O objetivo deste trabalho é mostrar a função que teve a Imprensa Negra como instrumento de reinvindicação de direitos e combate à exclusão sócio-político-econômica do negro em São Paulo, numa época de urbanização e crescimento industrial acelerados.Em decorrência das origens dessa exclusão, pretende-se relembrar o papel das Irmandades, Associações e primeiros jornais como focos iniciais de resistência à mesma. No entanto, o período escolhido para a pesquisa é aquele compreendido entre os anos de 1915 e 1937, quando, a par do interesse de congregar os negros através da educação e de outros meios, a Imprensa começa a reinvindicar os direitos que os mesmos deveriam ter como cidadãos integrantes da sociedade paulista e, por extensão, brasileira. A implantação do Estado Novo em 1937 determina o fechamento dos partidos políticos, associações e jornais a eles ligados, razão pela qual a historiografia considera a data como a de decadência dos jornais negros e, portanto, de suas reinvindicações. Tentaremos mostrar, entretanto, como as disputas ideológicas e por poder entre as lideranças, mudando o perfil de atuação dos periódicos, foram decisivos para a decadência do caráter reinvindicatório dos mesmos, tendo se iniciado bem antes do golpe de Getúlio Vargas. / The aim of this master thesis is to show the role of Black Press as instrument of rights claiming and the struggle against social, political e economical exclusion of Brazilian black people in São Paulo in a time of fast urbanization and industrial growth. Considering the origins of that social exclusion, this paper intends to remember the role of Brotherhoods, Associations and former black journals as the initial process for fighting that exclusion. Nevertheless the chosen period for this research is between 1915 and 1937, when, besides the interest in congregating the blacks through education and other means, the Black Press starts claiming the rights that people should have as integrated citizens in São Paulo society and, as a consequence, in Brazilian society. The implementation of Estado Novo in 1937 determines the political parties shut down as well as the associations and journals associated to them, being this event the main reason the Historiography considers that year as the highlight of black journals decadence, so do their claims. However, we will try to demonstrate how the ideological disputes and struggle for power among the leaders, by the acting profile of journals, were crucial for the decadence of journals claiming approach, getting started quite before the Getúlio Vargas coup.

Human Security and Police Brutality via the Lens of Critical Race Theory Leah Gideon Kuttu 47472109 'Equality' and 'dignity of persons' are common language in the legal lingo on rights and freedoms of all men. However there seems to exist, a large magnitude in discrepancy with the actuality of these ideals in the way that all people are treated, particularly in this work, in the American society. The death of George Floyd was momentous in refocusing light on the issue of police brutality and seemingly, institutionalized racism in America. That one post showing how Floyd was killed by Police, showed just how much Black America was treated in contrast to the stipulated rights for all persons noted in America's legal apparatus. There began for international security a marked turning point in the pivot with the human being- as opposed to the state- becoming the core object for security and protection. This new turn is pointed to the 1990s in the aftermath of the Cold war. Human-centric occupations in security connote that threats to international security begin with the individual and so the individual must first be prioritized when assessing threats to security in the state and the international system. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UNDHR, 1948) is the foremost pillar on which human security is...

While the literature on Black-white differences in major depressive disorder (MDD) and depressive symptoms is robust, less robust is the literature on how these outcomes are patterned within the US Black population and why differences exist. Given increasing numbers of first-generation immigrants from the Caribbean, sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, among other regions of the world, as well as increasing numbers of second- and third-generation immigrants, continued aggregation has the potential to mask intra-racial differences between these ethnic-immigrant groups and Black Americans with more distant ancestral ties to Africa (i.e., African Americans). Among these subgroups, the extremely limited data disaggregating the US Black population suggest the following patterns. First, foreign-born Black immigrants have lower levels of MDD and related symptoms relative to US-born Black Americans, a finding which is consistent with theories of foreign-born health advantage. Second, among the US-born, Caribbean adults have higher levels of MDD and related symptoms relative to all other Black Americans, a finding which is inconsistent with theories related to intergenerational declines in health toward convergence to native-born levels. Lastly, and contrary to results among adults, first- and second-generation Caribbeans have lower levels of depressive symptoms relative to all other Black youth. This dissertation sought to better understand how depression and its related symptoms are patterned within the US Black population, as well as how mechanisms causing these outcomes may vary across subgroups defined by domains related to immigration. Chapter 1 was a systematic review, which comprehensively synthesized depression and related symptoms within the US Black population across these domains, including a summary of mechanisms proposed toward explaining intra-racial variation. Using longitudinal data, Chapter 2 examined whether, and if so when, growth curve models of depressive symptoms varied by immigrant generation contrasts among a representative sample of Black youth followed into adulthood. And using representative data from the largest study of Black mental health, Chapter 3 examined whether the relationship between racial identity, a presumed protective factor against depression and related symptoms, and MDD varied between US-born Caribbeans and all other US-born Black Americans. The systematic review of Chapter 1 revealed substantial variation in the prevalence of depression and its related symptoms within the US Black population by nativity, region of birth, age at immigration, and Caribbean ethnic origin. Results additionally confirmed that much of what is known about intra-racial heterogeneity comes from a single data source, the National Study of American Life (NSAL). Using longitudinal data of youth followed into adulthood, Chapter 2 found evidence of diverging depressive symptoms trajectories among Black respondents by immigrant generation (first/second-generation compared with third and higher generations); notably, contrasts among Black respondents varied from those of other racial/ethnic groups (Asian, Hispanic/Latinx, non-Hispanic white). Lastly, results from Chapter 3 suggest aspects of racial identity may not be protective for US-born Caribbeans, pointing to variations in racialization experiences as a distal cause. Additional research using larger sample sizes, more diverse subgroups of Black ethnic immigrants, as well as longitudinal data, is needed to further understand patterns of and additional sources underlying heterogeneity of depression and its related symptoms within the US Black population.

