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Efter uppkomsten av hashtaggen #metoo blev sexuella övergrepp och trakasserier ett starkt diskuterat ämne i Sverige och flertalet personer blev uthängda i media efter anklagelser om sexualbrott. Med en rådande oro om hur informationspåverkan kan vara negativ påstod flera forskare att media agerat rättegång genom att de hängts ut utan att ges chansen att försvara sig själva. Denna undersökning har därför gjort en jämförande kvantitativ innehållsanalys på två olika nyhetskällor på internet ­­– Aftonbladet och Svenska motståndsrörelsen, om deras rapportering om sexualbrott efter #metoo. Den förstnämnda är var en etablerad tidning som politiskt beskrevs som socialdemokratisk oberoende. Den andra var en alternativ tidning som sympatiserade med den alternativa högern. Det var olika benämningar inom gestaltning av förövaren, tonalitet till händelsen och volymen på artiklarna som undersöktes. Sedan tolkades resultatet hermeneutiskt utifrån ett agendasättande synsätt samt att ojämlikheter mellan de olika komponenterna bidrog till social stratifiering. Variablerna inom gestaltningen var ras, politisk inriktning, kön och namn. Undersökningen visar att det skedde en stark ojämlikhet i vem som de valt att hänga ut i media, samt hur denne beskrivs. Det var både en ojämlikhet mellan de olika två tidningarna och inom dem. Detta stärker förfarandet om informationspåverkan och uppmärksammar opartiskhet hos medierna samt vikten av källkritiskhet. / After the emerge of the hashtag #metoo, sexual abuse and harassment became a heavily debated topic in Sweden and a lot of people were portrayed in the media after allegations of sexual offenses. With an increasing concern about how the information affects can be negative, several researchers claimed that the media acted as a trial by hanging them out without giving the opportunity to defend themselves.   This thesis has therefore made comparative quantitative content analysis on two different news sources on the internet – Aftonbladet and Svenska motståndsrörelsen movement with their reporting about sex crimes following the #metoo. The first mentioned was a mainstream newspaper that politically was referred to as social-democratic independence. The second where an alternative media that sympathizes with the alternative right-movement.   There were different terms in the form of the perpetrator, tonality to the event and the volume of the articles that were investigated. Then the result was based on an agenda setting approach and that inequalities between the different components contribute to social stratification. The variables in the design were race, political orientation, gender and name.   The survey result shows that there was a strong inequality in who you choose to hang in the media, as well as how this is described. There were both an inequality between the two newspapers and within them. This strengthens the process of information impact and draws attention to the impartiality of the media and the importance of source criticism.

Brott är generellt sett ett område som motsvarar många kriterier för nyhetsvärdering inom journalistiken och ämnet lockar till läsning. När media rapporterar om olika händelser i världen får därför framförallt våldsbrott mycket publicitet. Det finns tidigare forskning som visar att medias frekventa rapportering om brott skapar en obefogad rädsla hos befolkningen. Mycket forskning kring brott i media finns både nationellt och internationellt, men denna studie fokuserar på en viss typ av brottslighets plats i media som inte alls är lika utforskat, nämligen organiserad brottslighet. Vi tittar på hur den organiserade brottsligheten gestaltas i svensk nyhetsmedia, vilka skillnader det finns i rapporteringen av denna typ av brott i jämförelse med annan kriminalitet, samt om rapporteringen i morgonpress och kvällspress skiljer sig från varandra. Undersökningen gjordes genom en kvantitativ innehållsanalys på 200 artiklar. Hälften av dessa var publicerade i Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet som representerar morgonpress medan den andra hälften hämtats från Aftonbladet och Expressen som i undersökningen representerar kvällspress. Artiklarna är också uppdelade där 100 stycken behandlar organiserad brottslighet och de resterande 100 annan typ av kriminalitet. Undersökningen visade att rapporteringen om de olika typerna av brott skiljer sig. Organiserad brottslighet får mer fysisk plats i tidningarna då de i fler fall finns med bilder. Denna typ av kriminalitet framställs som ett större hot/risk än annan brottslighet, händelser gestaltas mer förstorat, och bilderna i dessa artiklar förstärker ofta en hotfull känsla. Organiserad brottslighet gestaltas som farligare än annan brottslighet. Vi såg utöver detta också skillnader i de olika typerna av press. Kvällspress skriver på ett mer förstorat sätt om organiserad brottslighet än vad morgonpress gör, vilket i denna studie innebär att de använder fler ord som endast finns där i syfte att förstärka olika känslor. Kvällspress använder sig också mer av bilder för att befästa de känslorna artikeln ska förmedla. Med stöd av dagordningsteorin, nyhetsvärdering och nyhetsurval, gestaltningsteorin samt kriminaljournalistik har vi utefter våra resultat analyserat och diskuterat vår forskningsfråga. Vi förstår varför organiserad brottslighet får mycket plats då den uppfyller kriterier för att skapa mediedramaturgi, men anser att det kan vara problematiskt då media med hjälp av sin gestaltning kan skapa en obefogad oro och rädsla bland publiken. Detta påverkar inte bara individen utan även samhället i stort eftersom människors bild av den kriminella världen kanske inte stämmer överens med verkligheten. Eftersom detta kan ge effekt på hela samhället anser vi att studien är relevant för makthavare i landet och Polismyndigheten. Under denna studie har det framgått att forskning om organiserad brottslighet är begränsad. Det finns dåligt med statistik