The purpose of this essay is to study what conditions Afghanistan and Iraq have in order to create democracy in their countries. The study is interesting in a political science perspective because it engages many scientists how democracy can be created in authoritarian states. The overall questions my study is based on are: - What are the conditions for Afghanistan and Iraq to develop democracy based on Dankwart Rustow's four democratization phases? and which of these countries Afghanistan or Iraq has bigger chance to develop democracy in its country? My approach to answering my questions has been to study Dankwart Rustow’s theory based on that the creation of democracy can be achieved by four different democracy phases: unit phase, dissolution phase, transition phase and consolidation phase. The conclusion of my study shows that Afghanistan and Iraq have the same conditions for democracy, but Iraq has come further in its democratization and has more opportunities to develop democracy in its country compared to Afghanistan. This is because Iraq has not been involved in any long term war and that Afghanistan is still in civil war with the Taliban, which prevents democratic development in their country. / Syftet med denna uppsats är att studera vilka förutsättningar Afghanistan och Irak har för att utveckla demokrati i sina länder. Studien är intressant ur ett statsvetenskapligt perspektiv eftersom det engagerar många forskare hur demokrati kan skapas i auktoritära stater. De övergripande frågeställningarna som min studie är baserad på är: -Hur ser förutsättningarna ut för Afghanistan och Irak att utveckla demokrati utifrån Dankwart Rustows fyra demokratiserings faser? och vilka av dessa länder Afghanistan eller Irak har störst möjlighet att utveckla demokrati i sitt land? Mitt tillvägagångssätt för att besvara mina frågor har varit att studera Dankwart Rustows teori, som bygger på att demokrati kan skapas utifrån att fyra olika demokratifaser uppnås: enhetsfas, upplösningsfas, övergångsfas och konsolideringsfas. Uppsatsens slutsats visar på att Afghanistan och Irak har liknande förutsättningar att skapa demokrati men att Irak har kommit längre i sin demokratisering och har större förutsättningar att kunna utveckla demokrati än Afghanistan. Det beror på att Irak inte har varit inblandat i några långvariga krig och att Afghanistan fortfarande är i inbördeskrig med talibanerna, vilket förhindrar en demokratisk utveckling i deras land.

This thesis approaches the reasons behind the success of insurgencies in conflicts against greater nations. Why is it that a small group with limited resources can triumph against a great military power. This study seeks to analyze the conflicts in Afghanistan 1979-1989 and Chechnya 1994-1996 with the use of an adapted version of the SWORD-model in order to conclude whether the model can elucidate the separate outcomes. The original model is based on seven dimensions which all explains different aspects on how a state ought to combat insurgents in order to succeed, and has predominantly been used to analyze conflicts involving the US, not Russia or the USSR. A case study is then realized on the two conflicts in order to strengthen or weaken the analytic prowess of the adapted SWORD-model. The analysis concludes that the insurgents had the advantage in four and three respectively, out of the four adapted dimensions in Afghanistan and Chechnya, which indicates that the insurgents should have succeed in both conflicts which they did. Based on this, it can be argued that the analytic power of the adapted SWORD-model has been strengthened by explaining two additional partly unique conflicts involving alternative states.

This study presents selected features in the phonology and grammar of Sauji, an Indo-Aryan language spoken in a village in the Kunar province in north-eastern Afghanistan. Sauji belongs to a cluster of (western) Shina languages - a subgroup of the Hindukush Indo-Aryan languages, which are spoken in large parts of northernmost Pakistan, north-eastern Afghanistan, and the disputed Kashmir region. As many languages in the Hindukush region, Sauji is largely underdescribed, hence the aim of this study was to provide a grammar sketch of the language, based on materials from field trips to the region. The results were compared to the closest related languages, to put the language into a broader context. Sauji is generally very similar to its closest linguistic relative, Palula, but also shows clear influence of Gawarbati, another Indo-Aryan language, on its phonology, lexicon, and some grammatical features. / Denna studie presenterar ett urval av fonologiska och grammatiska drag i sauji, ett indoariskt språk som talas i en by i Kunarprovinsen i nordöstra Afghanistan. Sauji tillhör ett kluster av shinaspråk, som är en undergrupp av de hindukush-indoariska språken som talas i stora delar av nordligaste Pakistan, nord-östra Afghanistan och det omstridda Kashmirområdet. I likhet med många av språken i denna region är sauji knapphändigt beskrivet och därför är målet med den här studien att bidra med en grammatikskiss. Studien är baserat på data som har samlats in under fältarbete i regionen. Resultaten jämfördes med de närmast besläktade språken för att undersöka språket i en bredare kontext. Sauji är i stora drag väldigt likt palula, det närmast besläktade språket, men det har också visat sig att fonologin, lexikonet och även vissa grammatiska drag har påverkats mycket av gawarbati, ett annat indoariskt språk som talas i omgivningen. / Language Contact and Relatedness in the Hindu Kush Region, Swedish Research Council (VR 421-2014-631)

