O principal objetivo desta tese é discutir os modos de fazer cultura e política no contexto da construção de uma política nacional de cultura, promovida ao longo dos governos Lula (2003-2010) e Dilma (2011-2016). Com foco na atuação da chamada sociedade civil, e tendo por base uma etnografia que partiu de instâncias de participação vinculadas ao Ministério da Cultura (quais sejam: o Conselho Nacional de Políticas Culturais, seus colegiados setoriais e as conferências de cultura), a pesquisa mostra como a construção dessa política apenas foi possível graças à atuação dos representantes da sociedade civil, que constituíram um dos principais agentes a demandar e, assim, a disseminar a proposta inicialmente elaborada pelo MinC. Os fóruns participativos não foram tomados como totalidades a serem esquadrinhadas, mas como centros de gravitação a partir dos quais acompanhar os trânsitos de alguns representantes. Sendo nacionais, esses espaços congregavam sujeitos de diferentes estados, das cinco regiões brasileiras. O trabalho de campo correspondeu, então, a uma etnografia multi-situada, que seguiu o deslocamento de pessoas que viajavam para atender reuniões que ocorriam em cidades diversas, cruzando fronteiras entre as esferas da federação, e entre espaços associados ora ao Estado, ora à cultura. Tendo por inspiração trabalhos atentos às pragmáticas sociais, e associando referências de dois campos distintos da antropologia (de um lado, reflexões sobre política, Estado e políticas públicas, provenientes da antropologia da política; de outro, sobre a eficácia de aspectos formais ou estéticos, contribuição de uma antropologia da arte e de uma recente antropologia da burocracia), a presente tese analisa um conjunto extenso e variado de materiais. Foram considerados: o trânsito de pessoas; a circulação de ideias e modelos relativos à cultura e à política, corporificados em atas, relatórios, leis, organogramas e outros documentos; as metodologias e os procedimentos organizacionais utilizados para estruturar uma conferência ou para realizar uma votação; um conjunto de práticas e elementos oriundos dos universos culturais representados, que se fizeram presentes nos espaços participativos institucionalizados e que eram percebidos como uma maneira própria da cultura fazer política. Este trabalho revela, assim, a diversidade de práticas que constituem as experiências de democracia participativa na cultura, e mostra como a proliferação de espaços participativos resultou na criação de instâncias e agentes de difusão de entendimentos e modelos particulares de política cultural e de gestão pública. A tese permitiu ainda elaborar analiticamente o aparente paradoxo colocado pela existência concomitante de intensos fluxos (que cruzam, a todo momento, fronteiras) e de imagens totalizantes do que seja o Estado, a sociedade civil e a cultura brasileira, mostrando como é justamente através dos trânsitos que sujeitos, coletivos e categorias das políticas culturais se constituem relacional e simultaneamente. / The main objective of this dissertation is to discuss the ways of doing \"culture\" and \"politic\" related to the creation of a national cultural policy, that has had place during Lula (2003-2010) and Dilma (2011-2016) governments. Focusing on the so-called civil society, and based on an ethnography of participatory spaces related to the Ministry of Culture (namely: the National Council of Cultural Policies, its sectoral collegiates and the National Culture\'s Conferences), this research intends to show how the construction of this policy was possible thanks to the work of the civil society representatives, who became one of the main agents to demand and, thus, to spread the policy drawn up, at first, by the Ministry of Culture. The participatory forums were taken not as totalities to be scrutinized, but as gravitation centers from which follow the displacements of some representatives. As national institutions, these participatory spaces congregated people from different states, from all five Brazilian regions. The fieldwork corresponded thus to a multi-situated ethnography, which followed the movement of people who travelled to attend meetings that took place in several cities, crossing boundaries among the spheres of the Brazilian federation, and among spaces associated now to State, now to culture. The theoretical inspiration comes from works dedicated to analyze social practices, and associates contributions from two distinct anthropological field references: on one side, reflections on politics, State and public policy, from the Anthropology of Politics; on the other, reflections on the effectiveness of formal and aesthetic aspects, contribution of the Anthropology of Art and a recent Anthropology of Bureaucracy. This dissertation analyzes an extensive and varied set of materials. Are considered: the displacements of persons; the circulation of ideas and of models of culture and politics, embodied in minutes, reports, laws, organizational charts and other documents; methodologies and organizational procedures used to organize a conference or an election; a set of practices and elements derived of cultural universes, that were present in the institutionalized participatory spaces and that were perceived as culture\'s way of making politics. This work thus reveals the diversity of practices that constitute experiences of participatory democracy in the cultural field, and shows how the proliferation of participatory spaces resulted in the creation of instances and agents that worked out the dissemination of particular understandings and models of cultural policy and public management. The dissertation also examines the apparent paradox posed by the concurrent existence of intense flows (which cross many borders) and totalizing images of what would be a State, the civil society and the Brazilian culture, showing how it is precisely through the displacements that subjects, collectives and categories of cultural policies constitute themselves, in a relational way.

