Inspired by critiques of controlled elections under “single-party rule,” this dissertation explores the performance, implications and potentials of China’s village elections. It first reviews the most important studies on the progress of China’s grassroots democracy and then analyzes the social-political background of village self-management which to date has been neglected in the academic literature. Based on empirical studies conducted in Sichuan, this dissertation investigates the roles and attitudes of various participatory groups in village elections and in the course of electoral reforms. It also discusses the failure of the existing law to set out fundamental rules for village elections and to effectively guide people’s behavior. Further, this dissertation offers detailed recommendations to improve the existing law in order to guarantee the accessibility, authenticity and competitiveness of village elections. / Graduate / 0398 / 0616 / aloeke@gmail.com

The aim of this thesis is to explore the institutional design of Participatory Budgeting (PB) in Sweden and how the design may contribute to realize central democratic goods. The study records the different PB experiences in Sweden and focuses on one particular case, which is the only case that successfully qualifies as a genuine PB-process according to international standards and definitions. To examine this, the following questions are asked: which municipalities in Sweden have implemented Participatory Budgeting? How can the institutional design of Participatory Budgeting be described and to what extent does it enable the realization of central democratic goods? To what extent does the institutional design enable the realization of the democratic goods inclusion, popular control, considered judgment and transparency? To what extent does the institutional design enable the realization of the institutional goods of efficiency and transferability? The study is based on an institutional theory of democracy. The method used is a mixed method ideal type analysis that combines document analysis, surveys and interviews. The results of the study indicates that the PB-institutions has multiple flaws regarding the way it enables the realization of numerous of the democratic goods analyzed. The institutional design does not pay enough attention to inclusion of different social groups including marginalized groups, popular control is restricted to issues of low political salience and the PB process does not live up to the transparency level expected from a democratic institution. On the other hand, the institutional design of the PB process does take into account some aspects of inclusion among the youth inhabitants and the process has been effective in the sense that it has delivered physical results quickly.

Submitted by Johnny Rodrigues (johnnyrodrigues@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-09-24T15:30:05Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ANDREWS RAFAEL BRUNO DE ARAÚJO CUNHA - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 2013..pdf: 8396455 bytes, checksum: b4db179a99a189853b1525a62a854217 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-24T15:30:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ANDREWS RAFAEL BRUNO DE ARAÚJO CUNHA - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 2013..pdf: 8396455 bytes, checksum: b4db179a99a189853b1525a62a854217 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-19 / Durante décadas, no Brasil, foram buscadas estratégias de promoção da participação social nas decisões sociais, políticas e económicas do país. Após anos de um regime autoritário, diversas manifestações da sociedade civil organizada levaram à criação de espaços de debate integrado, onde Estado e sociedade pudessem discutir, conjuntamente, estratégias de desenvolvimento em busca do melhoramento da qualidade de vida da população. Após a Constituição de 1988, estes espaços, chamados de Conselhos, foram criados e difundidos nas mais diversas áreas, tais como saúde, assistência social, educação etc. Para o debate integrado relacionado às condições de vida e produção da população rural do país, foram criados os Conselhos Federal, Estaduais e Municipais de Desenvolvimento Rural Sustentável, os quais foram amplamente difundidos após o Programa Nacional de Fortalecimento da Agricultura Familiar - PRONAF. Nesta perspectiva, o objetivo do presente estudo foi analisar o Conselho Municipal de Desenvolvimento Rural Sustentável de Petrolina, Pernambuco, a partir de suas ações para o desenvolvimento local e integrado da população rural do município. Para tanto, nos utilizamos dos debates de Sen, Putnam, Abramovay, Franco e Beduschi Filho sobre desenvolvimento como liberdade, capital social, desenvolvimento local integrado e aprendizagem social, respectivamente, para fundamentar a visão de desenvolvimento aqui assumida. A partir, então, da inversão da lógica capital-economicista atualmente vigente, a qual coloca em foco o desenvolvimento econômico em detrimento do desenvolvimento social, cultural e político, consideramos, a partir dos dados obtidos e observações realizadas, que o CMDRS de Petrolina tem sido uma importante ferramenta para o desenvolvimento da área rural do município, promovendo a participação, o controle e a aprendizagem social e a melhoria da qualidade de vida da população desta área / For decades, strategies to promote social participation in social, economic and policy decisions were pursued in Brazil. After years of an authoritarian regime, various manifestations of civil society led to the creation of spaces for integrated debate, where state and society could discuss, jointly, developing strategies in pursuit of improving the population's quality of life. After the 1988 Constitution, these spaces, called Councils, were created and disseminated in several áreas, such as health, social care, education etc. For the integrated discussion related to the living conditions and production of the rural population in the country, Federal, State and Municipal Councils of Sustainable Rural Development were created and widely disseminated after the National Program for Strengthening Family Agriculture - PRONAF. From this perspective, the objective of this study was to analyze the City Council for Sustainable Rural Development in Petrolina, Pernambuco, through their actions for local and integrated development of rural population of the city. To do so, we used the debates of Sen, Putnam, Abramovay, Franco and Beduschi Filho on development as freedom, social capital, integrated local development and social learning, respectively, to support the development view assumed here. From the inversion of the capital-economicist logic currently in effect, which shifts the focus to economic development at the expense of social, cultural and politicai developments, consider, from the data obtained and observations conducted, the CMDRS Petrolina has been an important tool for the development of the city's rural area, promoting participation, control and social learning and improving the population's quality of life of this area.