The purpose of this study is to examine what democracy and academic freedom look like in Afghanistan today after the Taliban took power in the summer of 2021. The method section takes up, method and research design, validity, and reliability as well as material and source criticism, such as the importance of being source critical of the collection material as there are secondary sources. The choice of this method is to demonstrate that it is most suitable and relevant based on the purpose of the study and the time frame. The empirical review of the democratic institutions and academic freedom is linked to both Afghanistan and the theoretical part, in the fourth chapter to clearly show its relevance to the field of study. The conclusion that has been drawn is that democracy and academic freedom do not exist in Afghanistan today. This conclusion has been based and linked to the democratic institutions and rights that have been addressed in previous research and the theory part and further applied in Afghanistan on the results part. / Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka hur demokrati och akademisk frihet ser ut i Afghanistan idag efter att talibanerna tog över makten sommaren 2021. Metodavsnittet tar upp metod och forskningsdesign, validitet och reliabilitet samt material och källkritik, såsom vikten av att vara källkritisk mot insamlingsmaterialet då det förekommer sekundärkällor. Valet föll på kvalitativ metod med beskrivande fallstudie då den är mest lämplig och relevant utifrån studiens syfte och tidsram. Den empiriska genomgången av de demokratiska institutionerna och den akademiska friheten är kopplade till både Afghanistan och den teoretiska delen, i fjärde kapitlet för att tydligt visa dess relevans för studieområdet. Slutsatsen som har dragits är att demokrati och akademisk frihet inte existerar i Afghanistan idag. Denna slutsats har baserats och kopplats till de demokratiska institutioner och rättigheter som har tagits upp i tidigare forskning och teoridelen och tillämpats vidare i Afghanistan på resultatdelen.

Med underlag av en kvalitativ ansats är studiens syfte att skapa en förståelse kring varför en del afghanska kvinnor inte lönearbetar eller behärskar det svenska språket trots att de bott flera år i Sverige. Studiens frågeställningar fokuserar på kvinnans roll i familjen, hur de patriarkala strukturerna kommer till uttryck samt hur kvinnornas syn på kultur påverkar deras sätt att leva. Det empiriska materialet består av semistrukturerade intervjuer av sex gifta afghanska hemmafruar som bott i Sverige i mer än 15 år och som än inte behärskar det svenska språket eller lönearbetar. Studiens teoretiska grund baseras på begrepp kopplat till patriarkat, kultur, och symbolisk våld. Tidigare forskning visar hur kvinnors underordning är utformad för att komplettera männens överordning samtidigt som tystnad är ett redskap kvinnor använder sig av för att göra motstånd mot de patriarkala levnadsförhållandena de lever under. Denna studie resulterar i att den patriarkala strukturen i kvinnornas liv främst kommer till uttryck i den privata sfären där männen drar nytta av kvinnornas underordning samtidigt som kvinnorna ser på den afghanska kulturen som en sorts patriarkal maktutövning.Fast samhället ofta ser på kvinnorna som en grupp som inte anses vara medvetna om sin situation så kan vi med denna studie dra slutsatsen att kvinnorna är väl medvetna om sin verklighet och gör motstånd i det tysta / Based on a qualitative approach, the purpose of the study is to create an understanding of why some Afghan women do not work or speak the Swedish language despite having lived in Sweden for several years. The study's questions focus on the woman's role in the family, how the patriarchal structures are expressed and how the women's view of culture affects their way of life. The empirical material consists of interviews with six married Afghan housewives who have lived in Sweden for more than 15 years and who do not yet have a command of the Swedish language or are in paid employment. The study's theoretical basis is based on concepts linked to patriarchy, culture, and symbolic violence. Previous research shows how women's subordination is designed to complement men's supremacy, while silence is a tool women use to resist the patriarchal living conditions they live under. This study results in the fact that the patriarchal structure in women's lives is mainly expressed in the private sphere where the men benefit from the women's subordination while the women see the Afghan culture as a kind of patriarchal exercise of power. Although society often sees women as a group that is not considered to be aware of their situation, with this study we can conclude that the women are aware of their reality and resist in silence.