Esta dissertação circunscreve os mecanismos de organização e criação de três grupos teatrais radicados no distrito de Barão Geraldo, Campinas, SP. Os dados são coletados a partir de observações, anotações de campo e entrevistas. Como forma narrativa, procuramos colocar em relevo a subjetividade entredita nos discursos e práticas. Retraçamos o percurso histórico do lugar e dos três grupos eleitos para a análise: o Lume Núcleo Interdisciplinar de Pesquisas Teatrais, a Boa Companhia de Teatro e o Barracão Teatro. A partir dessas trajetórias, descortinamos um panorama bastante peculiar do fazer artístico em território de reminiscências rurais, outrora ocupado por fazendas de café e de cana-de-açúcar, entre os séculos XIX e XX, e convertido à modernidade com a chegada do campus da Universidade Estadual de Campinas (UNICAMP), na década de 1960. A maioria dos atores-criadores estuda ou ministra aula no Departamento de Artes Cênicas do Instituto de Artes. Primeiro como laboratório de movimentos corporais, depois como núcleo, o Lume é vinculado à instituição e, após anos de reivindicação, obtém infraestrutura razoável para manter-se. Boa Companhia e Barracão Teatro seguem caminhos independentes, mas seus profissionais também têm a universidade como referência. Os artistas fundam e sistematizam uma rigorosa pesquisa voltada à arte de ator contemplada em diferentes linhagens, como a máscara, o clown e a mimese corpórea. Seus processos transparecem uma deontologia para o ofício que abraçam. Os três grupos possuem sedes em Vila Santa Isabel. Atualmente, somando outros bairros de Barão Geraldo, existem pelo menos mais 12 coletivos em atividade. Eles sintonizam a crescente produção do Teatro de Grupo no Brasil, a partir dos anos 1990, cuja tônica são os chamados espetáculos experimentais gerados em modo colaborativo e fomentados por políticas culturais que valorizam a cidadania. A contradição evidente dessa cultura de grupo, no distrito, é a extrema dificuldade em cativar o espectador vizinho, os ditos nativos, que também se autoexcluem por associar o teatro à UNICAMP, herança do choque socioeconômico de sua implantação. Isso relativiza a vitória artística e chama aos desafios da vida artística em comunidade. / This work describes the mechanism of organization and creation of three theater groups from a small town called Barão Geraldo located in the city of Campinas, São Paulo, Brazil. The data were collected through observation and interviews. In a narration form we aimed to detach the subjectivity in the discourses and practices of those groups. We traced the historical background of the town and of the groups: Lume - Núcleo Interdisciplinar de Pesquisas Teatrais, Boa Companhia de Teatro e Barracão Teatro. From a historical perspective we exposed a broad and peculiar view of making art in an area where coffee and sugar cane farms existed between XIX and XX centuries and which was occupied by Campinas State University in the 1960\'s bringing some modernity to the space, but also some social and economical shock. Most of the actors-creators study or teach at Departamento de Artes Cênicas do Instituto de Artes (Institute of Art). Lume became part of the University first as a lab for studying and training the body movements, then as an interdisciplinary center of theatrical research and after some struggle it has some institutional support to keep their work. Boa Companhia and Barracão follow independents paths, but their workers have the university as a reference. The artists found and systematize a meticulous research towards the art of the actor, through the study of masks, the clown art and the body mimesis. Their processes display a deontoly to their work. The three groups have their offices in Santa Isabel Village. Nowadays, there are at least 12 collectives working in the surroundings of Barão Geraldo. They harmonize with the increasing theater group production in Brazil since the 1990\'s, which are called experimental spectacle\' created collectively and motivated by cultural policies which focus on citizenship. The evident contradiction of a group culture is the difficulty in captivating the local public, who exclude themselves because of the impact the University had on them in the past. This exhilarates an artistic victory and challenges the life of art in the community.