och fakta om denna typ av brott och vi ser gärna att man i framtiden forskar vidare i fältet. Som påbyggnad av detta finns det inte heller mycket forskning att hitta om organiserad brottslighet i förhållande till media. Detta saknas framförallt i svensk forskning och vi skulle gärna se framtida svenska forskare fördjupa sig mer i detta område, till exempel genom en liknande studie, med ett större empiriskt material, för att få en ännu bättre bild av gestaltningen av organiserad brottslighet i media. / Crime is an area that meets the requirements for being highly valued as a news topic and is often something that attracts the readers. When media is reporting about what’s going on in the world is especially violent crimes getting much publicity. Previous research shows that medias frequent way to report about crimes creates an uncalled-for fear among the population. There is a lot of national and international research about crime in media, but this study will focus on a special type of crime and the place it has in media, namely organized crime. We look at how organized crime is portrayed in Swedish news media, which differences it is compared to other crimes, and also if morning press and tabloid press reports in different ways and in that case how. The study was done by a quantitative content analysis on 200 articles. Half of these were published in Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet which is morning press while the other half is from Aftonbladet and Expressen which represents the tabloid press. The articles is also divided in to 100 articles about organized crimes and the remaining 100 about other crimes. The study shows that the reporting about the two types of crimes has differences. Organized crime gets more physical space in the papers due to the fact that these crimes more often has pictures in the articles. This type of crime is portrayed like a bigger threat and risk compared to other crimes, it is often written in a magnified way and the pictures is used to increase the sense of threat/risk. Organized crime is portrayed as much more dangerous than other crimes. We also saw differences in the two types of newspaper. Tabloid press is writing in a more magnified way than morning press, which in this study means that they more often use words that is only there in the purpose of increasing the sense of threat. Tabloid press is also using more pictures to fortify the feeling that the article is supposed to mediate. With the support of the agenda setting theory, valuation and selection of news, framing theory and court journalism did we along our results analyze and discuss the research question. We understand why organized crime is getting as much publicity as it does, due to the fact that it fulfills the criterias to create media dramaturgi, but we also see it as a problem as media with its portraying can create an uncalled-for fear and concern among the crowd. It does not just affect the person but also the society since the image of the criminal world that people has disagree with the reality. Since this can affect the entire society we mean that this study is relevant for rulers of the country and the police. During the study has it been stated that research about organized crime is limited. There is not much statistics and facts about this type of crime, so we would like to see more research in this field overall. Build up on this there is not much research to find about organized crime in relation to media either. Above all it is the swedish research that’s lacking in this field and we would like to see future swedish researchers immerse themselves into this field. For example, through a study like this, but with a bigger empirical data, to get a better understanding of the relationship between organized crime and media.

As eleições 2010 entraram para a história da comunicação política como a primeira em que candidatos puderam fazer uso de outras plataformas digitais que não fossem os websites. O conteúdo divulgado pelos políticos, assessores e internautas nas redes sociais acabou sendo apropriado e noticiado pela imprensa. Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo compreender melhor como a internet, e mais precisamente o Twitter, tem interferido e alterado o modo de produção jornalística na cobertura das eleições e quais foram os efeitos nas reportagens publicadas. Para isso, buscaremos analisar como os jornais Folha de S.Paulo e O Globo fizeram uso de posts do Twitter na cobertura da campanha presidencial. Nosso intuito é avaliar se os jornais buscaram captar o comportamento dos internautas no microblo g ou se reproduziram mais os tweets dos candidatos, assessores e outras fontes notáveis. Pretendemos verificar ainda as características dos posts utilizados pelos veículos em suas matérias e notas e criar categorias que identifiquem quais assuntos que circulavam no microblog eram de interesse da imprensa. / The 2010 elections entered into the history of political communication as the first in which candidates could use other digital platforms that were not websites. The content published by politicians, press assistants and Internet users on social networks ended up being appropriate and transformed in news by the press. This research wishes to better understand how the internet, and more specifically the Twitter, has interfered and changed the production mode in the journalistic coverage of the elections and what were its effects on published reports. We will try to analyze how newspapers "Folha de S.Paulo" and "O Globo" used Twitter posts in coverage of the presidential campaign. Our intention is to value if these newspapers tried to capture the behavior of Internet users on microblog or only have reproduced tweets from candidates, press assistants and other notable sources. We also intend to examine characteristics of the posts published in these papers and to create categories to identify which issues mentioned in the microblog attracted interest of press.