This dissertation contributes to understanding the political behavior of two underrepresented groups: women and ethnoracial minorities. It explores how these groups' political behavior and beliefs are associated with existent gaps in representation. Each chapter approaches a different aspect concerning this common problem. Chapter 1 inquires about the mechanisms assumed to link descriptive and substantive representation for women. By analyzing the combination of electoral data segregated by gender in Ecuador with census data and the results of an original candidates' survey, I confirm the existence of a `gender affinity vote' and the importance of the type of female candidate for understanding gender gaps in support for women candidates. Chapter 2 presents the results of two survey experiments that study how gender stereotypes affect political behavior at the mass level. It identifies a gendered `issue ownership' based on these stereotypes and tests if counterstereotypical exposures promote more engagement of those underrepresented. The findings suggest that counterstereotypical exposure is not equally effective in promoting participation for both genders. Women do not get more engaged in male-dominated issues when encouraged by other women. Men get more engaged on women's issues when other men encourage them and when the invitee is similar to them. However, the interaction between the two factors has a negative effect, suggesting that seeing someone identical to them creates a dissonance that hinders the direct effects of the two variables. Chapter 3 presents the results of an audit study of US state legislators that explores the existence of a cominority solidarity between Blacks and Latinos. The results show that Latinos are not only the most disadvantaged because White legislators are biased against them, but also because their cominority solidarity towards Blacks is not reciprocated.

This online COVID-19 pandemic era investigation with Black hypertensive adults (N=612) who were 93.6% U.S. born, 54.7% male, 44.3% female with a mean age of 37 years sought to identify predictors of self-ratings for being medication non-adherent and for racism and discrimination impacting engagement with medical providers. Findings showed over 70% were medication non-adherent on Morisky Medication Adherence Scale, and 49.3% self-classified as medication non-adherent. Regarding behaviors of following provider instructions for taking medication, maintaining appointments, and uninterrupted receipt of medication, these deteriorated during the pandemic, but improved by currently—as resilience; yet, maintaining appointments and uninterrupted receipt of medication were better currently than pre-pandemic. While social support was low and unchanged from before the pandemic to currently, social support with medications deteriorated during the pandemic, but improved currently. Participants rated providers as follows: having closest to moderate cultural competence; moderate level of discrimination; moderately high for discriminating against their personal demographics, identity, or appearance (e.g. 85.3% for being Black, 80.6% for skin color, 66% for hair); 64.5% exposed them to racism/ discrimination so it impacted engagement with providers for willingness to regularly attend appointments; and, low-moderate frequency of microaggressions related to being Black. Not surprisingly, moderate medical mistrust was found. Two backward stepwise logistic regression models highlighted recurrent predictors for medication adherence as being 1-less provider discrimination for demographics/ identity/ appearance, and 2-less frequent provider microaggressions for being Black; and, one highlighted higher provider cultural competence. In a third model, greater provider discrimination was a predictor of self-classifying for racism/discrimination impacting engagement with providers. Findings highlight less provider discrimination and less frequent microaggressions by providers as key experiences—such that lower levels of exposure to provider racism, discrimination and microaggressions emerge as powerful determinants of medication adherence. The study has important implications for the urgency of addressing providers’ racism, discrimination and racial microaggressions as factors playing a role in medication non-adherence and patients’ unwillingness to return for medical appointments. Training in cultural competence is vitally needed with specific attention in training to actually observing, addressing and changing providers’ behavior of enacting racism, discrimination, and microaggressions with Black hypertensive patients.