Nesta dissertação, investiga-se a difusão da cultura brasileira no exterior durante o período 2003-2010. Para isso, foi escolhida como objeto de pesquisa a Divisão de Operações de Difusão Cultural (DODC) do Itamaraty, principal órgão governamental responsável pela diplomacia cultural. Foram analisados os Atos Bilaterais de Cooperação Cultural assinados entre o Brasil e terceiros países, assim como os Programas de Difusão Cultural de 22 postos brasileiros no exterior, relacionando-os às políticas externa e cultural implementadas durante a gestão do Presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. O trabalho inclui a compilação de 220 documentos referentes ao Programa de Difusão Cultural, disponibilizada em CD ou por meio do link: http://bit.ly/PDC_YVES_FINZETTO / This essay investigates the diffusion of Brazilian culture in an international context between 2003 and 2010. For this purpose, the source of research chosen was the Division of Cultural Diffusion Operations run by the Itamaraty, which is the main gov- ernmental body responsible for cultural diplomacy. The material analysed were the Cultural Cooperation Bilateral Acts signed between Brazil and other parties, as well as the Cultural Diffusion Programmes run by 22 Brazilian posts overseas; these will be related to foreign and cultural policies implemented by president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva during his time in office. This work includes a compilation of 220 documents related to the Cultural Diffusion Programme, which is made available on CD or via the web link: http://bit.ly/PDC_YVES_FINZETTO

O programa Cultura Viva, criado pelo Ministério da Cultura em 2004, constituiu-se como uma experiência inovadora na política cultural brasileira ao apoiar segmentos historicamente marginalizados nesse campo. Por meio do financiamento direto de associações culturais da sociedade civil a partir de suas demandas e sem objetos pré-definidos, o fomento aos Pontos de Cultura acabou por tornar-se um paradigma de política cultural comunitária. No entanto, sua implementação encontrou entraves jurídicos e administrativos que acabaram por se refletir na prestação de contas das instituições beneficiadas. Buscando contribuir com a expansão dos Pontos de Cultura e aprimoramento do programa, esta pesquisa realizou um diagnóstico aprofundado destes problemas de implementação. A partir do levantamento das principais dificuldades encontradas pelos Pontos de Cultura na gestão dos recursos públicos e prestação de contas, a hipótese que norteou o desenvolvimento deste trabalho era a de que o repasse no formato de convênios não se adéqua à perspectiva inclusiva do programa, fazendo com que apenas as instituições dotadas de maior estrutura administrativa e experiência prévia na gestão de recursos públicos não apresentassem problemas na prestação de contas. Além disso, uma hipótese adicional era a de que um formato simplificado de repasse e prestação de contas - nos moldes do implementado pela rede estadual paulista de Pontos de Cultura - contribuiria para a diminuição do problema. Por meio da aplicação de um questionário junto aos Pontos de Cultura do estado de São Paulo, verificamos que a estrutura administrativa das instituições e experiência na gestão de recursos públicos não representaram fatores relevantes para a existência ou não de problemas na prestação de contas. Por outro lado, foram definidores destes problemas o formato de repasse e prestação de contas estabelecido pela parceria com o poder público, a capacitação recebida pelos gestores dos Pontos de Cultura e a comunicação com os órgãos gestores da política. Desmistificando o discurso de que o problema da prestação de contas deve ser atribuído à incapacidade administrativa dos Pontos de Cultura, apontamos para a necessidade de revisão dos instrumentos reguladores do programa e, mais amplamente, das políticas assentadas sobre a parceria do Estado com instituições da sociedade civil. / The Cultura Viva program, created by the Brazilian Ministry of Culture in 2004 is an innovative experiment in cultural policy that included historically marginalized groups in this field. By means of a direct funding to cultural associations\' self-demands, with no predefined objects, support for Pontos de Cultura (Culture Hotspots) became a reference policy for cultural democracy. Nonetheless, its implementation has found legal and administrative barriers in the difficulties face by recipient institutions to report expenses. Seeking to contribute to the expansion of Pontos