The purpose of this Master's thesis is to analyse the image of Mexico in the media of the United States in the first half of 2010. First, the author gives an overview of selected media theories and describes the specifics of the U.S. media market. On the sample of the three media (El Paso Times, New York Times and Fox News) she analyses how were the U.S. media referring about Mexico and its citizens. She is validating hypotheses, which she based on characteristics of each of analysed media. She comes to a conclusion that reporting about Mexico varies among the selected media, which reflects specifics of each of them. In conclusion, she is applying some of the media theories presented in the first chapter. She finds that CNN effect and framing occur. Additionally, she argues that Baudrillard's simulacrum also appears.

Em 2011 foi promulgada no Brasil a Lei 12.527/11, conhecida como Lei de Acesso à Informação LAI, regulamentando somente após 23 anos um direito fundamental reconhecido na Constituição de 1988. A LAI estabeleceu o normativo legal que orienta a efetivação do direito de amplo acesso à informação detida pelo Estado, promovendo inovações de políticas de transparência governamental, controle social da administração pública e governo aberto no Estado brasileiro em seus vários poderes e níveis de governo. Diversos trabalhos vêm buscando analisar a implementação da LAI, mas poucos estudos se dedicaram a estudar a formação da agenda política que produziu a Lei de Acesso, e nesses há maior ênfase na identificação de atores, interesses, arenas decisórias e estratégias envolvidas neste processo. Este estudo busca avançar o conhecimento sobre a formação dessa agenda numa outra perspectiva, a abordagem pós-positivista ou cognitiva de análise de políticas públicas, investigando as diversas ideias, sentidos e discursos presentes nas discussões sobre o direito à informação pública que atravessam as últimas décadas e que colaboraram na construção da Lei de Acesso à Informação brasileira / In 2011, a Right to Information Act (Law 12,527/2011), was enacted in Brazil, regulating only after 23 years a fundamental right recognized in the countrys 1988 Constitution. The LAI (Lei de Acesso à Informação, Access to Information Act, in Portuguese) established the legal norms that guide the implementation of the right of broad access to information held by the State, promoting innovations of government transparency policies, social control of public administration and open government in the Brazilian State in its various institutions and jurisdictions. Several studies have sought to analyze the implementation of the Brazilian Right to Information Act, but few studies have studied the agenda-seting process of the Right to Information Act, and in these studies, there is a greater emphasis on the identification of actors, interests, decision-making arenas and strategies involved. This study seeks to advance the knowledge about the formation of this agenda in another perspective, the post-positivist or cognitive approach of public policy analysis, investigating the diverse ideas, meanings and discourses present in the discussions about the right to information in the last decades in Brazil and that collaborated in the construction of the Brazil\'s Law on the Right to Information

Submitted by Jorge Silva (jorgelmsilva@ufrrj.br) on 2018-09-04T19:47:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Iracema Ferreira de Moura.pdf: 2444921 bytes, checksum: c61a9f7139de37ce4cebdd0c9158f2bd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-04T19:47:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Iracema Ferreira de Moura.pdf: 2444921 bytes, checksum: c61a9f7139de37ce4cebdd0c9158f2bd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-29 / In the context of the agrifood system and the Brazilian political situation, since 2003 agroecology is a contemporary approach inserted into the construction of public policies and interrelated to rural development, food sovereignty and Human Right to Adequate Food. Under this perspective, the general objective of this thesis is to comprehend how agroecology entered the governmental agenda and the formulation process of the National Policy on Agroecology and Organic Production (PNAPO) and the National Plan for Agroecology and Organic Production (PLANAPO). The specific objectives are: comprehend the influence of the institutional and political context in the building of the agenda; identify the historical background and agroecology founding aspects at the brazilian public policies after 1985; identify the main governmental decision-makers, actors and civil society groups who acted on the construction of PNAPO and PLANAPO; understand how the junction of the problems flows and alternatives was made to originate the Policy.The theoretical framework employed comprises the Gramscian concept