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Much has been said and written about the reasons for the slow progress of the Black Economic Empowerment interventions in South Africa. This research paper aims to explore the meaning of empowerment in the South African context, with the objective of uncovering what real and holistic empowerment means given the particular history of the country. Apartheid, through its social re-engineering intervention, targeted the minds of both whites and blacks to send an unequivocal message to each racial group about their superiority and inferiority as a race, respectively. Suffice to say; to have a nation whose majority still harbours feelings of inferiority would not only impede the progress of BEE interventions but pose a serious restraint to economic growth. It requires directed and deliberate effort to reverse a habit or to renew a mind-set; to that end this research assesses whether the current BBBEE policy is an adequate antidote to the effects of Apartheid on the minds of blacks. This study concludes that psychological empowerment is a necessary condition for economic empowerment; indicating that the current BBBEE policy is less efficacious as it does not address the essence of psychological disempowerment. / Dissertation (MBA)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS) / unrestricted

The existing literature on racial microaggressions has been vital in illuminating how these phenomena may be experienced within marginalized groups (e.g., Wong et al., 2014), including Black communities (e.g., Soloranzo et al., 2000; Sue, Nadal et al., 2008). However, the literature in the area of intraracial microaggressions (IRMs) among African Americans, or racial microaggression incidents where both the receiver and offender are Black, is scarce. As such, the current study explored the phenomena of Black-on-Black racial microaggressions. The principal investigator utilized Consensual Qualitative Research (CQR; Hill et al., 1997) to explore the phenomena of IRMs. The current study aspired to answer research questions that addressed how IRMs may appear in the African American community, how frequent IRMs are experienced, their influence on psychological/emotional wellness and coping behaviors, the function of the perpetrator’s ethnicity, and variations between inter- and intraracial microaggression experiences. The results suggested that, typically, IRMs are experienced in which one’s Blackness is challenged, the perpetrator’s ethnicity is African American/Black American, and the offender’s ethnicity is perceived as having affected the microaggressive incidents. Moreover, the current data indicate that African Americans usually have negative reactions to IRMs, and IRMs have frequently had an impact on the daily lives of individuals. The current findings support the continual enrichment of training, practice, and research by furthering knowledge in a developing area of knowledge and multicultural competence.

This dissertation examines the social construction of American federal bankruptcy law from the Gilded Age to the post-World War II Era. Across the nineteenth century, federal legislators vociferously debated whether a federal bankruptcy statute would facilitate the extension of business credit across state lines or be employed by creditors to oppress small traders, farmers, and wage earners. After the law’s enactment in 1898, however, this debate largely disappeared. By the period following the Second World War, bankruptcy was an accepted means for working class debtors to obtain debt relief, either immediately or after paying their creditors out of their future wages. Across four chapters, I explore the factors associated with this shift. How did bankruptcy become an accepted part of the American political economy and welfare state? To answer these questions, I analyze new samples of census-linked bankruptcy petitions in comparison with survey data on working class debtors, a corpus of Congressional speech and media, and archival data on relevant policy actors. Social reformers’ efforts to create “fair” credit markets through Small Loan Laws (SLL), alongside rising bankruptcy rates, ultimately naturalized a conception of bankruptcy as morally “caused” by debtors, apart from creditor choices or malfeasance. As SLLs reduced real interest rates, they also led lenders to collateralize their relative risks through extending credit in states where it was legal to garnish debtors’ wages. In doing so, SLLs inadvertently spurred credit extension based on wages rather than property. The conception that debtors “caused” bankruptcy, in turn, led Great Depression Era legislators to focus on delineating who was “deserving” of bankruptcy protections and how insolvent individuals could prove their future “creditworthiness” and reenter financial markets. The 1938 Bankruptcy Act established a voluntary wage-earner payment system (Chapter XIII) for “deserving” white men while also formalizing provisions for immediate debt discharge (Chapter VII). Yet when few wage earners decided to “honorably” pay their debts over time, judicial actors in post-World War II America employed Chapter XIII bankruptcy as a debt collection system that reduced lenders’ risks against “undeserving” bankrupts. As Black people increasingly sought debt relief through bankruptcy protections, they were directed to Chapter XIII, irrespective of their economic interests. These payment plans increased the time and money that Black bankrupts needed to pay in order to regain their economic citizenship.