This study sets out to investigate Lunchtime Live, a twice-weekly, one-hour long current affairs show broadcast on a small community radio station, Radio Grahamstown, to understand its role in the local public sphere, and its value in helping civil society’s understanding of and involvement in the power structures and political activities in Grahamstown. Lunchtime Live seeks to cultivate a collective identity and promote public participation in the public affairs of Grahamstown. As a key avenue of investigation, this study seeks to test theory against practice, by evaluating Lunchtime Live’s aspirations against the audiences’ perception of it. This investigation uses qualitative content analysis of selected episodes of recorded transcripts of the shows that aired between August 2010 and March 2011, together with the audiences’ verbalised experiences of this programme through focus group discussions. The study principally uses qualitative research informed by reception theory. The research reveals three key findings. First, that resonance rather than resistance is the more dominant ‘stance’ or ‘attitude’ towards the content of Lunchtime Live. Residents interviewed agreed that the programme is able to give a “realistic” representation of their worldview, and thus is able to articulate issues that affect their lives. Second, that whilst the programme is helping establish links between members of the civil society as well as between civil society and their political representatives, residents feel that local democracy is failing to bring qualitative improvements to their everyday lives and that more ‘participation’ is unlikely to change this. Most respondents blame this on a lack of political will, incompetence, corruption and populist rhetoric by politicians who fail to deliver on the mantra of ‘a better life for all’ in the socioeconomic sphere. The study finds a scepticism and even cynicism that participatory media seems to be able to do little to dilute. Thirdly, in spite of the largely positive view about Lunchtime Live’s capacity to be a platform for public engagement, its participatory potential is structurally constrained by the material privations of most of its listeners. Given that in order to participate in talk shows and discussions audience members have to phone in, economic deprivation often precludes this. It is clear from this research that despite shows such as Lunchtime Live that are exploring new techniques of popular involvement, the voice of the ordinary people still struggles to be heard.

This study was researched at Mnquma Local Municipality of Amathole District Municipality in Eastern Cape Province, in the Republic of South Africa. The study is about: The assessment of relationship between the traditional leaders and ward Councillors and its impact on service delivery: A case of Mnquma Local Municipality. This municipality consists of 61 wards and 41 ward Councillors. The purpose of this study was to investigate what causes tensions in the relationship between traditional leaders and ward Councillors and also how can it be managed and or be improved as it affects production in service delivery and development. Furthermore, the study seeks to find ways through which the relationship between traditional leaders and ward Councillors could be managed to harmonize the relationship between them in order to improve service delivery in Mnquma Local Municipality. Most municipalities which are based in rural areas in South Africa are faced with a lot of challenges which has left development staggering and thus in long run inefficiency in service delivery is caused. As a result of poor service delivery Mnquma Municipality is faced with the challenge of instability towards its management, whereby several Mayors have been chased away through protests, as result service delivery has been hampered and delayed. These challenges are the results of the poor relationship between traditional leaders and ward Councillors over land ownership, control and authority of resources for development. The legislations that govern traditional leaders are ambiguous or rather vague when it comes to their roles and functions in development and service delivery in the new democratic government of South Africa and thus cause the traditional leaders to feel that they are undermined by the ward Councillors whom according to traditional leaders feel they that ward Councillors are more recognized than them. It is in this context that this study seeks to investigate the causes of conflict between the traditional leaders and ward Councillors and how the conflict impacts on service delivery and development and also can it resolved to harmonize the situation. The researcher used a qualitative method to collect data, the questionnaires and interviews were conducted to Municipalities, Traditional Leaders, Municipal Managers, Ward Councillors, Ward Committees and the community. Data was collected and analysed using descriptive method. The researcher came out with the following summary of the findings: The management of relationship between traditional leaders and ward Councillors over ownership of projects, control, land distribution and authority is very poor. Traditional leaders felt that the present democratic government has given too much power to the ward Councillors for most development programs. There is no absolute proper consultation of traditional leaders by neither local government officials, municipalities and ward Councillors before any development is done in their areas. Poor recognition of traditional leaders by ward Councillors and other politicians. There is allegation by the community members and traditional leaders that ward Councillors are bias in delivering services, preference is given to the group that belongs to their party of interest. When there is development projects employment opportunity is not given to the local communities of that area. Traditional leaders are not allowed to actively participate in council meetings.

