This thesis addresses a significant, though largely unexplored, part of the Marian Counter-Reformation. Queen Mary and her ministers expected the University of Oxford's contribution to the success of their plans for the English Church to be decisive. From her letter to the University in August 1553, only weeks after her accession, in which she announced her intention of laying the foundations of her ecclesiastical policy in Oxford, the academy underwent a transformation. After decades of trauma which had left the University poor, empty and (literally, in some parts) crumbling, Mary's reign gave the University a purpose, something which had been difficult to discern since the Dissolution of the Monasteries had deprived it of a large proportion of its students and lecturers. Mary and, after November 1554, Reginald Cardinal Pole undertook an extensive programme designed to reform and restore the University, a programme which was willingly and tirelessly taken up by those sympathetic to it in the University. This had its theological, ecclesiastical, liturgical and architectural elements, each of which will be considered in this thesis. Its central claim is not just that the existing picture of Mary Tudor's Church is incomplete without the inclusion within it of the restoration of Catholicism in Oxford, but that it is in Oxford, and perhaps only there, that all the different elements of her religious policy can be seen for what they are: a consistent whole, conceived and executed with one purpose: the reintegration of the English Church into the universal Catholic body.

[pt] Esta tese tem como tema o amor, estudado como uma dentre as demais paixões, e abordado por Vieira com muita propriedade nos seus sermões. Vieira segue o pensamento aristotélico-tomista, acreditando que a paixão é boa, desde que seja regida pela razão. O orador discorre sobre os remédios do amor, sobre o conhecimento de si como forma de conhecer o amor, da contraposição do amor divino ao humano, destacando-se a questão do fino amor, reconhecida através do contraponto entre a fineza dos dois amores; sobre a correspondência amorosa, procurando dar-nos uma definição do sentimento amoroso. O orador relaciona estas questões, procurando enfatizar que o amor é o instrumento de ligação entre Deus e o homem, e que este não é um ser autônomo, já que tem a sua existência embasada no relacionamento amoroso entre o homem e Cristo. Para Vieira, o conhecimento de si significa o homem admitir a sua fragilidade e dependência de Deus. / [en] The theme of this thesis is love, studied as one among the passions, and broached by Vieira with propriety in his sermons. Vieira follows the Aristotelian- Thomist ideas, believing that passion is good, once it is ruled by reason. The preacher discourses about remedies for love, about self-awareness as means to perceive love, about the contraposition between divine and human love, highlighting question of fine love, recognized by the confrontation between the fineness of the two loves; about the loving agreement, aiming to offer a definition of loving-feeling. The preacher associates these questions, in the quest of emphasizing that love is the linking tool between God and man, and that the latter is not an autonomous being, considering that his existence is firmly set on a loving relationship between man and Christ. To Vieira, self- knowledge depends on the admittance, by man, of his fragility and his dependence upon God.

Artists creating images of demonic possession during the Roman Catholic Counter-Reformation communicated theological messages by accentuating the most famous and dramatic exorcisms. This project proposes an interpretive structure, called cultural theatrics, for analyzing these works. Brian Levack’s theory of cultural performance provides the framework from which cultural theatrics develops. Levack’s cultural performance includes the demoniac and the exorcist as participants in religious dramas who act in a way that their religious communities expected them to act. However, this thesis proposes that images of possession and exorcism (rather than the historical events of alleged possession and exorcism themselves) are more appropriate subject matter for studying the theatricality of possession because artists held the interpretative leverage of conveying theological messages through depictions of exorcisms. This research shows how the artist, patron, and learned advisor mobilize cultural theatrics in images of demonic possession.