de Cultura and improvement of the program, this research conducted a detailed study of the implementation issues. From the main difficulties reported by the Pontos de Cultura in the management of public resources and expenses reports, the hypothesis that guided the development of this work was that the transfer in the modality of convention does not fit the inclusive perspective of the program, so that only institutions with greater administrative structure and previous experience in the management of public resources could handle appropriately the expenses reports. An additional hypothesis was that a simplified form of convention - along the lines implemented by the state level Pontos de Cultura network - would reduce the problem. Through the application of a questionnaire to the Pontos de Cultura of the state of São Paulo, we found that the structure of institutions and administrative experience in the management of public funds was not relevant to their capability of doing apropriate expense reports. On the other hand, what did impact this capability was the format of the expense report, the training received by managers of Pontos de Cultura and communication with the government bureaucracy. Demystifying the discourse that the problem of doing appropriate expense reports must be assigned to the administrative incapacity of the Pontos de Cultura, we point to the need for revision of the regulatory instruments of the program and, more broadly, of the policies settled on the partnership between state institutions and civil society.

The aim of this dissertation is to investigate how public spaces in the Swedish History Museum in Stockholm have materialized in relation to cultural policy objectives and ideals of a democratic and inclusive museum. The investigated time period spans from 1943 to 2013. The Swedish History Museum is a state-run archaeological museum, where norms and values are expressed through various governmental policy- and control documents. Hence, entering the museum also means entering a symbolic national space. The fact that the museum has been politically regulated throughout the studied period makes it illustrative of changing democratic public ideals in the 20th century. Unlike other similar studies, the empirical focus is not on exhibitions, but on other public spaces that visitors encounter; the entrance, the shop, children’s spaces and the courtyard. These spaces are less invisible in the museum hierarchy. At the same time, they are often central spaces to visitors. The museum building is not as fixed as it might appear to be. Drawing on ideas from Bruno Latour and Doreen Massey – and their perspectives on space, materiality and power – I explore how the social and spatial changes of the museum affect each other. Efforts have continuously been made to alter these public spaces, and the outlines and uses have repeatedly changed. By combining archival materials, interviews and observations, I investigate how democratic ideals have been negotiated in material forms, and what kind of audiences/visitors these spaces have conceptualized over time. Linking different kinds of sources, that speak from various levels and positions, has been an analytically important method. The analysis describes the museum as a meaning producing network that materially embody different, and sometimes conflicting ideologies. The public spaces have been shaped by tensions; between education versus pleasure, collecting versus showing, and by the dichotomy between culture and commerce. What is communicated thorough various materialities and inscriptions in the shop, the entrance, and the spaces for children sometimes contradict perspectives produced in exhibitions and educational programmes. Hierarchies between professional positions and knowledges propagate as social extensions towards the visitors, and sometimes, reproduce structural hierarchies. Museum functions literally “takes place”, depending on how they are valued and assigned meaning. The museum has increasingly included children, while also becoming a space for commerce. Various, and sometimes incompatible ideals on equality and inclusion have been implemented, simultaneously. At the same time, the public spaces carry unique spatial qualities, which can benefit inclusion. Concluding, the dissertation stresses that the entrance, the shop, the children spaces and other public spaces perceived as “peripheral” need to be viewed as central, not as superficial services or add-ons to the “real” museum experience, i.e. the exhibition.

