The objective of the Master's Thesis Global problems of the current world according to National Geographic magazine is an analysis of the National Geographic magazine approach to informing about contemporary environmental problems. Using a qualitative content analysis the author aims to find out whether there are some specific routines or phenomenons appearing in the articles when covering the environmental topics in media. The theoretical part focuses on general description of the environmental problems media coverage, on explanation of the term globalisation and on contemporary global problems definitions. It also summarizes the 125-year history and the most important milestones of the National Geographic magazine. The practical part consists of research on media reflection of global environmental problems in reportages and their thematic anchoring. It is based both on local and international studies on similar topic. The summary presents and interprets the results of the analysis.

(in English): This work deals with the representation of the SDG in political party programs for elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Republic in 2013 and 2017. Specifically, the parties are ANO, Civic Democratic Party, Pirate Party, Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia and Czech Social Democratic Party. In the theoretical part, through the Agenda theory, was discussed the process of forming a political agenda at national and international level. Furthermore, the concept of sustainable development is explained, including the development it has undergone historically. Then the position of electoral programs in political discourse is described. The description of the methodology is followed by a chapter devoted to analysis, where the analysis processes are described in detail, including a detailed description of the findings. In the following chapter, the results of the analysis are interpreted and, at the end, all findings are discussed and confronted with other research as well as the limits of this work.

The diploma thesis Comparation of the coverage of war conflicts in Yemen and Syria by the Czech media examines to what extent and in what way two wars, which have been going on for several years and are among the biggest humanitarian crises of the present, are reflected in selected media. The conflicts under investigation are the war in Syria and the war in Yemen. The aim of the thesis was to prove that although the two wars are comparable in many aspects, there is a considerable difference between their media coverage. The theoretical part summarizes and defines important concepts accompanying news and news selection and their impact, the role of the media in war and other concepts such as ideology or propaganda. The research part examines the individual reports of three selected news sites, which are Aktuálně.cz, Novinky.cz and iDnes.cz. Based on four theoretical bases, the variables in media content of selected media were investigated. Based on the analysis it was found that the Syrian conflict in the media space gets much more attention than the Yemeni conflict. Furthermore, it was found that while the war in Syria is most often put into the context of the actions of state actors, the most common theme of the reports on the war in Yemen is the development of the conflict. The third hypothesis...

Enquanto os estudos internacionais têm demonstrado uma grande preocupação em pesquisar a capacidade dos candidatos de influenciar a formação da agenda dos meios de comunicação de massa em épocas eleitorais, no Brasil a agenda das candidaturas não foi incorporada aos trabalhos acadêmicos de mídia e eleições. Neste estudo tive como objetivo avaliar a importância da agenda da propaganda dos candidatos para a formação da agenda da cobertura dos telejornais na eleição presidencial de 2002, bem como a relevância do programa de governo do PT para a elaboração da agenda da propaganda de seu candidato, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, nessa mesma eleição. Os dados mostraram que as candidaturas Lula e Serra conseguiram transferir para suas coberturas eleitorais do Jornal Nacional e Jornal da Record a ênfase dos assuntos discutidos em suas propagandas de televisão. Demonstraram também que o PT obteve êxito em transmitir para a propaganda de televisão da candidatura Lula a saliência da pauta discutida em sua plataforma. Com base nesses resultados, conclui que os candidatos influenciaram a agenda dos telejornais e que o PT, em particular, também cumpriu a função de agenda-setting, agendando os assuntos da propaganda da candidatura Lula na televisão. / While the international studies have shown a great concern with the study of the candidate\'s capacity to influence the formation of the mass media agenda during the electoral campaign period, in Brazil, the candidate\'s agenda has not been included in the academic studies of media and elections. In this study, my objective was to evaluate the candidates importance for the formation of the TV news coverage agenda on the presidential election in 2002, as well as the relevance of the PT for the elaboration of the advertising his candidate, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, in that same election. The data showed that both Lula and Serra succeeded in transferring to their electoral coverings of the \"Jornal Nacional\" and \"Jornal da Record\" the themes and issues discussed in their TV ads. The data also showed that the PT had success in transmitting to Lula\'s TV ads the salient themes presented by the party\'s program. The evidence I provided allowed me to conclude that the candidates influenced the new\'s agenda and that the PT, in particular, also fulfilled the function of agenda setting, by effectively influencing the content of its candidate\'s campaign on TV.