Au lendemain du concile de Trente, le Carême, quarante jours de pénitence et de méditation, devint le cycle liturgique le plus important pour l’Église catholique. On prêchait davantage à ce moment et on s’adressait aux fidèles pour les instruire, réprouver leurs mœurs et aborder de nombreuses controverses théologiques. À Séville, depuis 1586, la prédication de Carême envisageait un projet de réforme moral posant les bases d’un modèle de « société confessionnelle ». À partir de l’analyse de 117 sermons de Carême et d’une documentation hétérogène (visites pastorales, libros de despachos, correspondance, récits de missions, biographies de religieux, histoires ecclésiastiques…), nous étudions la façon dont la prédication de Carême a contribué au développement d’une spiritualité hétérodoxe, qui a mis à l’épreuve les objectifs fixés par la Contre-Réforme. / After the Council of Trent, Lent—forty days of penitence and meditation—became the most important liturgical cycle for the Catholic Church. The faithful began to receive more instruction, which intended to teach them, reprimand them for their mores, and address numerous theological controversies. Starting in 1586, Lent preaching in Seville attempted to enat a project of moral reform that would lay the foundations of a “confessional society model”. Here, an analysis of 117 Lent sermons and heterogeneous sources (e.g., pastoral visits, libros de despachos, correspondence, mission narratives, biographies of religious figures, church histories) addresses the ways in which Lent preaching contributed to the development of a heterodox spirituality that challenged the goals set by the Counter-Reformation

My research uses my painting practice as an experimental and investigative tool to test the capacity of practical aesthetics to generate similar or analogous experiences to the non-dualist reception aesthetics of certain key examples of post-Tridentine (1563) Catholic Counter-Reformation devotional imagery, particularly, The Ecstasy of St. Theresa (1647-1652) by Gian Lorenzo Bernini and the Incarnation (1596-1600) by El Greco. I apply an interpretative method to the development of Christian imagery within painting in the post-Reformation period and its relationship to the economic system of modern capitalism and the Enlightenment aesthetic of the sublime. My research aims to see what, if any, meanings and experiences, which, I believe, were present in the affective aesthetics of certain Counter-Reformation imagery can, through the contemporary aesthetics of my painting practice, be reconstructed or re-generated again as similar experience to those original pre-Enlightenment non-dualist meanings and experiences. The experience I aim to generate in my paintings is an affective and experiential narrative of presence, - Eliot's 'unity of thought, feeling and action', which I argue is found in the meaning and experience of those key Christian devotional images.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T16:34:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcos Roberto de Faria.pdf: 3715845 bytes, checksum: 516d184084b0f851a575311d8f6ba893 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-12-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Going deep into the discussion concerning the Jesuit practical in the Province of Brazil in the end of 16th century and beginning of the 17th is the main concern of this thesis. In this way, initially, the beddings of the named Counter-Reformation and the vigilance devices that it put in scene were rescued, in order to offer to the reader the historical conditionings that run through the activity of the ignatians in the period. After that, it is resorted the named theological-political beddings of the Jesuit proceeding way . In such a way, it is pointed the conversion trajectory of the founder of the Order, Ignacio de Loyola, the foundation bull of the Society of Jesus, the text of the Spiritual Exercises and the historical fundamentation of the practices of Jesuit correspondence production. Thus, this research points out the production of such documents at their times. However, the axis of the thesis is presented from Chapter III, when the jesuit activity at the Colony is discussed through a little explored documentation, researched at the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu in Rome, allowing to the reader knowing the practical of the ignatians in the Province of Brazil. Such practice, in my opinion, was permeated by conflicts and negotiations that were established among the priests, the natives, the colonists and the direction of the Order in Rome. Therefore, speaking about the place of the Jesuit in the colonial society, it becomes