Yes / This paper focuses on the dispute over river Cauvery in Southern India. Among the causes of river water disputes are contested property rights, difficulty in enforcing such rights, conflict of uses and a lack of willingness to compromise. A co-operative outcome in such cases depends on several factors: asymmetry of power in a triadic relationship between a federal government and two riparian states (one upstream and one downstream). Other factors influencing co-operation are the extent to which the claims of river waters can be elevated from those of immediate riparian peoples to those of an entire state; the dominance of a masculine paradigm towards 'taming' river waters using 'hard' investments rather than 'soft' and decentralised alternatives. On the basis of district level data, the importance of river Cauvery to the hydrology, economy and polity of the two contesting states is examined. This analysis helps us to appreciate why the two riparian state governments have limited room to manouvre. Drawing from two brief case studies of Murray Darling Basin and recent litigation in the USA, and other international experiences of river water treaties, the paper identifies various implications for the resolution of Cauvery and other river water disputes.

Northern Iraq's Christians are a second-order minority. That is, they are a minority within a minority. They occupy a tenuous position between the Arab-dominated central government and the Kurdistan Regional Government. All Christians in northern Iraq desire to remain in their historic homelands. Yet efforts to advance a common political goal have been rare. Differences within the Iraqi Christian community center on three interrelated points: 1) the adoption and advancement of the Assyrian ethno-nationalist identity; 2) the struggle for leadership of the community between secular parties and church officials; and 3) the securing of group rights through either Baghdad or Erbil, which is typified by the debate over a province for minorities in the Nineveh Plain. The Islamic State's invasion in June 2014 made this dynamic even more complex. This dissertation explores how a second-order minority mobilized to protect its homelands during state breakdown and state recalibration. It examines how an Iraqi Christian political party, the Assyrian Democratic Movement (ADM), responded to the rise and spread of the Islamic State. More specifically, it analyzes the ADM's creation of a self-defense force, the Nineveh Plains Protection Units (NPU), and how the party positioned itself for the post-conflict state. Data generated through ethnographic fieldwork, combined with existing primary and secondary sources, reveals a detailed process whereby security threats shaped mobilization. Notions of historic homelands and distrust of both the central government and KRG were the central factors shaping this outcome. The ADM created the NPU to liberate occupied lands. More importantly, the NPU was created to ensure Christians retained a place in their historic homelands after the Islamic State was evicted. The use of the name "Nineveh Plains Protection Units" held strategic importance. The binding principle of the NPU was an indigenous-based attachment to the Nineveh Plain, including the right to defend it, and Christianity in Iraq. Both elements captured the common threads among all Iraqi Christians and the claim they make on the state. The ADM, therefore, was particularly attuned to Iraq's pre-Islamic ancient Mesopotamian heritage. This ironically echoed earlier efforts by the Ba'ath regime to instill a Mesopotamian identity among citizens by glorifying a common Assyrian and Babylonian heritage all could presumably share. Second-order minority status meant the ADM had to eventually align with either Baghdad or Erbil. The ADM chose Baghdad, effectively balancing against ISIS and the KRG in the Nineveh Plain. Baghdad proved a willing partner for a time. The ADM, however, was left alone to navigate the Nineveh Plain's position in the September 2017 Kurdistan referendum on independence. / PHD / This dissertation examines the Assyrian Democratic Movement’s response to the Islamic State. It analyzes the ADM’s creation of a self-defense force, the Nineveh Plains Protection Units, and how the party positioned itself for the post-conflict state. Data generated through ethnographic fieldwork conducted in northern Iraq combined with existing primary and secondary sources reveals a detailed process whereby security threats shaped mobilization. Homeland claims and distrust of both the central government and KRG were the central factors driving this process. Second-order minority status meant the ADM had no choice but to pick sides between Baghdad and Erbil. The party eventually aligned with Baghdad. However, it was left alone to navigate Nineveh Plain’s position within the Kurdistan independence referendum.