This dissertation focuses on the role of tradition and ritual in historically Black education, particularly combating the legacy of antiblackness in school discipline. The study argues for the use of prophetic disruptive rituals that are grounded in meaning, hope, and love. Using Morehouse College as a philosophical case study, the project draws on digital archival research to answer the central question: How can education empower students to resist the nihilism and despair resulting from continued racial oppression and instead look to the future with hope and imagination? The dissertation acknowledges the significant role of student agency and campus traditions in institutional life and aims to move beyond the deficit-laden approach to historically Black education. Ultimately, the study provides a framework for creating ensouling experiences that breathe life into dry bones.

This dissertation aims to examine racial and ethnic inequities in nursing home (NH) palliative care services and potentially avoidable hospitalizations at the end of life. Health disparities are pervasive in NHs, but disparities in NH end-of-life care (i.e. palliative care services, hospital transfers) have not been comprehensively examined. Chapter One provides an overview of this dissertation, which explores inequities in nursing home end-of-life care. Chapter Two is a systematic review that synthesized the current state of the science in racial and ethnic disparities in NH end-of-life care. Chapter Three was designed to describe palliative care services in U.S. NHs and associations with differences in the concentrations of Black and Hispanic residents, respectively, and the impact by region. Chapter Four is an analysis of racial and ethnic differences in NH potentially avoidable hospitalization incidence rates. Finally, Chapter Five is a synthesis of this body of work. It contains a summary of findings of this dissertation, a discussion of the results, practice and policy implications, and directions for future research.

Rethinking education in rural areas firstly requires reviewing different legislation from a historical perspective and then reconsidering the place of education in the current rural development debate. To a large extent, rural areas have been neglected in development policies and similarly, the rural dimension of basic education issues, especially in South Africa, has been largely overlooked. Basic facts and figures, as elaborated in this thesis, shed light on the need to devote more attention to rural education. In this thesis, South African legislation in relation to basic education for Black people in rural areas during the colonial period up to the democratic era was investigated. The impact of South African legislation on Black education in rural areas is difficult to unravel and solve overnight since its thinking and practice was consolidated over centuries. However, an attempt was made to determine what the policymakers, mostly White dominated governments who ascribed to segregatory and racial attitudes, did to ensure that different policies enshrined in various legislation impacted negatively on education of people predominantly residing in rural areas. The research affirmed that education of Black people in rural areas was, in most instances negatively impacted by policies of previous White governments. The apartheid government (1948-1993) used poor funding strategies to ensure that there were low teacher-pupil ratios and teacher qualifications. Unequal pattern of education spending continued well into the democratic era. This poor funding which impacted negatively on, especially rural schools, made infrastructural provision in rural areas difficult. Even though the democratic government have competitive legislative policies in place, it was concluded that educational policies since 1994 were hastily implemented and insufficient consideration has been given to the contextual realities in South African schooling, particularly in rural areas. Hence the democratic government still need to give grave attention to the issue of education in rural areas. / Educational Studies / DED (HISTORY OF EDUCATION)

Inserida no campo de estudo das relações raciais e ações afirmativas, esta pesquisa teve como objetivo principal conhecer as percepções raciais apresentadas por alunos auto classificados negros da Faculdade Zumbi dos Palmares e averiguar, no entendimento destes alunos, o que a experiência de cursar esta faculdade influenciou na maneira como significam esta pertença racial. Localizada na cidade de São Paulo, a Faculdade Zumbi dos Palmares (FZP) é uma instituição privada, de caráter comunitário e sem fins lucrativos que foi criada em 2003 com o objetivo de atender à demanda da população negra por formação em nível superior. Essa iniciativa pretendia constituir uma faculdade de excelência que, além da formação acadêmica, pudesse proporcionar aos estudantes negros um espaço de construção e afirmação da identidade racial por meio de currículos marcados pela transversalidade, que abordam diretamente a questão do negro na sociedade brasileira. Para atender aos seus objetivos, a faculdade instituiu um sistema de cotas raciais no qual destina 50% de suas vagas a alunos auto declarados negros. A pesquisa, de caráter qualitativo, foi realizada entre os anos de 2009 e 2011, a partir de visitas de observação e entrevistas individuais baseadas em questionários semi-estruturados. Foram realizadas cinco entrevistas com alunos dos cursos de Direito e Administração de Empresas e uma entrevista com uma representante da instituição. Os roteiros utilizados pretendiam abarcar diferentes aspectos da vida dos entrevistados e da rotina da faculdade, bem como suas percepções sobre identidade racial e o modo como compreendiam as relações raciais a partir de suas experiências na FZP. Do ponto de vista teórico, essa pesquisa se apoiou nos conceitos de raça, pertencimento racial, socialização e ação afirmativa. Os resultados evidenciam a influência não só do discurso da FZP, mas também da convivência com outros jovens estudantes negros, em um ambiente que se mostrou bastante estimulante e acolhedor ao debate das questões raciais comuns àqueles estudantes. Este contexto comprovou-se propício ao desenvolvimento de um pertencimento racial, entendido aqui como a auto-inclusão em uma coletividade na qual se compartilham valores, anseios e aspirações implicando comprometimento ativo com um projeto de sociedade que vá ao encontro dessas aspirações, ainda que marcado por contradições com os ideias de individualismo e competitividade presentes neste tipo de projeto de ascensão social. / Delving into race relations and affirmative action programs, this study examines the racial perceptions of undergraduate students at Zumbi dos Palmares College who classify themselves as black. It also examines how these students understand their own sense of racial belonging at this institution. Located in the city of São Paulo, Zumbi dos Palmares College (FZP) is a private, non-profit educational organization which was established in 2003 in order to meet the demands of black students with regard to higher education. This college was created to not only to provide excellent educational programs but also to provide an environment where black students can build and affirm strong racial identities through a curriculum that is emphasizes social inclusion, which is something that directly affects black people in Brazilian society. To help reach its goals, the college instituted a racial quota system in which 50% of their available undergraduate spots are reserved for self-declared black students. The qualitative research was carried out from 2009 to 2011, from observational visits and semi-structured individual interviews. The researcher interviewed five students from the Law and Business Administration programs and one representative of the institution. The material used was intended to encompass different aspects of the lives of the respondents within the confines of the college´s routines. Furthermore, the study analyzed studenst perceptions of racial identity and their understanding about race relations from their experiences at FZP. From a theoretical perspective, this research relied on the concepts of race, racial inclusion, socialization and affirmative action. The results show the influence of the open racial discourse at FZP, and more specifically, the effects of groups of young black students living with other young black students in an encouraging and welcoming environment designed to promote the debate of racial issues. This institution has proven to be conducive to the development of racial inclusion a community in which has shared values, desires and aspirations involving an active engagement with a societal project. Nevertheless, it should be noted that these goals, though positive, are marked by some inconsistencies regarding individualism and competitiveness which should be core to a project for social mobility.