necessary to discuss such conflicts and negotiations. Thus, the research detaches the place so contested by Rome and the colonial society of the Jesuit as administrator of the villages. In my opinion, the origin of the conflicts is in the involvement of the priests in secular questions , principally in the treatment with the natives in the villages. The intention here, however, was to instigate the reader to a new perspective related to the performance of the Jesuits in the Colony, basically because the source researched in this thesis is, to a great extent, unknown and of difficult access for the Brazilian researchers. Without presenting finished conclusions, the current research wanted to establish a few more questions about who was and what motivated the men of black who lived at the land of the parrots in the beginning of our settling / Aprofundar a discussão acerca da prática jesuítica na Província do Brasil no final do século XVI e início do XVII é a preocupação primeira desta tese. Nesse caminho, resgatam-se, inicialmente, os fundamentos da chamada Contra-Reforma e os instrumentos de vigilância que ela pôs em cena, a fim de oferecer ao leitor as condicionantes históricas que perpassaram a atividade dos inacianos no período. Em seguida, recorre-se ao que chamo fundamentos teológico-políticos do modo de proceder jesuítico . Para tanto, destaca-se a trajetória de conversão do fundador da Ordem, Inácio de Loyola, a Bula de criação da Companhia de Jesus, o texto dos Exercícios espirituais e a fundamentação histórica da prática da produção da correspondência jesuítica. Assim, o presente trabalho situa em seu tempo a produção de tais documentos. Contudo, o cerne da tese apresenta-se a partir do Capítulo III, quando se discute a atividade jesuítica na Colônia por meio de uma documentação muito pouco explorada, pesquisada no Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu em Roma, permitindo ao leitor conhecer a prática dos inacianos na Província do Brasil. Tal prática, a meu ver, foi permeada por conflitos e negociações que se estabeleceram entre os padres, os nativos, os colonos e a direção da Ordem em Roma. Portanto, para falar do lugar do jesuíta na sociedade colonial, torna-se necessário discutir tais conflitos e negociações. Por conseguinte, o trabalho destaca o lugar bastante contestado por Roma e pela sociedade colonial do jesuíta como administrador das aldeias. No meu entender, a origem dos conflitos está no envolvimento dos padres em questões temporais , sobretudo no trato com os nativos nas aldeias. A intenção aqui, entretanto, foi instigar o leitor a uma nova perspectiva com relação à atuação dos jesuítas na Colônia, fundamentalmente porque a fonte de que se faz uso nesta tese é, em grande parte, inédita e de difícil acesso para os pesquisadores brasileiros. Sem apresentar conclusões acabadas, o presente trabalho quis colocar um pouco mais de interrogações sobre quem eram e o que movia os homens de preto que viveram na terra dos papagaios no início da nossa colonização

Enquanto na dita Idade Média se erguiam igrejas com planta predominantemente em cruz latina, a partir do chamado Renascimento se encontram nos principais tratados, como os de Leon Battista Alberti (1452) e Sebastiano Serlio (Livro V, 1547), o elogio à perfeição das plantas circulares. Tem sido consenso na historiografia que a censura à construção das igrejas centralizadas e o retorno às formas basilicais foi defendido pelo Concílio de Trento, que teria traçado diretrizes que orientariam o projeto para a matriz romana dos jesuítas, a igreja de Il Gesù (1568). Este trabalho, tendo por objeto a análise do conjunto de igrejas e oratórios construídos em planta longitudinal em Roma, após o Grande Saque de 1527 e nas décadas que antecederam o projeto de Vignola para a casa-mãe jesuíta, se propõe a atenuar tal mito e a demarcar as noções e os princípios que nortearam a construção de tais edifícios sagrados. / While in Middle Ages churches were conceived predominantly in a latin cross plan, the Renaissance brought treaties, such as the one from Leon Battista Alberti (1452) and the other from Sebatiano Serlio (book V, 1547), which praise the perfection of circular plan. It has been consensus in historiography that the return to basilical forms, as advocated by the Council of Trent, is inaugurated with the construction of Il Gesù (1568). This essay, which aims to analyze the set of Roman churches and oratories built in longitudinal plan after de Sack of Rome in 1527 and in the decades that preceded Vignola\'s project to the Jesuit House Church, proposes to mitigate such myth and to investigate the notions and principles that guided the construction of such worship buildings.