of Estate, analysis of the neo-institutionalist public policies and of the public policy cycle, taking into consideration the referential of agrifood system, food issues and rural development. Two theoretical models were used as analytical references on the policy process, specifically for the governmental agenda definition (agenda setting) and the formulation phase: the Multiple Stream Model from Kingdom, and the Punctuated Equilibrium Model from Frank Baumgartner and Brian Jones. The results of the desk research of relevant literature, secondary sources and semi-structured interviews revealed that the agroecological approach gained space in some public policies since 2003. The convergent actions from the agroecological and organic movements, especially peasant and rural women organizations, together with the favorable political moment, were fundamental factors for the entrance at the governmental agenda and the formulation of PNAPO and PLANAPO. The transformation process of the governmental agenda into public policy occurred by means of open and transparent dialogue between civil society representatives and the federal government, in a political and historical context of a government that created dialogue mechanisms with society and opened up for agendas that were not accepted before. Apart from the limitations, conflicts and constraints, PNAPO and PLANAPO have the great merit of being the affirmation of an agenda that counteracts the agribusiness. They constitute a mark and a political achievement and put the agroecological agenda in another level at the public policies. However, the agroecological approach is not yet consolidated as a federal government strategic and central policy that sustains the transformations of the agrifood system and of the rural development aiming food sovereignty and the Human Right to Adequate Food. / A agroecologia constitui-se em um enfoque contempor?neo inserido na constru??o de pol?ticas p?blicas interrelacionado ao desenvolvimento rural, soberania alimentar e Direito Humano ? Alimenta??o Adequada (DHAA), no contexto do sistema agroalimentar e da conjuntura pol?tica brasileira a partir de 2003. Nessa perspectiva, o objetivo geral desta Tese consiste em compreender como ocorreu a entrada da agroecologia na agenda governamental e o processo de formula??o da Pol?tica Nacional de Agroecologia e Produ??o Org?nica (PNAPO) e do Plano Nacional de Agroecologia e Produ??o Org?nica (PLANAPO). Os objetivos espec?ficos s?o: compreender a influ?ncia do contexto pol?tico e institucional para a forma??o da agenda; identificar os antecedentes hist?ricos e os aspectos fundantes da agroecologia nas pol?ticas p?blicas brasileiras ap?s 1985; identificar os principais decisores governamentais, atores e grupos da sociedade civil atuantes na constru??o da PNAPO e do PLANAPO; compreender como foi feita a jun??o dos fluxos de problemas e alternativas que deram origem ? Pol?tica. O marco te?rico utilizado engloba o conceito gramsciano de Estado, an?lise de pol?ticas p?blicas neoinstitucionalista e do ciclo da pol?tica p?blica, acrescidos do referencial de sistema agroalimentar, quest?o alimentar e desenvolvimento rural. Utiliza-se como refer?ncia anal?tica sobre processo de pol?ticas p?blicas (policy process), especificamente para a defini??o de agenda governamental (agenda-setting) e a etapa de formula??o, dois modelos te?ricos: o Modelo de Correntes M?ltiplas (Multiple Stream Model) de Kingdon e do Equil?brio Pontuado (Ponctuated Equilibrium Model) de Frank Baumgartner e Brian Jones. Os resultados da pesquisa documental, fontes secund?rias e entrevistas semiestruturadas evidenciaram que o enfoque agroecol?gico ganha espa?o em algumas pol?ticas p?blicas a partir de 2003. A atua??o convergente do movimento agroecol?gico e org?nico, com destaque para as organiza??es das mulheres trabalhadoras rurais e camponesas, aliada a um momento pol?tico favor?vel, foi fator fundamental para a entrada na agenda governamental e a formula??o da PNAPO e do PLANAPO. O processo de transforma??o da agenda governamental em pol?tica p?blica aconteceu por meio de um di?logo aberto e transparente entre os representantes da sociedade civil e do governo federal em um contexto pol?tico-hist?rico de um governo que criou mecanismos de di?logo com a sociedade e que se abriu para pautas antes n?o acolhidas. Apesar das limita??es, conflitos e lacunas, a PNAPO e o PLANAPO t?m o grande m?rito de serem a afirma??o de uma agenda que se contrap?e ao agroneg?cio. Constitui-se em marco e conquista pol?tica e colocou a agenda da agroecologia nas pol?ticas p?blicas em outro patamar. Entretanto, o enfoque agroecol?gico ainda n?o se consolidou como uma pol?tica estrat?gica e central do governo federal que sustente as transforma??es do sistema agroalimentar e do desenvolvimento, com vista ? garantia do DHAA e da soberania alimentar.