<P align="justify">En Belgique, 85% des chômeurs sont affiliés à une organisation syndicale. Cette situation inhabituelle est principalement due à la fonction d’organisme de paiement des allocations de chômage que remplissent les trois syndicats interprofessionnels. L’objet de la thèse est d’examiner les origines de la relation particulière qui découle de cet état de fait et de questionner ses implications tout à la fois pour les syndicats et pour les chômeurs.</P> <P align="justify">Les développements théoriques se penchent sur le mode de fonctionnement et sur les déterminants de l’action des organisations syndicales, sur les causes du chômage et ses conséquences pour les travailleurs salariés et leurs organisations, ainsi que sur les obstacles et les incitants à l’action collective contestataire des sans-emploi.</P> <P align="justify">Ces outils d’analyse sont ensuite utilisés pour examiner, depuis l’origine des organisations syndicales contemporaines et de l’indemnisation du chômage, au XIXe siècle, jusqu’à la réforme du mode de contrôle des chômeurs en 2004, les fondements et l’évolution de la relation que les syndicats belges entretiennent avec les questions de l’emploi et du chômage d’une part, avec les chômeurs d’autre part.</P> <BR> <P align="justify"><i>In Belgium, 85% of the unemployed are unionised. This peculiar situation is mainly related to the specific position of the trade unions, as the jobless can choose to receive their benefits through the intervention of one of the three national unions. The Ph.D. dissertation aims at examining the origins of that specific relationship and its implications on both the trade unions and the unemployed.</P> <P align="justify">The theoretical part explores the features of union action and functioning, the causes of unemployment and its consequences for the workers and their organisations, as well as the impediments and impetus to the contentious mobilisation of the unemployed.</P> <P align="justify">Based on that theoretical framework, the Ph.D. dissertation then examines the origins and the evolution from the 19th century till 2004 of the union positions on the issues of employment and unemployment on the one hand, and their links with the jobless on the other.</i></P>

The aim of this study is to analyze the conditions for legitimacy of the Wildlife Conservation Committees in two counties in Sweden. This study uses three concepts. Social networks, deliberation and learning as the main focus points to analyze. Olson's theory of organisations collective action with public goods stands as the theoretical perspective. Selective incitements are necessary to get them to promote the public goods. The study examines the legitimacy and functionality of the Wildlife Conservation Committees through interviews and an comparative study with the government bill 2008/09:2010. The results are that the governor with the leadership stands as a very important role to get organisations to make them promote collective action, because co-management thrives from it. The interest of hunters has an advantage when it comes to representation but only when the incentives for collective action are missing. The functionality differs between the committees when it comes to the form of management. Further research could expand the scope of this subject. Both the scale of included committees and with quantitative data research. The leadership role in co-management needs more focus in co-management studies.

O artigo desenvolve o conceito de \'Empreendedor Político\' de Russell Hardin (1982), a partir da abordagem da Escolha Racional e da Teoria do Bem Público. Originalmente aplicado à Ciência Política, o objetivo é transformá-lo em um instrumento de análise para a avaliação do desempenho da ação de Estados nas Relações Internacionais. Para isso, o artigo lança mão da taxonomia de Soares de Lima (1990) para designar o comportamento \'empreendedor\' de países emergentes, e assim qualificar o desempenho do Brasil como empreendedor político em dois estudos de caso que serão objeto de consideração no artigo empírico. / The article develops the concept of \'Political Entrepreneur\' of Russell Hardin (1982), from the approach of the Rational Choice and of the Theory of the Public Good. Originally applied to the Political Science, the objective is transforming the concept in an instrument of analysis for the evaluation about the performance of States in the International Relations. For that, the article utilizes of the taxonomy of Soares de Lima (1990) for assessing the behavior of developing countries, and qualifies the performance of Brazil as \'entrepreneur\' in two case studies that will be object of consideration in the coming empirical article.