This chapter focuses on the literature relevant to the study and more significantly on the issues that are pertinent to the critical questions and the objectives of this research. The chapter will provide definitions of community participation and their intricate relationship with the Integrated Development Planning as a strategic framework for development within the King Sabatha Dalindyebo Municipality. In this context the chapter presents a review of literature dealing with the theoretical arguments surrounding public participation. Hart (1998:13) views literature review as the selection of available documents - both published and unpublished - on the topic, which contains information, ideas, data and evidence written from a particular standpoint to fulfill certain aims This chapter is divided into two main review sections. The first section reviews the relevant policy, legislation and guidelines in which public participation and the IDP process is located in South Africa. The second section focuses on the literature and theories of public participation and the IDP process as it is applied in South Africa.

The intention of the study was to assess the supply chain management policy at the King William’s Town District Municipality. It became apparent from the Literature review that any municipality to play a meaningful role in ensuring that South Africa achieves the goal of becoming a developmental state, capable of confronting service delivery challenges, there needs to be a proper implementation of the supply management system policy. The study was also aimed at identifying the factors that support or hinder the implementation of the supply chain management within the King William’s Town District Municipality. In order to achieve this objective, interviews and self-administered questionnaires were conducted with various respondents in the municipality. The respondents insured the councillors from the five political parties comprising the municipality, municipal manager and section 57 managers, supply chain practitioners. It would therefore be critical important for the management of the King William’s Town District municipality to take into account the results of this study and its recommendations so as to ensure that there is a proper implementation of the supply chain management system within the municipality.