The problem that this study addressed was the high rate of maternal mortality for Black women in the United States, which has been rising, including before the COVID-19 pandemic. The goal was to identify significant predictors of medical mistrust. The study recruited a convenience sample via an online social media campaign. The resultant sample was 100% Black and female (N=192) with a mean age of 33.23 (SD= 4.980, min=24, max=61), while 94.8% were born in the United States (n=182). Using background stepwise regression, the following were found to be significant predictors of a higher level of medical mistrust: older age (B = .033, p = .001); higher levels of education (B = 0.205, p = .000); lower annual household income (B = -.055, p = .026); higher level of perceived racism, discrimination, and inequity in treatment from medical staff (B = 0.137, p = .046); lower levels of cultural sensitivity/ competence/ humility ratings for medical staff (B = -.155, p = .002); higher past year mental distress (i.e., Depression, Anxiety, Insomnia and Trauma) (B = .369, p = .000); and lower levels of social support post-partum (B = -0.162, p = .004)—with 46.5% of the variance predicted by the model (R2 = 0.698, Adjusted R2 = 0.465). The study findings highlight a crisis of Black maternal mortality in the United States, as well as a crisis in healthcare service delivery to Black women, as uncovered via this study. The data betrays a dimension of the crisis in healthcare service delivery to Black women who report experiencing discrimination for being Black at 75.5%, for their appearance (skin tone, hair, etc.) at 62.0%, and for being overweight or obese at 28.6%. Implications of the findings are discussed, while recommendations for future research are offered. In terms of those implications, perhaps most importantly, this data effectively identifies the year after a high-risk birth hospitalization as an essential time for ensuring Black women enter counseling with licensed and certified mental health professionals.

This narrative inquiry study explored the lived experiences of five Black male music educators in the New York Metropolitan area. The purpose of this study was to gain a deeper understanding of how Black male music educators theorized Blackness, disrupted anti-Blackness, and cultivated Black Joy within predominantly White K-12 learning spaces.This study sought to provide Black male music educators space to narratively display their genius, restore their humanity, and celebrate their Blackness and Black Joy. The researcher conducted two semi-structured interviews with each participant, focused on their identity, skills, intellect, criticality, and joy. This study used Abolitionist Pedagogy, Gholdy Muhammad’s Culturally and Historically Responsive Education Model, and Black Critical Theory frameworks as lenses to interpret the lived experiences. This study took place in two phases over four months, beginning October 2023 through January 2024. The participants’ responses to the interview questions helped generate the findings, narratives, and themes of their lived experiences within predominantly White K-12 learning spaces. The Black Male music educators in this study offered several ways on how they celebrate their Blackness and Black Joy, in the face of anti-Black sentiment. Their daily presence in their learning spaces, despite being the only Black male in some instances, was a conscious act of defying the inherent structures created to keep them out. Their overflowing expressions of Black Joy through family, faith, culture, and strength created learning spaces that support intersectional justice and uplifts the humanity of others.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:34:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 IRACY BARBOSA PIRES.pdf: 827443 bytes, checksum: 2bc8ae0f7bb6cc1b9bc45b2736aaaa98 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-01-14 / This text seeks understand the making of descendants of Africans identity, who came to Brazil as slaves, although textbooks of Brazil's history. Is an important discussion one, if we consider the role that exercises textbooks in formal education. Generally, this books has been used, over the decades, as transmitter to official ideologies, denying for Afro-Brazilian students access and bases to building their own identity. In most cases, the textbooks bring negative concepts, relegated black persons and impoverishes the human relationship in school environment. We analyze textbooks of school s describing Africans and their descendants with goal understand how the ethnocentrism contained therein. It has contributed to non-recognition of black people and deserves respect and equal opportunities in social life. / A presente dissertação busca compreender como se deu a formação da identidade dos descendentes dos africanos que vieram para o Brasil como escravos, através dos livros didáticos de história do Brasil. Trata- se de uma discussão importante, se considerarmos o papel que exerce o livro didático na educação formal como depositário dos conteúdos escolares. Este vem sendo utilizado ao longo dos anos como reprodutor e transmissor de ideologias do saber oficial, negando aos estudantes afro-brasileiros acesso às bases para o processo de construção de sua própria identidade. Na maioria das vezes, os livros didáticos cristalizam conceitos negativos, inferioriza a pessoa negra e empobrece o relacionamento humano no ambiente escolar. Analisaremos textos dos livros didáticos de Ensino Médio referentes aos africanos e seus descendentes para entender como as veiculações etnocêntricas contidas nesses textos contribuíram para o não reconhecimento dos negros e negras como pessoas merecedoras de respeito e oportunidades iguais no convívio social.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jeferson Santos da Silva.pdf: 705350 bytes, checksum: 38b892c296fec9e3901225c1c9648721 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-28 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The reference to the past when the Alagoa s old elites talks about black people is a fact for anyone interested in black people history in such place. Although such reference be present at the most of publications that discussed on blacks, it will be in the folklore studies that such prospective will find it place. Despite of evolution on black studies and it s culture it going from your complete depreciation to your acknowledge and valorization , what we had in fact didn t represent a significant change in the elite s broach about that issue. Such way of broach represented the final stab on the black people existence on that region (north-east), because, if is true that black people is not inferior anymore, it s also true that blacks are not between us, because they are part of our past now / A referência ao passado ao se falar do negro, por parte da classe letrada de Alagoas, é um fato facilmente constatado aos que minimamente se propõem a adentrar num meio de polígrafos que se aventuraram a relatar a vida daquele o negro em ensaios e escritos outros. Apesar de tal referência estar presente na quase totalidade da produção bibliográfica que por alguma razão abordou o negro no estado, a verdade é que a mesma terá nos estudos de folclore seu lugar privilegiado. Apesar da reviravolta nos estudos do negro e sua cultura os mesmos indo da sua depreciação completa ao seu reconhecimento e valorização , o que tivemos de fato não representou verdadeiramente uma guinada na abordagem daquele segmento pela elite nordestina, senão o golpe final de morte da presença do negro na região pois, se é bem verdade que o negro não é mais inferior, também o é que ele não está mais entre nós, assim como quiseram as pessoas de letras do estado de Alagoas, e porque não dizer de todo o nordeste