La censure de la musique existe depuis l’antiquité. Aristote et Platon ont rappelé le danger de la mimesis musicale et sa valeur morale a été largement discutée par les Pères de l’église, mais le débat est également enflammé à l’époque moderne, lorsque l’on trouve deux tendances fondamentales sur les fronts catholiques et réformés : d’un côté le rôle central de la musique pour la liturgie, de l’autre le contrôle des autorités ecclésiastiques à tous les aspects de la vie des fidèles (la religion, les lectures, les croyances magiques, les habitudes alimentaires et sexuelles, et toutes les formes de sociabilité desquelles la musique est l’ingrédient essentiel). Un examen des sources peut montrer qu’aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles, le domaine dans lequel on trouve une formulation claire et des réponses à cette problématique n’est pas l’humanisme laïque. Les intérêts des humanistes se concentrent sur la reconstruction d’une grammaire des affects qui est un alibi pour l’émancipation de la musique moderne, la seconda pratiqua, et la capacité de la musique à provoquer les affects importe davantage que sa faculté à leur imposer une limite. C’est dans le terrain de la théologie et de la casuistique qu’on discute l’aspect éthique de la question. Le concile de Trente (1564) et les édits diocésains condamnent le chromatisme, la messe parodie et l’utilisation des répertoires musicaux profanes dans la liturgie. La censure de la Congrégation de l’Index et du Saint Office s’étend à toutes les pratiques de communication populaire écrites et orales, et notamment au pétrarquisme. De Savonarole à Descartes, toutes les tentatives de déterminer la valeur affective des éléments de la composition supposent un diagnostic sur les facultés de l’âme et sur ses opérations lors de la fascination. La grammaire polyphonique peut modifier par ses tressages sonores le rapport entre le texte et la mélodie, détourner l’attention et conduire l’auditeur à une transgression émotionnelle (altérité, alienatio, excessus mentis). Étant donnée la corruption de la nature humaine, l’abandon au plaisir de la mélodie constitue un désordre coupable, sans commune mesure avec la musique qui pouvait bercer l’âme harmonieuse du premier homme. Reste, comme remède, la grâce sanctifiante du texte révélé des psaumes, à utiliser comme frein modérateur pour tempérer la puissance émotive de la musique. / Is it possible to censure music? This question may sound rather extravagant, and this is perhaps why music is often overlooked in studies on ecclesiastical censorship in the early modern period, for it would seem that its very essence is incompatible with any form of control. In fact, the huge transformation the Catholic Church had to face, between the sixteenth and the seventeenth century, had a big impact on the music scene. Unavoidably, music was involved in the disputes between Catholics and Protestants as essential liturgical element. The musicologists have mainly studied the Council of Trent action, which seemed to be animated by the desire to remove the secular textual and melodic components from the church repertory. Therefore, Rome became the main center of production for sacred and spiritual music used in celebrations, devotional practices and also in teaching catechism. The case of the Society of Jesus is exemplar: music represent a powerful means of education in college programs, and a strategic tool in the catechesis work. To the enhancement of spiritual genres corresponds as well the will of ‘suppress’ the profane repertories. This is well documented during the age of Counter Reformation, by the variety of cases of ‘‘travestimento’’ which invest canzonette and madrigals. This attitude was also proved by some of the measures the ecclesiastical censure adopted against the vocal production since the seventies of the sixteenth century. In ancient Greek musical theory, harmony was seen as being endowed with a natural virtue capable of altering the rational faculties of the listener’s soul, to the extent of depriving that person of his freedom. The many ethical implications of this classical axiom featured in early modern theological debates. My thesis tries to provide a first answer to these questions by studying the conciliar decrees, the documents of the Index Congregation, the treatises on music and the manuals on demonology. These sources reveal musical censorship did not only involve zealous inquisitors battling with some licentious musician, but also the language of worship and the circulation of prohibited knowledge, which included dangers in the form of sounds that went beyond erotic seduction.