This study examines the role of Ward Committees in facilitating “authentic” public participation, with particular reference to Ba-Phalaborwa Municipality. The key question of the study is whether Ward Committees serve as effective mechanisms to promote public participation in the local sphere of government in South Africa. To answer this question, this research project focuses on the composition, functioning and responsibilities of Ward Committees, and how these contribute to effective public participation. This is important because one of the mandates of local government in the post-apartheid era in South Africa is to promote local democracy through the participation of communities. The empirical findings of this research project reveal that Ward Committees are confronted with a multitude of challenges where their functioning tends to be compromised. This has led this research to recommend the improvement of capacity among Ward Committees as a way of enhancing public participation. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este trabalho parte do reconhecimento de que a educação permanente em saúde tem sido investida como noção a embasar diferentes referenciais teórico-conceituais para a produção de políticas voltadas à educação de profissionais de saúde, particularmente no Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS). Nesse sentido, o trabalho buscou apreender os diferentes usos dessa noção e seus sentidos para a produção de políticas. Assim, buscou delimitar o surgimento dessa noção no campo da educação e sua posterior apropriação no campo da saúde, inicialmente a partir da produção institucional da Organização Pan-Americana da Saúde e em seguida ressignificada no Brasil no âmbito da Política Nacional de Educação Permanente em Saúde (Pneps). A análise dos textos e documentos institucionais da Organização Pan-Americana da Saúde (Opas) responsáveis por desenvolver esses referenciais redundou na construção de duas matrizes conceituais, tendo sido a primeira desenvolvida entre 1974 e 1984-5; e a segunda, entre 1984-5 e 2002. Atualmente essas matrizes conceituais costumam ser denominadas respectivamente por educação continuada em saúde e educação permanente em saúde, ainda que esta última noção seja utilizada por ambas, fato discutido pelo autor ao longo do trabalho. A terceira matriz conceitual foi construída a partir da análise dos textos e documentos publicados no bojo da criação da Pneps. A partir da construção dessas três matrizes conceituais foi realizado um breve histórico das ações voltadas à educação de profissionais de saúde promovidas pela Secretaria de Gestão do Trabalho e da Educação na Saúde (SGTES), especificamente o Departamento de Gestão da Educação na Saúde (Deges), órgão criado em 2003 para se dedicar ao tema da formação de profissionais para o SUS. Nesse particular, foi proposta uma periodização das ações do Deges, relacionando cada período às diferentes matrizes conceituais construídas. A noção de educação permanente em saúde é então interrogada a partir da discussão sobre educação de adultos proposta por Arendt e de sua contextualização no referencial do capitalismo pós-industrial e das sociedades de controle, conforme delimitado por Deleuze. O conjunto dessas reflexões embasa a discussão sobre novos usos possíveis para a educação permanente em saúde e novas configurações para a política de saúde que adota essa noção, discutindo possíveis inovações para esse campo a partir da articulação com a discussão sobre inteligência coletiva. Por fim, propõe-se repensar a política de educação permanente em saúde, endereçando-a no sentido de promover o protagonismo das práticas de saúde como espaços de aprendizagem, buscando novas possibilidades no diálogo com a experiência dos pontos de cultura do Ministério da Cultura. / This work starts from the recognition that it has been invested in permanent health education as a notion to base different theoretical and conceptual references in the production of policies for the education of health professionals, particularly in the Unified Health System (SUS). In this sense, the study sought to grasp the different uses of this notion and its senses to the policies. Thus, it has tried to define the emergence of this notion in the field of education and its future appropriation in the health field, initially from the institutional production of the Pan American Health Organization and then re-signified in Brazil under the National Policy of Permanent Education in Health (PNEPS). The analysis of texts and institutional documents of the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) responsible for developing these theoretical frameworks resulted in the construction of two conceptual matrices, being the first developed between 1974 and 1984-5 and the second between 1984-5 and 2002. Currently, these conceptual matrices are often denominated, respectively, as continuing education in health and permanent health education, although the latest notion is used by both frameworks, a fact discussed by the author throughout the work. The third conceptual framework was built from the analysis of texts and documents published in the context of the creation of PNEPS. From the construction of these three conceptual matrices was carried out a brief history of actions aimed at the education of health professionals promoted by the Secretary of Labor Management and Health Education (SGTES), specifically the Department of Education Management in Health (DEGES), a department created in 2003 to devote itself to the subject of professional training for the SUS. In this regard, it proposed a periodization of DEGES actions, relating each time to the different conceptual built matrices. The notion of permanent education in health is then interrogated from the discussion of adult education proposed by Arendt and under the referential of post-industrial capitalism and societies of control defined by Deleuze. This set of reflections underlies the discussion of possible new uses for permanent education in health and the new settings for health policy embracing this notion, discussing possible innovations for this field from the connection with the discussion of collective intelligence. Finally, it is proposed to rethink the permanent education in health policy, addressing it to promote the protagonism of health practices as learning spaces, searching for new possibilities in the dialogue with the experience of the political culture.

What did it mean to be a Catholic elite in Protestant England? The relationship between the Protestant crown and its Catholic subjects may be examined fruitfully through a study of an individual and his world. This thesis examines this relationship through the example of Sir Thomas Tresham, who has often been seen as the archetypal Catholic loyalist. It is argued that the notion of Catholic loyalism must be reconfigured to account for the complexities inherent in the relationship between Catholics and the government. The duty to honour the monarch's authority was bound up with social and national sentiment, but it often accompanied criticisms of the practice of that authority, and the ways in which it encroached on personal experience. Intractable tensions lay behind expressions of loyalty, and this thesis travels in these undercurrents of cultural, social, religious, and political conflict to investigate the nuanced relationship between English Catholics and English society. Political resistance as classically understood - actions which directly opposed and undermined government policy - risks the exclusion of culture and identity, through which resistance was redefined. It is argued that Tresham's participation in elite activities became vehicles for resistance in the Catholic context. Book-collecting, reading, and the donation of books to an institutional library are framed as forms of resistance which countered the spirit of government legislation, and provided for the continuation of a robust tradition of Catholic scholarship on English soil. Through artistic and architectural projects, Tresham found ways to participate in elite culture which were not closed off to him, and in which Catholicism and gentility could sit side by side. These activities were also avenues for resistance, whereby the erection of stone testaments to Tresham's faith defied the government's attempts to redefine Englishness and gentility in Protestant terms, to the devastation of Catholicism. These artistic works combined piety, gentility, and resistance, and, together with Tresham's two Catholic libraries, they were to be his legacy.