O objetivo deste trabalho é mostrar a função que teve a Imprensa Negra como instrumento de reinvindicação de direitos e combate à exclusão sócio-político-econômica do negro em São Paulo, numa época de urbanização e crescimento industrial acelerados.Em decorrência das origens dessa exclusão, pretende-se relembrar o papel das Irmandades, Associações e primeiros jornais como focos iniciais de resistência à mesma. No entanto, o período escolhido para a pesquisa é aquele compreendido entre os anos de 1915 e 1937, quando, a par do interesse de congregar os negros através da educação e de outros meios, a Imprensa começa a reinvindicar os direitos que os mesmos deveriam ter como cidadãos integrantes da sociedade paulista e, por extensão, brasileira. A implantação do Estado Novo em 1937 determina o fechamento dos partidos políticos, associações e jornais a eles ligados, razão pela qual a historiografia considera a data como a de decadência dos jornais negros e, portanto, de suas reinvindicações. Tentaremos mostrar, entretanto, como as disputas ideológicas e por poder entre as lideranças, mudando o perfil de atuação dos periódicos, foram decisivos para a decadência do caráter reinvindicatório dos mesmos, tendo se iniciado bem antes do golpe de Getúlio Vargas. / The aim of this master thesis is to show the role of Black Press as instrument of rights claiming and the struggle against social, political e economical exclusion of Brazilian black people in São Paulo in a time of fast urbanization and industrial growth. Considering the origins of that social exclusion, this paper intends to remember the role of Brotherhoods, Associations and former black journals as the initial process for fighting that exclusion. Nevertheless the chosen period for this research is between 1915 and 1937, when, besides the interest in congregating the blacks through education and other means, the Black Press starts claiming the rights that people should have as integrated citizens in São Paulo society and, as a consequence, in Brazilian society. The implementation of Estado Novo in 1937 determines the political parties shut down as well as the associations and journals associated to them, being this event the main reason the Historiography considers that year as the highlight of black journals decadence, so do their claims. However, we will try to demonstrate how the ideological disputes and struggle for power among the leaders, by the acting profile of journals, were crucial for the decadence of journals claiming approach, getting started quite before the Getúlio Vargas coup.

Inúmeras são as formas de entendermos uma imagem, analisando as mesmas dentro de uma coleção didática de historia de segundo segmento, procuramos analisar de maneira imparcial e coerente o impacto gerado pela lei 10639/03 sobre tal material e seus objetivos quanto à resignificação do negro dentro da história do Brasil. Para isso abrimos dialogo com teóricos que nos auxiliaram a entender a amplitude do conceito de imagem, tal como buscamos o debate a cerca da importância da mesma para o ensino de história, para tal buscamos mapear as atividades legislativas relacionadas à referida lei, e os programas governamentais que fomentam a produção editorial didática no Brasil. Diante desse caminho enfrentamos caminhos tortuosos e contraditórios, mas que nos levaram a deliberar a necessidade de novos estudos, esses mais amplos no que concerne o campo de pesquisa e mais aprofundado no que se refere ao próprio conceito de imagem, e a questão de resignificação do negro. Contudo podemos dizer que a presente pesquisa se mostra um material que como o próprio título refere-se contribuído para o estudo da imagem do negro e percebemos os avanços e permanências encontrados nos livros didáticos de historia após o ano de 2003. / Several are the ways in which we understand an image. By analyzing them in a school history collection for the second stage of elementary education, we seek to analyze the impact created by the Law 10639/03 on such material and its purposes as regards the resignification of black people within Brazilian history in an impartial, coherent manner. Thus, we open a dialogue with theorists who helped us understand the amplitude of the concept of image, and we also aim at a debate on the importance of the latter for history teaching. In order to do that, we seek to survey the legislative activities related to the aforementioned law and the governmental programs that promote the school publishing production in Brazil. We faced tortuous, contradictory ways, but they led us to deliberate on the need of new studies that are broader as regards the research field and more thorough in relation to the concept of image itself and the issue of resignification of black people. However, we may say that this research is a material that, as the title itself conveys, contributed to the study of the image of black people, and we see the advance and the persistence found in history schoolbooks after the year of 2003.