The purpose of this study is to describe, analyse and compare the use of the concept creativity in 1996- and 2009 culture propositions. Various aspects of creativity have been investigated using the methods of idea analysis and conceptual history. The result is presented on the basis of three issues that concern: what linguistic space creativity is given as a word; who is considered creative and; what function creativity has in cultural policy. Creativity has clearly gone from being a descriptive word to standing as its own concept in noun form, but in the sense of artistic renewal, the term is very present in both propositions. Most people are considered as having creative potential, but young adults and professional artists are the most prominent groups in the material. Artistic renewal is increasingly motivated by market interests, although other softer values are represented.

This thesis deals with the translations of Czech prose published in the 1970s and 1980s by Volk und Welt, the second largest publishing house in the German Democratic Republic (GDR). Using the publisher's and other paratexts, the empirical research aims to reconstruct the image of Czech literature that Volk und Welt helped to create. The issue under scrutiny draws methodological as well as theoretical inspiration from Anton Popovič, the Slovak translation scholar who inter alia postulated a theory of metatexts, André Lefevere and the Manipulation School, as well as Gérard Genette, who came up with a theory of paratexts. The publishing activities of Volk und Welt are painted against a broad political and cultural background. By analysing the publisher's reviews, required for the books to be approved for circulation in the GDR, as well as by dissecting other paratexts, the author uncovers strategies whereby the selected books of Czech literature found their way both to the reviewers and the general public.

Cette thèse a pour objet l’étude de l’origine et de la création des fonds régionaux d’art contemporain (FRAC) entre 1981 et 1986. Le plan se divise en trois grandes parties. La première partie analyse les modes d’acquisitions et d’expositions qui, au cours du XX° siècle en France, ont été des modèles pour la constitution des FRAC. La seconde partie étudie l’engagement du ministère de la culture dans une politique ambitieuse qui aboutit à la création des FRAC après l’arrivée de la gauche au pouvoir en 1981. La troisième partie, à proprement parlée d’histoire de l’art, porte sur les collections des FRAC. Cette étude des collections a constitué l’essence de la recherche établie à partir de données informatiques de videomuseum qui a opéré un recensement de toutes les acquisitions. La thèse s’appuie également sur des documents d’archives, des travaux existants, une étude sur le terrain dans chaque collection de FRAC, d’entretiens et d’un dépouillement de la presse artistique. Issus des revendications politiques formulées dans le programme de la gauche1 pour les élections présidentielles de mai 1981, les FRAC, financés à parité par l’Etat et par les régions, constituent un exemple fort de la réussite d’une politique culturelle décentralisée. Entre 1983 (date des premières acquisitions) et mars 1986 (date de la défaite de la gauche aux élections législatives) les vingt et un FRAC en activité ont acquis un total de 5 438 oeuvres provenant de 1 377 artistes. Fonds d’exception dans le paysage culturel français, les FRAC sont l’aboutissement d’une volonté de démocratisation revendiquée depuis les années 60. Jusqu’en 1986, la croissance constante des crédits d’acquisition - autant du côté de l’Etat que des conseils régionaux - aurait pu conduire à l’établissement d’une esthétique officielle. Nous verrons qu’il y a eu tout au plus des « zones d’influence » qui sont apparues pour compenser de réelles absences dans les collections des musées en région. Toutefois, malgré cet incontestable investissement institutionnel, la puissance publique ne pouvait prétendre à devenir un acteur majeur dans l’histoire de l’art. / This thesis studies in depth, the origin and the creation of theRegional Contemporary Art Collection (FRAC) between 1981 and 1986. The plan is divided into three main parts. The first part analyses the patterns of acquisitions and eexhibitions, which were models for the formation of the FRAC during the twentieth century in France. The second part examines the commitment of the Ministry of Culture in an ambitious policy that led to the creation of the FRAC after the arrival of the labour party who came to power in 1981. The third part, strictly concerning the history of art, focuses on the collections of the FRAC. This study of the collections has been the core of the research, established from computer data created by Videomuseum, who made a census of all acquisitions. The thesis is also based on archival documents, existing works, an onsite study of each collection of the FRAC, interviews and a literature of artistic media. Included in the labour party’s political program for the presidential elections of May 1981, the FRAC, funded equally by the State and the Regions, is a strong example of the success of a decentralized cultural policy. Between 1983 and March 1986 twenty-one FRAC in activity acquired a total of 5,438 works of art from 1,377 artists.Since the 1960s, the FRAC is an exception in French cultural funding and the result of a desire for democratisation. Until 1986, the continued growth of acquisition loans - offered by the State and regional councils - could lead to the establishment of a formal aesthetic. “Zones of influence" emerged to compensate for absences in the museum collections in the region. However, despite this undeniable institutional investment, public power was not entitled to become a major player in the history of art .