Syftet med denna studie har varit att studera hur media, under år 2018, skildrade orsaker till kvinnlig prostitution och hur medias beskrivningar förhåller sig till de orsaker som forskning om kvinnlig prostitution redovisar. För att besvara syftet har en kvalitativ innehållsanalys genomförts av 17 artiklar från Aftonbladet och DN. Resultatet av studien har visat att tidningsartiklar kring orsaker till kvinnlig prostitution beskriver flera skiftande orsaker som har kunnat relateras till den tidigare forskningen. Däremot finns det en överrepresentation av sådana orsaker som genomsyras av tvingande karaktär. Med utgångspunkt i teorin om sensationell journalistik kan det förstås som att denna typ av artiklar är överrepresenterad då den innehåller ett större mått av sensation och därmed högre nyhetsvärde. Resultatet från studien diskuteras utifrån ett dagordningsteoretiskt perspektiv. Allmänhetens föreställningar om orsaker till kvinnlig prostitution tolkas som påverkade av medias rapportering om tvingande orsaker. / The aim of this research has been to investigate how during 2018 media have described causes of female prostitution and how these descriptions relate to earlier research on female prostitution. In order to fulfill the aims of the study a qualitative content analysis was carried out on 17 articles from Aftonbladet and DN. The result of this investigation has shown that newspaper articles express several different reasons for female prostitution that can be related to earlier research on prostitution. However there is an overstatement of causes with compelling character. Based on the sensational journalism theory, it is understood that these types of articles are overrepresented as they contain greater measure of sensation and higher news value. The results of the study are discussed from the theoretical agenda-setting perspective. It has been interpreted that the public's beliefs about causes of female prostitution are affected by reports in media about compelling causes.

The aim of this study is to analyse the contents in texts about the intra-Syrian peace negotiations, as well as identify latent political meanings, through examining how the sides of the war are portrayed in al-Jazeera´s coverage. Dr Zainab Abdul-Nabi suggests in her analysis of al-Jazeera´s coverage of another event in the Syrian war, namely the chemical attack in Ghouta, that al-Jazeera has a catalysing role in the Arab Spring when covering the Syrian war in particular. This study continues along those lines that Abdul-Nabi suggests by analysing the coverage of another event in the Syrian war – the UN-led intra-Syrian peace negotiations. Purposefully, this study should increase the awareness of how political meanings could be hidden in texts. The theory of agenda setting, a theory by Walter Lippman which was further developed by McCombs and Shaw, is used in this study: media set the agenda by inserting certain portraits of how things are and what the society should be concerned about. Content analysis is the method used to perform this study, following Halperin and Heath´s model. By interpreting articles from an influential media source – al-Jazeera – the analysis shows that the examined texts portray the opposition as protagonists against a brutal government, plausibly making the media source a part of the war since the texts attempt to set the agenda that a certain side is the protagonists and another is the antagonists. Underplaying the potential capacities of the peace negotiations and not compromising with the other side is evident, as well as holding the other side responsible of the hostilities in the war, in the texts, hence having a catalysing role with its coverage in the war. Also, the texts tend to leave out details concerning the other side (the government side), portraying the opposition to be representing the people..

<p>We have studied the effects that blogs have on the society through interviews with influential bloggers, a news director and the founder of Sweden’s largest blogprovider.</p><p>Existing theoretical work by other researchers have been used as a starting point to our thesis. Via a deductive method we then proceeded to test these existing models and viewpoints on the reality.</p><p>Through our research we have concluded that blogs, if they co-operate, have an agenda-setting function, and that they can affect newspapers to write about certain topics.</p><p>We have also discussed blogs role as media watch dogs. Gunilla Sax, news director, questions the blog world’s ability to fully cover all media, and to deliver a systematic and just review of the media. Through her reasoning we have come to think that it is vital the blog society continues to evolve and mature, and we suggest that there might be a need for some sort of interest organization to coordinate the highly decentralized blog community.</p><p>Blogs can either be seen as a complement to the news-industry, or as an alternative. Respondents reflect about several differences amongst newspapers and blogs, mainly regarding the methods of work. However, they also confirm what, for example, Bruns (2008) and Våge et al. (2005) writes about the co-dependence that exists between regular newsmedia and the blog community.</p>