Nesta dissertação, investigo o processo de institucionalização do Movimento Negro no Brasil contemporâneo. Este fato social tem requerido uma progressiva profissionalização dos militantes, a formalização e burocratização das organizações, bem como novas estratégicas de mobilização de recursos e especialização do ativismo. Em grande medida, essa institucionalização está ligada ao modo pelo qual o movimento se apropriou das oportunidades políticas oferecidas pelo Estado e pelo ambiente civil a partir da redemocratização brasileira. A dinâmica das organizações e o estilo dos protestos negros, objetos empíricos deste trabalho, expressam o modo como a ação coletiva negra se insere no cenário político atual. / In this dissertation I analyse the institutionalization of black movement in Contemporary Brazil. This social fact have been imply progressive professionalization of militants, more formal and bureaucratic organizations, new strategies to resource mobilizations and specialization of activism. The institutionalization is related to the way through the movement used the political opportunities offered by state and environment civil since the emergency of Brazilian democracy in the 1980s. The dynamic of organizations and the style of black protest, empiric objects of this work, express how the collective actions inside nowdays political context.

Esta tese de doutorado visa estudar e compreender os aspectos relativos às iniciativas de certificação socioambientais, buscando responder como elas se estruturam e como funcionam a partir de uma lógica de ação coletiva, tomando por base a cadeia de cana-de-açúcar em geral e o caso da BSI-Bonsucro em particular. Para tanto, desenvolveremos uma revisão bibliográfica acerca do tema das certificações socioambientais, visando compreender o processo e as limitações acerca destes arranjos. Em seguida, procederemos a um estudo acerca do universo de análise em que nos debruçamos, qual seja, a cadeia de cana-de-açúcar, a qual esmiuçaremos em sua origem e características e nos indicadores dos principais mercados a ela associados: o de açúcar e o de etanol combustível. A partir de então, iniciaremos o bloco analítico onde desenvolvemos um estudo de caso sobre a principal iniciativa de certificação socioambiental no âmbito do setor sucroalcooleiro: o BSI-Bonsucro. Nele, procuramos enunciar e analisar todos os critérios de sustentabilidade presentes na iniciativa e abrir caminho para a última seção, que consiste na análise propriamente dita do objeto à luz das teorias de ação coletiva, especialmente o Arcabouço de Análise e Desenvolvimento Institucional de Elinor Ostrom. / This doctoral thesis aims to study and understand the aspects related to socioenvironmental certification initiatives, seeking to answer how they are structured and how they work based on a logic of collective action, based on the sugarcane chain in general and the Case of BSI-Bonsucro in particular. To do so, we will develop a bibliographical review about the subject of socioenvironmental certifications, in order to understand the process and the limitations on these arrangements. Next, we will study the universe of analysis in which we are concerned, that is, the sugarcane chain, which we will analyze in its origin and characteristics and in the indicators of the main markets associated with it: sugar And that of fuel ethanol. From then on, we will start the analytical block where we developed a case study about the main socio-environmental certification initiative in the scope of the sugar and alcohol industry: BSI-Bonsucro. In it, we seek to enunciate and analyze all the sustainability criteria present in the initiative and make way for the last section, which consists in the analysis of the object itself in the light of collective action theories, especially the Elinor Ostrom´s Institutional Analysis and Development Framework.