Interrogeant les rapports entre l'État et le champ artistique en France entre 1848 et 1920, ce travail de recherche en histoire de l'architecture repose sur le postulat que la trajectoire architecturale du Musée du Luxembourg fut l'un des lieux privilégiés de la construction d'une représentation négative de l'intervention de l'État dans les affaires artistiques. Ce musée, dont les collections sont aujourd'hui atomisées dans différentes institutions parisiennes et provinciales, devint, en 1818, le premier musée d'art contemporain, par la volonté du roi Louis XVIII. Dès l'origine, il fut considéré comme la pépinière du Louvre. Cette relation de symbiose entre les deux institutions, basée sur le principe des vases communicants, servit de référence à l'émergence de nouveaux paradigmes muséaux en Europe et en Amérique du Nord, jusqu'au premier tiers du XXe siècle. La principale mission du Musée du Luxembourg était d'affirmer la supériorité de l'art français face à celui des autres puissances européennes. Si sa représentativité artistique fut pour le moins partielle, son exemplarité architecturale, elle, demeura un idéal jamais atteint. L'analyse de fonds d'archives, de revues de presse et de documents parlementaires, permet de vérifier l'hypothèse de la construction progressive d'un antagonisme, grâce à la mobilisation de différentes catégories d'acteurs appartenant ou non au champ artistique. Cette mobilisation s'effectue collectivement par le biais des journaux, au sein des sociétés artistiques, des sociétés de mécènes, de groupements de citoyens et de fédérations de commerçants, sous la forme de discours, de pétitions, d'enquêtes ou de campagnes de presse, ou bien individuellement, à l'initiative des artistes représentés au musée ou de journalistes influents. Toutefois, la remise en question la plus décisive du rôle de l'État provient des utilisateurs du musée eux-mêmes, souvent impuissants face à la pesanteur des rouages bureaucratiques, à la maigreur des budgets alloués aux musées nationaux, et à l'inadaptation des locaux avec lesquels ils doivent composer. La construction de cette représentation négative se structure autour de moments clés récurrents : vernissage d'un nouvel accrochage des collections, intégration des œuvres d'un legs ou d'une donation, dépôt et discussion d'un rapport sur le budget des Beaux-arts, Expositions universelles, incidents touchant les collections, rumeurs colportées par la presse. Néanmoins, les moments les plus critiques coïncident avec la remise en question de l'existence même du musée, avec la menace de son expulsion, ou avec l'officialisation et la mise en œuvre de projets de relogement, qu'il s'agisse du transfert du musée dans des bâtiments existants, d'extension de ses locaux, ou de leur reconstruction intégrale. Chacun de ces événements contribue à la cristallisation de thèmes et d'enjeux, qui vont polariser l'essentiel des critiques formulées à l'égard de l'action artistique publique. On peut ainsi dégager quatre thèmes récurrents dans les débats : l'absence d'exemplarité architecturale du musée, incompatible avec le rayonnement artistique de la France et de sa capitale ; l'impossibilité de mobiliser les fonds nécessaires à une résolution définitive de la question de l'exemplarité architecturale ; l'impossible consensus sur la question de localisation du musée dans l'hypothèse de son relogement ; le paradoxe entre la construction d'une expertise des conservateurs en matière de programmation architecturale et l'incapacité de l'État à leur donner les moyens de l'appliquer. En aucun cas, cependant, cette critique de l'action (ou de l'inaction) de l'État ne débouche, avant 1920, sur des projets de création de musées concurrents et indépendants ; la mobilisation du champ artistique est tournée vers une forme d'assistance à l'État, dans la résolution de la crise qui touche le Musée du Luxembourg / This dissertation in architectural history argues that the architectural trajectory of the Luxembourg Museum in Paris was one of the main reasons why the French public art policy