. A presente dissertação tem por objetivo observar a influência da black music norte-americana na formação da identidade dos jovens negros que frequentam as festas da cena black paulistana. Para isso, procura-se debruçar sobre os fatores históricos, sociais, culturais e políticos que propiciam essa dinâmica. A motivação para a realização do trabalho nasce da participação em eventos nos dois países em diferentes momentos, onde se fez perceptível certa semelhança no comportamento dos jovens, o que despertou o desejo de investigar quão profundos seriam esses laços entre grupos tão distintos. A partir da perspectiva dos Estudos Culturais intenta-se mostrar como há mais de quatro décadas a black music atua como um elo entre povos da diáspora africana. O embasamento teórico e as entrevistas realizadas permitem contextualizar o fenômeno e trilhar um percurso que demonstra como a partir da escravidão e da forma como o pensamento racial se estruturou, a sociedade brasileira foi gerada de forma excludente deixando o negro sem referenciais positivos para formar sua identidade, o que faz com que as manifestações afro-americanas sirvam de inspiração, ainda que existam diferenças nas relações raciais nos dois países. Essa aproximação se dá principalmente no campo cultural, em especial por meio da música, que se manifesta na diáspora como um memorial à ancestralidade africana. Essa dinâmica tem início ainda na década de 1970 com os grandes bailes blacks, se transforma na década de 1980 com o surgimento do movimento hip hop em São Paulo e chega ao século 21, em uma nova fase de baladas blacks que podem ser vistas como um forte exemplo das mudanças ocorridas no novo milênio a partir do advento da globalização. Utilizo como metodologia a pesquisa bibliográfica, por meio de livros, vídeos e websites além de observações realizadas a partir de experiências pessoais e entrevistas, o que permite uma maior compreensão do fenômeno. / This dissertation aims to observe the influence of American black music in the identity formation of the black youth who attend the black party scene in Sao Paulo city. We look into the historical, social, cultural and political factors that favor this dynamic. The motivation is participation in events in both countries at different moments, which aroused the desire to investigate these deep ties between such distinct groups. From the Cultural Studies perspective we show how American black music has played a role in the link between diaspora people. The theoretical basement and the interviews allows us to contextualize this phenomenon and to view a path showing how from slavery the way racial thought was structured in Brazilian society has generated exclusionary ideas which didnt give positive influences for the black identity. That makes the African American manifestations serve as inspirations even if there are differences in the racial relations in both countries. This approximation occurs mainly in the cultural field. Especially through the music, which manifests in the diaspora as a memorial to the African inheritance. This dynamic started in the 1970s at huge black balls and underwent a transformation in the 1980s with creation of the hip hop movement in Sao Paulo and arrives to the 21st century in a new phase of black clubs which can be observed as a strong example of the changes that globalization has brought. As methodology I used bibliographical research through books, videos, sites and also observations through personal experiences and interviews which allow better comprehension of the phenomenon.