Em 2011 foi promulgada no Brasil a Lei 12.527/11, conhecida como Lei de Acesso à Informação LAI, regulamentando somente após 23 anos um direito fundamental reconhecido na Constituição de 1988. A LAI estabeleceu o normativo legal que orienta a efetivação do direito de amplo acesso à informação detida pelo Estado, promovendo inovações de políticas de transparência governamental, controle social da administração pública e governo aberto no Estado brasileiro em seus vários poderes e níveis de governo. Diversos trabalhos vêm buscando analisar a implementação da LAI, mas poucos estudos se dedicaram a estudar a formação da agenda política que produziu a Lei de Acesso, e nesses há maior ênfase na identificação de atores, interesses, arenas decisórias e estratégias envolvidas neste processo. Este estudo busca avançar o conhecimento sobre a formação dessa agenda numa outra perspectiva, a abordagem pós-positivista ou cognitiva de análise de políticas públicas, investigando as diversas ideias, sentidos e discursos presentes nas discussões sobre o direito à informação pública que atravessam as últimas décadas e que colaboraram na construção da Lei de Acesso à Informação brasileira / In 2011, a Right to Information Act (Law 12,527/2011), was enacted in Brazil, regulating only after 23 years a fundamental right recognized in the countrys 1988 Constitution. The LAI (Lei de Acesso à Informação, Access to Information Act, in Portuguese) established the legal norms that guide the implementation of the right of broad access to information held by the State, promoting innovations of government transparency policies, social control of public administration and open government in the Brazilian State in its various institutions and jurisdictions. Several studies have sought to analyze the implementation of the Brazilian Right to Information Act, but few studies have studied the agenda-seting process of the Right to Information Act, and in these studies, there is a greater emphasis on the identification of actors, interests, decision-making arenas and strategies involved. This study seeks to advance the knowledge about the formation of this agenda in another perspective, the post-positivist or cognitive approach of public policy analysis, investigating the diverse ideas, meanings and discourses present in the discussions about the right to information in the last decades in Brazil and that collaborated in the construction of the Brazil\'s Law on the Right to Information

Depuis le début des années 2000, émergent sous le vocable « habitat participatif » des initiatives portées par des groupes d'habitants désireux de concevoir et de gérer collectivement un programme immobilier au sein duquel ils disposeraient d'un logement privatif et partageraient des espaces. Des acteurs institutionnels tels que les collectivités territoriales et les organismes d'HLM se sont progressivement saisis de ces projets d'abord circonscrits au milieu habitant pour conduire des actions en faveur de leur développement. Cette thèse interroge les modalités selon lesquelles cette initiative habitante qu'est l'habitat participatif a émergé dans le champ de l'action publique pour y être à présent intégrée et faire l'objet d'un chapitre dans le projet de loi pour l'Accès au Logement et un Urbanisme Rénové (ALUR), dont la discussion a débuté en septembre 2013. A l'issue d'une première partie de cadrage de la recherche, la genèse de l'habitat participatif en France est retracée, à partir de ses références et des acteurs qui le composent historiquement : les habitants. La thèse propose ensuite une analyse du processus de mise en politique de l'habitat participatif : l'origine de la convocation de la puissance publique, ses modalités et l'intérêt porté par les collectivités et les organismes d'Hlm à ces initiatives sont alors analysés. Le processus de mise en politique apparait alors avant tout comme tourbillonnaire. Des éléments précis quant à la traduction concrète de l'engagement des acteurs institutionnels sont avancés en dernier lieu et ouvrent sur une mise en débat des rapports entre acteurs-habitants et institutions / From the early 2000 onwards, cohousing inhabitant-led initiatives have emerged under the French label “Habitat participatif”. They consist in collectively designing and managing blocks of flats in which one can dispose of a private space while sharing the rest. Although they started as inhabitant projects only, institutions like local authorities and social housing landlords have gradually been involved in their development. This PhD research explores the way this inhabitant project became a matter of interest in public action and was given importance in the next Housing law which is discussed since September 2013. After a first part dedicated to research framing, cohousing genesis in France is described through the references it invokes and its initial representatives : inhabitants. Then cohousing agenda-setting is analyzed, looking at the first appeals to public intervention, the shape of this intervention and local authorities and public housing sector's interest in cohousing projects. Cohousing agenda-setting proves to be a whirlwind process. Accurate elements about institutions actual commitment and its consequences are exposed in the fourth part, opening discussion on relationships between inhabitants and institutions

