgardialoger, initierade av Hallstahammars kommun och Västerås stad, kan förstås som ett uttryck av deliberativ demokrati. För att studera detta avgränsades deliberativ demokrati till fem normativa deliberativa ideal; argumentation, inkludering, jämlikhet, transparens och beslutspåverkan. Dessa ideal ses som rimliga villkor för deliberativ demokrati och har mätts mot kommunernas medborgardialoger med hjälp av en kvalitativ fallstudie med textanalys.   Uppsatsens resultat visar på att medborgardialog kan förstås som ett uttryck för deliberativ demokrati när det gäller en del normativa villkor, men i det stora hela så brister medborgardialogerna i de utvalda deliberativa idealen. Hallstahammars kommun är ett uttryck deliberativ demokrati i större utsträckning än Västerås stad. Kommunernas fortsatta arbete med att utveckla medborgardialoger är därför av största vikt och i synnerhet genom att utveckla riktlinjer och strategier explicit för att främja den politiska jämlikheten för samtliga kommunmedborgare. Uppsatsen har resulterat i en sammanfattande guide för att genomföra medborgardialoger med deliberativa kvalitéer. / The right to political participation creates opportunities for citizens to claim their human rights, thereby enabling citizens to influence their living conditions. The absence of opportunities to participate and to be able to influence decisions is therefore a significant human rights problem. The paper starts with the political inequality that has been demonstrated in Sweden, where voting rights does not seem to be enough to guarantee political equality. In studies, citizen dialogues are proposed as a solution.  The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether citizen dialogues, initiated by Hallstahammar municipality and Västerås municipality, can be understood as an expression of deliberative democracy. To study this, deliberative democracy was limited to five normative deliberative ideals: argumentation, inclusion, equality, transparency and decision-making influence. These ideals are reasonable conditions for deliberative democracy and have been measured against municipal citizen dialogues in a qualitative case study using text analysis as a tool.   The result of the study shows that citizen dialogues can be understood as an expression of deliberative democracy when it comes to some normative conditions, but overall, the citizen dialogues lack in the chosen ideals. Hallstahammar municipality is an expression of deliberative democracy to a greater extent than Västerås municipality. The continued work of municipalities in developing citizen dialogues is therefore of the utmost importance and by developing guidelines and strategies explicitly to promote political equality for all municipal citizens. The study has resulted in a guide to conduct citizen dialogues with deliberative qualities.