Este trabalho propõe um estudo sobre o ciclo de movimentos reivindicatórios dos policiais militares brasileiros, ocorrido ao final do primeiro semestre do ano de 1997. As manifestações dos praças da Polícia Militar de Minas Gerais se tornaram um estandarte tático para a ação coletiva dos PMs de diversas localidades do território nacional. Quatorze estados integraram o ciclo nacional de protestos: Alagoas, Bahia, Ceará, Goiás, Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul, Minas Gerais, Pará, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Piauí, Rio Grande do Sul; e, sem movimento organizado, São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro. Narrativas, em história oral de vida, revelaram o diálogo entre as especificidades regionais e uma cultura policial militar nacionalmente constituída. Múltiplas questões, para o estudo da história dos movimentos sociais e da segurança pública no Brasil, foram problematizadas por meio de quatro redes de análise que indicam o repertório da ação coletiva policial militar: 1ª rede) Policiais militares de Minas Gerais: o início do ciclo de protestos; 2ª rede) Policiais militares de Alagoas, Ceará, Pernambuco e Pará: conflitos armados e ameaças; 3ª rede) Policiais militares da Paraíba, Bahia, Mato Grosso e Mato Grosso do Sul: acampamentos e negociações; 4ª rede) Policiais militares do Rio Grande do Sul, Piauí, Goiás, São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro: manifestações disciplinadas e articulações políticas à margem do ciclo de protestos. A crise policial militar brasileira representou conjuntura em que elementos próprios da corporação se desgastaram, mas não o suficiente para minar as bases institucionais. O trabalho indica possíveis conexões entre uma cultura policial militar, expressa pelos pilares militarizantes referentes a valores e normas institucionais, e preceitos relacionados à democratização que se passa nas sociedades contemporâneas. / The purpose of this research is to look at the movement cycle of Brazilian military police demands which occurred at the end of the first semester of 1997. The police officers protests in Minas Gerais became a tactical banner for military police collective actions in various parts of Brazil. Fourteen states participated in the first national protest cycle: Alagoas, Bahia, Ceará, Goiás, Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul, Minas Gerais, Pará, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Piauí, Rio Grande do Sul; and, without an organized movement, São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. Oral life history narratives revealed interactions between specific state-level military police groups and the nationally constituted organizational culture of the military police. Multiple issues of social movements and public safety in Brazil were addressed in four networks: 1st) Military Police in Minas Gerais: the beginning of the protest cycle cycle of protests; 2nd) Military Police of Alagoas, Ceará, Pernambuco and Pará: armed conflicts and threats; 3rd) Military Police of Paraíba, Bahia, Mato Grosso and Mato Grosso do Sul: encampments and negotiations; 4th) Military Police of Rio Grande do Sul, Piauí, Goiás, São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro: disciplined demonstrations and political articulation on the sidelines of the protest cycle. This analysis indicated different repertoires of collective action by the military police, which damaged the organizational elements, but not enough to undermine its institutional foundations. This research indicates possible connections between the organizational culture of the military police, expressed by the militarized precepts regarding institutional values and norms, and precepts of democratization prevalent in modern societies.

This paper analyzes if neighborhood income inequality has an effect on informal regulation of environmental quality, using census tract - level data on industrial air pollution exposure from EPA's Risk Screening Environmental Indicators and income and demographic variables from the American Community Survey and EPA's Smart Location Database. Estimating a spatial lag model and controlling for formal regulation at the states level, we nd evidence that overall neighborhood inequality - as measured by the ratio between the fourth and the second income quintile or the neighborhood Gini coefficient - increases local air pollution exposure, whereas a concentration of top incomes reduces local exposure. The positive coefficient of the general inequality measure is driven by urban neighborhoods, whereas the negative coefficient of top incomes is stronger in rural areas. We explain these findings by two contradicting effects of inequality: On the one hand, overall inequality reduces collective action and thus the organizing capacities for environmental improvements. On the other hand, a concentration of income at the top enhances the ability of rich residents to negotiate with regulators or polluting plants in their vicinity. / Series: Ecological Economic Papers

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:29:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Juliana Felicidade Armede.pdf: 1937892 bytes, checksum: f09d3aa29e19de994d90ba28951cb83a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-24 / The purpose of this study is to estabilish the relationship between collective interests and penal execution. The collective interests on penal execution cannot be comprehended as the sum of penal rights that reveals the execution penal system. It is also a purpose to show that is possible to take collective procedures measures in order to defend those interests, even though these measures are not estabilished in the Brazialin Penal Procedure system. These procedural measures are revealed by the brazilian collective action system, mainly the civil public action. It is also revealed by the international legal protection of human rights system, which allows International Boards to get in touch with complains. Yet, it was established that both systems, national and international, can be applied together, as far both of them are strictly related to penal execution / O presente estudo demonstra existirem interesses coletivos, presentes na execução da pena, que ultrapassam os direitos de natureza penal, tipicamente formadores do sistema de execução penal. Também, que é possível a promoção de medidas processuais coletivas para a defesa desses interesses, ainda que não explicitamente previstas pelo sistema processual penal. Essas medidas processuais podem ser identificadas pela tutela coletiva nacional, através da ação civil pública, bem como por meio da tutela internacional dos direitos humanos, através de petições endereçadas aos órgãos internacionais de defesa dos direitos humanos. Por fim, aponta como possível a coexistência harmônica entre as duas formas de tutela, na medida em que os interesses defendidos em cada forma processual, encontram-se presentes na execução penal