Security sector reform has in the recent past been a critical component of peace agreements in countries emerging from armed conflicts or political crisis. In Kenya, the Commission of Inquiry into the 2007/08 Post-Election Violence (CIPEV) established that Kenya’s security sector, particularly the police, bore the greatest responsibility for the violence. Subsequently, the police emerged as one of the major institutions for reforms. ‘How have security sector reforms, particularly police reforms, in Kenya developed since 2007 and how, and to what extent, have they been shaped by Kenya’s wider political transitions and SSR process during this period?’ The research aimed at investigating how the police reform process in Kenya has developed since 2007, and how the process has been shaped by Kenya’s wider political transitions and security sector reform processes in general. Using mixed methods research, we found that despite some progress, there is wider public perception that the reforms are yet to address reform priorities at the national level and still fall short of expectations of ordinary Kenyans. We argue that political power-sharing after the 2007 post-election violence facilitated police reform, while at the same time frustrated its implementation especially in instances where reform seemed to dis-empower political elites.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-14T14:42:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 389498.pdf: 844878 bytes, checksum: 9272fe39e6ce0f0ad7a083bb2ebb6a2c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-01-12 / A hip?tese do agenda-setting ? um tipo de efeito social, na m?dia, que compreende a sele??o, disposi??o e incid?ncia de not?cias sobre os temas que o p?blico falar? e discutir?. Dentro do contexto dos estudos sobre os efeitos dos meios de comunica??o na sociedade, surge nos anos 70 a investiga??o da hip?tese do agenda setting. Esta tese de doutorado pretende mostrar a possibilidade de o processo de agenda-setting (agendamento) ser realizado, tamb?m, atrav?s de campanhas publicit?rias e de a??es de Rela??es P?blicas. Al?m disso, apresenta a hip?tese de sobreagendamento. O tema escolhido para o desenvolvimento desse trabalho foi a recupera??o do conceito de cobertura de telefonia m?vel (celular), realizado pela operadora Claro Digital, no estado do Rio Grande do Sul, de 1999 a 2002, utilizando a Grounded Theory

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Tereza Garcia.pdf: 748941 bytes, checksum: bec43584fc8ef534f0fea68399fad8c8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-06 / This paper presents the proposal of public journalism implanted by TV Cultura, and the mishaps encountered in this decade of implementation. In spite of the creation of public journalism celebrating two decades in the United States, the concept is ignored and disbelieved for some. The public journalism, which emerged as a movement by American journalists, was focused on the reunion of journalism with democratic principles and ethics in all the news production, and not necessarily proposing a new format or a new category of journalism. Act that way, however, requires more than just good intentions or good will, since the journalistic output was hampered by diverse interests of the company that manages it. Thus, the study conducted here takes into account the political and economic contexts in which public journalism was practiced, as well as professional and technological conditions for its development, using for this, the concepts discussed in the theories of journalism and agenda-setting newsmaking / Este trabalho aborda a proposta de jornalismo público implantada pela TV Cultura, bem como os percalços encontrados nesta década de sua implantação. Completando agora duas décadas de criação do jornalismo público nos Estados Unidos, o conceito ainda esbarra no desconhecimento e no descrédito de alguns. O jornalismo público, que surgiu como um movimento por parte de jornalistas norteamericanos, tinha como foco o reencontro do jornalismo com os princípios democráticos e com a ética em toda a produção da notícia e não propunha exatamente uma nova formatação ou uma nova categoria jornalística. Atuar dessa maneira, no entanto, exige mais do que apenas boas intenções ou boa vontade, já que a produção jornalística esbarra em interesses diversos da empresa que o gerencia. Dessa forma, o estudo aqui realizado leva em conta os contextos político e econômico nos quais o jornalismo público foi praticado, bem como as condições tecnológicas e profissionais para o seu desenvolvimento, usando para isso os conceitos discutidos nas teorias jornalísticas de agenda-setting e newsmaking

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Tereza Garcia.pdf: 748941 bytes, checksum: bec43584fc8ef534f0fea68399fad8c8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-06 / This paper presents the proposal of public journalism implanted by TV Cultura, and the mishaps encountered in this decade of implementation. In spite of the creation of public journalism celebrating two decades in the United States, the concept is ignored and disbelieved for some. The public journalism, which emerged as a movement by American journalists, was focused on the reunion of journalism with democratic principles and ethics in all the news production, and not necessarily proposing a new format or a new category of journalism. Act that way, however, requires more than just good intentions or good will, since the journalistic output was hampered by diverse interests of the company that manages it. Thus, the study conducted here takes into account the political and economic contexts in which public journalism was practiced, as well as professional and technological conditions for its development, using for this, the concepts discussed in the theories of journalism and agenda-setting newsmaking / Este trabalho aborda a proposta de jornalismo público implantada pela TV Cultura, bem como os percalços encontrados nesta década de sua implantação. Completando agora duas décadas de criação do jornalismo público nos Estados Unidos, o conceito ainda esbarra no desconhecimento e no descrédito de alguns. O jornalismo público, que surgiu como um movimento por parte de jornalistas norteamericanos, tinha como foco o reencontro do jornalismo com os princípios democráticos e com a ética em toda a produção da notícia e não propunha exatamente uma nova formatação ou uma nova categoria jornalística. Atuar dessa maneira, no entanto, exige mais do que apenas boas intenções ou boa vontade, já que a produção jornalística esbarra em interesses diversos da empresa que o gerencia. Dessa forma, o estudo aqui realizado leva em conta os contextos político e econômico nos quais o jornalismo público foi praticado, bem como as condições tecnológicas e profissionais para o seu desenvolvimento, usando para isso os conceitos discutidos nas teorias jornalísticas de agenda-setting e newsmaking