Les enjeux de ce travail sont multiples et s’inscrivent dans le renouvellement de la recherche sur la peinture hollandaise. S’il est courant d’opposer un peu rapidement la Flandre catholique d’une part, associée à une production importante de peinture religieuse, et la Hollande calviniste de l’autre, cantonnée à la peinture de genre, on sait à quel point la situation historique et sociale des Pays-Bas était plus complexe. L’existence de milieux catholiques dans les provinces protestantes a entraîné la production non négligeable de peinture : tableaux religieux pour les églises ou pour la dévotion privée ; portraits de clercs ou de laïcs affichant leur confession ; peintures représentant des allégories de la foi catholique. C’est à l’étude de l’ensemble de cette production que je me suis consacrée, en tentant de cerner les besoins et usages des milieux catholiques, ainsi que les réponses des peintres. Je me suis en particulier efforcée de rendre compte le plus précisément possible de la diversité des situations rencontrées et de la difficulté à les faire entrer dans des schémas. Ainsi en est-il par exemple de la question des liens entre l’appartenance confessionnelle des artistes et celles des commanditaires comme des rapports entre sentiments religieux et production artistique ou encore de l’interprétation catholique d’une œuvre. Mon étude vise à enrichir la connaissance du regard des milieux catholiques sur la peinture à l’âge de la Contre-Réforme, par la mise en lumière d’une situation géographique et socio-politique très singulière, et à nuancer l’opposition traditionnelle entre les Pays-Bas du Sud et du Nord en matière d’œuvres d’art. / This research intends to be part of the Dutch art historiography’s renewal. The traditional opposition between North and South, Calvinism and Catholicism, History painting and Genre painting is no longer relevant. Although the Reformed church was the public church, the choice of personal religion permitted « sects », like Catholicism, Anabaptism, Lutheranism, to remain active. The presence of Catholics in the calvinist Dutch Republic during the 17th century maintains a demand for paintings : religious art works for churches or private devotion, portraits of the clergy or catholic lay, allegory of the catholic faith. I considered not only the expectations of Catholics in terms of painting, but also the responses of the painters whether they were Catholic or not. My aim is to extend the knowlegde of the production and reception of paintings during the age of the Counter-Reformation in an uncommon political and geographic situation.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:19:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DRodrigues.pdf: 1282046 bytes, checksum: bcb6d7cd2b20f2b19d00b2a0fac6cfd1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-09 / Presbyterians protestant missionaries who came to Brazil in the second half of the nineteenth century brought a Calvinist interpretation of the Bible, they remained faithful to princetoniana formation that effected a synthesis between Calvinist orthodoxy and pietism. These princetonian had epistemological basis as the philosophy of Thomas Reid, known as the Common Sense Realism. This philosophy is used as a reformed epistemology, or Calvinist. It is understood in its Scottish formation and consequently American, via Princeton, as Providential Epistemology. Thusly, when it is assimilated by Brazilians through preaching and theological education, it becomes part of the Brazilian Presbyterian profile as a philosophical doctrine. The Philosophy of Common Sense is gestated as critical to the empiricist philosophy of David Hume who, for Reid, converge to a possible annihilation of religion and a pessimistic view of science, affecting empiricism, therefore causing a new formulation nearest of skepticism. Therefore Reid formulated the philosophy that he is opposed to Locke and Berkeley and then to David Hume, claiming that reality is independent of our apprehension. In other words, in the perception of the outside world there is no interference of the cognocent subject on the object of knowledge. Our relationship with objects is straight and should not be undermined by intermediation. At implantation of Protestantism in Brazil, via Princeton missionaries, there was not an uncompromising defense of Calvinist principles by missionaries such as Fletcher and Simonton but a continuity of sacred scripture reading by Calvinistic bias, as was done at Princeton Seminary. There was not a marked emphasis on the defense of orthodoxy because the topic of theological liberalism, or the conflict between modernism and fundamentalism was not necessary in the local environment where the predominant concern for evangelization in practical terms. Moreover, the concepts of the Philosophy of Common Sense were close of empiricism mitigated by Silvestre Pinheiro and Victor Cousins eclecticism. Therefore, in Brazil, the place where one sees the