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Dieses Buch gibt durch eine Zusammenstellung von Interviews Einblicke in die Erzählungen von Menschen, die als Binnenmigranten in die afghanische Stadt Mazar-i Sharif gekommen sind. Mazar-i Sharif ist eine wichtige Metropole im Norden Afghanistans. Die Stadt ist ein wichtiges Handelszentrum. Es gibt dort mehrere private und staatliche Universitäten. Mazar-i Sharif wurde durch die vergleichsweise gute Sicherheitslage zur Zeit dieser Forschung Sitz vieler internationaler Organisationen und NGOs und war ein attraktives Reiseziel mit viele Restaurants, Hotels, Freizeit- und Sporteinrichtungen. Gleichzeitig ist Mazar-i Sharif der Anlaufpunkt für viele arme Binnenmigranten. Die Migration in die Stadt wird durch die schlechten wirtschaftlichen Perspektiven in den ländlichen Regionen Afghanistans aber auch durch die Flucht vor Gewalt, Bedrohung und Unsicherheit verursacht. Doch auch in der Stadt sind viele der meist armen Migranten mit prekären Lebensverhältnissen, Arbeitslosigkeit und Rechtsunsicherheit, Armut und fehlender Unterstützung konfrontiert. Vor diesem Hintergrund zeigen die in diesem Buch vereinten Interviews was die Menschen über ihre Umsiedlung in die Stadt erzählen und wie sie dies tun. Es wird herausgestellt, dass auch das Erzählen selbst eine wichtige Funktion hat und ein Teil der verschiedenen Lebenssicherungsstrategien der Menschen in diesem schwierigen Umfeld wird. / As a compilation of interviews this book provides insight into the narrations of internal migrants who have come to the Afghan city Mazar-e Sharif, a metropolis located in the north of the country. Mazar-e Sharif is an important commercial center with lively bazaars. It is home to both private and state universities and, due to a comparatively good security situation, Mazar-e Sharif became the seat of many international organizations and NGOs in the time of research. It was also an attractive travel destination with many restaurants, hotels, and recreational and athletic facilities. At the same time, it is a destination for large numbers of poor internal migrants and returning refugees. Migration to the city is provoked by poor economic prospects in many rural areas of Afghanistan which also suffer from violence, threats, and insecurity. Once they reach this city, however, many of the mostly poor migrants face precarious living conditions, unemployment and legal insecurity, poverty, and a lack of support. Against this background, the interviews in this book show what people say about their relocation to town and how they say it, emphasizing the important function of narrating as one of several livelihood strategies in difficult surroundings.