was considered as unwarranted and illegitimate. The Luxembourg Museum, whose collections are now scattered in various Parisian and provincial institutions, became in 1818 the world's first museum of contemporary art, by the will of King Louis XVIII. From the beginning, its aim was to feed the Louvre with recent and national art. The symbiotic relationship between these two museums, which was based on the principle of communicating vessels, was a paradigm for new museums in Europe and North America, until the first third of the twentieth century. Although the main mission of the Luxembourg Museum was to assert the superiority of French art face to that of other European nations, it was long criticized not only because it did not reflect the diversity of artistic trends, but also because the conditions under which its collections were stored and exhibited were unworthy of Paris' attractiveness and influence. Through the analysis of primary sources, press reviews and parliamentary papers, we wanted to test the hypothesis that the mobilization of different categories of stakeholders within and outside the artistic field led to an increasing distrust of public art policy. Leading artists represented in the museum, influential journalists from daily and art newspapers, art and patrons societies, citizens and merchant associations, promoted mobilization against through speeches, petitions, surveys or media campaigns. Even the museum professionals themselves were powerless against complicated bureaucratic procedures, shoestring budgets for national museums, and unsuitable storage and exhibition spaces, and ended up questioning the role of the French state in art policy. The negative image of the role of the French state was shaped at key moments and recurring events: the re-hanging of the collection, the display of a new gift or bequest, discussions about the annual budget of the ministry of Fine-Arts, World Fairs, preventive conservation matters, and rumors. However, the most critical moments coincided with the questioning of the very existence of the museum, with the threat of its uprooting, or the formalization and implementation of resettlement, extension or reconstruction schemes. Each of these events crystallized themes and issues that polarized most of the criticisms aired at the public art policy. We identified four major topics in this debate: the shameful absence of a purpose-built museum of contemporary art in Paris; the Governement's inability to raise funds to finally resolve the architectural issue; the lack of consensus on the future museum's location issue; the contradiction between the recognition of the curators' skills in architectural design and the inability of their administration to give them the opportunity to apply them. The main paradox is that although the public art policy was more and more considered as inaccurate and illegitimate, most of the artistic field helped the Government to resolve the ‘Luxembourg issue' and build a monument worthy of the nation

The diploma thesis deals with the issue of proprietorial and institutional connection of five stages and four ensembles of the National Theatre in Prague, which is a contributory organization of the Ministry of Culture Czech Republic. The thesis introduces a cultural policy in general terms and explains development of the National Theatre until 1989. The main point of the thesis is the institutional and financial analysis, the thesis aims to evaluate the consequences of changes in the methods of administration of each stage of the National Theatre, especially merging and splitting stages and ensembles after 1989. The analysis focuses on the founder's contribution, thus demands on public means, but also takes into account visit rate, percentage of self-sufficiency, number of performances, development of revenues, etc. Finally, the thesis presents a model of functioning of national theaters and opera houses in France and in the United Kingdom, and their comparison with situation in the Czech Republic, focusing on the method of financing.