use of the philosophy of Common Sense is in discussions among intellectuals in three interesting points: 1st) The Common Sense was restricted to academic space, training new pastors, and the works of Charles Hodge and A.A. Hodge are the main sources of implementing this ratifying mindset of religious experience and thus delineate the face of Protestantism among Presbyterians, one of the major protestant denominations in the late nineteenth century; 2nd) In the debates between Catholic Clergy and Protestant in theological polemics; 3rd) In the utilitarian use of foreign cultural assimilation by the national Protestant, not least, facilitated by the friendliness of the Brazilian liberal to Protestantism, while it maintained a philosophical line nearest mitigated empiricism and eclecticism. Hence, our hypothesis is intended to demonstrate that protestants brought with them the epistemological formulations that were given to a group of intellectuals who formed the framework of the first presbyterian pastors of the history of this denomination. They were converted and assimilated better the new doctrines through more than just preaching, but by his philosophical way of looking at the objects studied, and that such information comes through the epistemological basis of the Common Sense Realism, which finds space in Brazilian republicans ideals of the nineteenth century. / Os missionários protestantes presbiterianos que vieram para o Brasil no início da segunda metade do século XIX trouxeram uma interpretação calvinista da bíblia, pois permaneceram fieis à formação princetoniana que efetivou uma síntese entre ortodoxia calvinista e pietismo. Estes pricetonianos tinham como base epistemológica a filosofia de Thomas Reid, conhecida como o Realismo do Senso Comum. Essa filosofia é utilizada como uma epistemologia reformada, ou calvinista. Ela é compreendida em sua formação escocesa e consequentemente americana, via Princeton, como a Epistemologia Providencial. Desta forma, quando ela é assimilada pelos brasileiros por meio da pregação e da formação teológica, a mesma se torna parte do perfil presbiteriano brasileiro como doutrina filosófica. A Filosofia do Senso Comum se gesta como crítica à filosofia empirista de David Hume que, para Reid, convergiria para um possível aniquilamento da religião e para uma visão pessimista da ciência, afetando o empirismo, por conseguinte, causando uma nova formulação mais próxima do ceticismo. Por isso, Reid formulou a filosofia que para ele contrapõe-se a Locke e Berkeley e depois a David Hume, afirmando que a realidade é independente de nossa apreensão. Ou seja, na percepção do mundo exterior não há interferência do sujeito cognoscente sobre o objeto do conhecimento. A nossa relação com os objetos é direta e não deve ser desvirtuada por intermediações. Na implantação do protestantismo no Brasil, via missionários de Princeton, não houve uma defesa intransigente dos princípios calvinistas por parte de missionários como Fletcher e Simonton e sim uma continuidade da leitura das escrituras sagradas pelo viés calvinista, como era feito no Seminário de Princeton. Não havia uma ênfase acentuada na defesa da ortodoxia porque o tema do liberalismo teológico, ou do conflito entre modernismo e fundamentalismo não se fazia necessário na conjuntura local, onde predominava a preocupação pela evangelização em termos práticos. O conceitos da Filosofia do Senso Comum eram próximos do empirismo mitigado de Silvestre Pinheiro e do Ecletismo de Victor Cousin. Por isso, no Brasil, o local em que mais se vê a utilização da filosofia do Senso Comum é nos debates entre intelectuais, em três pontos interessantes: 1ª) O Senso Comum ficou restrito ao espaço acadêmico, na formação de novos pastores, sendo que as obras de Charles Hodge e A. A. Hodge são as principais fontes de implantação desta mentalidade ratificadora da experiência religiosa e, desta forma, delineiam o rosto do protestantismo entre presbiterianos, uma das principais denominações protestantes do final do século XIX; 2ª) Nos debates entre clérigos católicos e protestantes em polêmicas teológicas;. 3º) No aproveitamento utilitarista da assimilação cultural estrangeira pelos protestantes nacionais, não por último, facilitada pela simpatia dos liberais brasileiros pelo protestantismo, ao mesmo tempo que mantinham uma linha filosófica mais próxima do empirismo mitigado e do ecletismo. Assim, nossa hipótese pretende demonstrar que os protestantes trouxeram em seu bojo as formulações epistemológicas que foram passadas para um grupo de intelectuais, que formaram o quadro dos primeiros pastores presbiterianos da história desta denominação. Eles foram convertidos e assimilaram melhor as novas doutrinas por meio de mais do que simples pregações, mas pela sua forma filosófica de encarar os objetos estudados, e que tais informações vêm por meio da base epistemológica do Realismo do Senso Comum, que encontra espaço nos ideais republicanos brasileiros do século XIX.