Master of Science / Department of Architecture / Donald J. Watts / This thesis assesses concepts of architectural education both globally and regionally but ultimately presents a pedagogy aimed at the special needs of Afghan architectural education that will serve the needs of Afghan society. It is the author’s hope that this thesis may aptly establish the first steps for a renewed architectural education at Kabul University, Kabul, Afghanistan. The essence of this thesis presents a carefully reasoned and detailed educational strategy for teaching beginning architectural design. The new curriculum in the Department of Architecture at Kabul University requires new syllabi to achieve higher academic standards. The new design course syllabus should address the existing problems of Afghan society. This thesis begins by understanding the context and the current problems confronting the Kabul University Department of Architecture. It is by understanding these problems that I can begin to identify a solution. Understanding the Kabul Municipality rules and regulations, familiarity with beginning design terminology, a carefully stated and sequenced course description promoting gradual student improvement, understanding interrelationships between the interior spaces, environmental sustainable design, and finally introducing a new generation of conscientious architects to Afghan society are some of the main objectives for designing this course. Identifying the best strategy for teaching this course was a primary research question. Christopher Alexander’s great work, A Pattern Language inspired me to select it as the best methodology for my research. My early research focused upon the creation of a new syllabus for the first semester of architectural design at Kabul University. This new syllabus was launched during the first semester of 2009 in Kabul where I taught the new course alongside a junior Afghan faculty member. Establishing the new course materials for the first semester set the stage for my primary focus of this thesis. That is the creation of the second semester architectural design course using pattern language as my pedagogical framework. This pedagogy is fundamental for establishing architectural studies focused upon meaningful new academic criteria. The ultimate aim of my thesis is to lay the foundation stone for the reincarnation of Afghan architectural identity.

BACKGROUND: Millions of people have fled from their countries, due to war or conflict, in order to find a safer environment for themselves and their children. One common destination is Europe, which people can reach only through the sea from the Turkish coast to the Greek coast after walking hundreds of kilometers through the mountains. This long journey has a significant impact on refugee children’s health and that is primarily observed in the Greek islands were they can seek for emergency health care. The aim of this study is to investigate the reasons that the refugee children seek for emergency help in the hospital of Lesbos, Greece.   METHODS: Primary data collection from the medical records of the Pediatric department of the hospital of Lesbos. Statistical analysis of the data with R commander 3.2.1.The results will be presented in diagrams and tables, showing the most common symptoms/clinical findings, diagnoses, origin, gender, hospitalization or not of the refugee children and the relation of the symptoms and diagnoses in accordance with the seasonality, age, gender and origin calculated with Chi² and Chi² Fischer test.   RESULTS: Respiratory tract infections and gastro-intestinal tract infections are the first two most common diagnoses by far. Almost half of the refugee children that were submitted in the Hospital of Lesbos needed hospitalization and further treatment. More than half of the refugee children that sought after emergency help in the hospital of Lesbos were Syrians and boys. Mental health was also a big issue.   CONCLUSION: The journey that the refugee children are undertaking in order to reach the Greek islands and the prolonged living in refugee camps and detention centers is affecting their mental and physical health, with respiratory tract infections and gastro-intestinal tract infections being the major diagnoses.

This study examines the relationship between British perceptions and policies regarding India’s North-West Frontier and its Pathan inhabitants and the decline of British power in the subcontinent from 1919 to 1947. Its central argument is that two key constituencies within the framework of British India, the officers of the Indian Army and the Indian Political Service, viewed the Frontier as the most crucial region within Britain’s Indian Empire. Generations of British officers believed that this was the one place in India where the British could suffer a “knockout blow” from either external invasion or internal revolt. In light of this, when confronted by a full-scale Indian nationalist movement after the First World War, the British sought to seal off the Frontier from the rest of India. Confident that they had inoculated the Frontier against nationalism, the British administration on the Frontier carried on as if it were 30 years earlier, fretting about possible Soviet expansion, tribal raids, and Afghan intrigues. This emphasis on external menaces proved costly, however, as it blinded the British to local discontent and the rapid growth of a Frontier nationalist movement by the end of the 1920s. When the Frontier administration belatedly realized that they faced a homegrown nationalist movement they responded with a combination of institutional paralysis and brutality that underscored the British belief that the region constituted the primary bulwark of the British Raj. This violence proved counterproductive. It engendered wide-scale nationalist interest in the Frontier and effectively made British policy in the region a subject of All-Indian political debate. The British responded to mounting nationalist pressure in the 1930s by placing the Frontier at the center of their successful efforts to retain control of India’s defence establishment. This was a short-lived stopgap, however. By the last decade of British rule much of the Frontier was under the administration of the Indian National Congress. Moreover, the British not only concluded that Indian public opinion must be taken into account when formulating policy, but that nationalist prescriptions for the “problem” of the North-West Frontier should be enacted. / text