The analysis of cultural policy in the last decade suggests that creativity and the arts in general are extensively used in political agendas as means of capitalizing on the forecasted socio-economic potential of creative/artistic activities (e.g. Flew, 2005; Garnham, 2005; Hartley, 2005; Hesmondhalgh, 2007). Although some critical studies have highlighted instrumentalism, short-sidedness and practice/practitioners’ averse policy-making and intervention planning (Belfiore, 2004, 2009; Caust, 2003; Oakley, 2009; Newman, 2013), so far only very few studies have exposed the experiences and voices of particular groups of creative workers in the different national (country-specific) contexts to support this criticism. There has been a significant lack of studies that aim to understand how creative workers experience and cope with the changing policy context in their work. In particular, the voice of non-artists has rarely been considered when seeking a better understanding of the sector’s dynamics. This thesis explored the Scottish cultural sector through the eyes of cultural leaders. The study was carried out during a time of significant transformation to the funding structure, processes and relationships in the sector, catalysed by the establishment of a new funding agency (the funder). It focuses on cultural leaders’ understandings of an increasingly politicised cultural landscape that constitutes the context of their work. The thesis also looks at the influence of these understandings on the leaders’ role responsibilities, as well as the essence and the sustainability of the cultural sector. The empirical work for the thesis followed a qualitative research approach and focused on 21 semi-structured interviews with cultural leaders and industry experts based in Scotland. These individuals were purposefully chosen as a group of stakeholders who are able to engage in discussions about the cultural sector in the context of recent changes in the governance and financial subsidy of Scottish (publically funded) arts. The research findings illustrated the importance of leaders’ values and beliefs, which reflect the purpose of their work and shape their enactments in the sector. In particular, the intrinsic motivation, artistic ambitions, social and civic responsibilities of leaders emerged as crucial qualities of their work roles. The findings revealed a discrepancy between these artistic and civic concerns of cultural leaders and the socio-economic expectations of the funder, which contributed to a great deal of unproductive ('inorganic') tensions for which leaders had to find coping mechanisms. Bourdieu’s (1977, 1992) theoretical concepts were used as a starting point in understanding the cultural sector as a cultural field, and cultural leaders as actors enacting their work-related practices in the evolving socio-political and economic system of cultural production. However, upon further analysis of the data, the notions of a ‘worldview’ and ‘stewardship’ emerged and were used to better explain the greater complexity of work in today’s cultural sector. This thesis thus builds upon Bourdieu’s concept of ‘field’ and ‘artistic logic’ and explains the changing cultural sector as a holistic cultural field where cultural leaders enact their stewardship-like work responsibilities from within a strong and dynamic artistic worldview.

<p>With the increased role of local authorities in creating cultural policy, gathering information on how successful and sustainable local heritage conservation programs are established will be very valuable in crafting future policies. This dissertation investigated the development of local government heritage conservation policies in the City of San Fernando, Pampanga in the Philippines in order to determine (1) predictors of community support for heritage conservation policy – why communities support heritage conservation policy and what characteristics or elements of communities lead them to support heritage conservation policies, (2) factors that lead to the adoption and implementation of heritage conservation policies or policy drivers of heritage conservation policy, and (3) given the deeper understanding of community support and policy drivers, the relationship between these predictors and drivers with heritage conservation policy management and sustainability. It did this by being cognizant of the lack of homogeneity across communities, with actors, factors, contexts, and nuances specific to each community.</p><p>Implementing two component studies, the dissertation used mixed methods, which interprets and integrates information drawn from the combined strength of both quantitative and qualitative data, following the convergent design (Creswell and Plano Clark, 2018; Harrison et al., 2020) and guided by the Rigorous Mixed Methods framework (Harrison, Reilly and Creswell, 2020). This first study used a self-administered online survey to collect data from stakeholders and ordinary residents of the City of San Fernando, Pampanga which was analyzed using Structural Equation Modelling (SEM). In the second study, guided by the naturalist paradigm (Guba and Lincoln, 1982; Lincoln and Guba, 1985), transcripts of semi-structured interviews conducted by City Tourism and Investment Promotion Office (CTIPO) were coded and analyzed using the grounded theory approach. It combined several coding approaches, specifically a blended approach (Skjott Linneberg, and Korsgaard, 2006), with the the Gioia Methodology (Gioia et al., 2012) and Ünlü-Qureshi instrument (Qureshi and Ünlü, 2020)</p> <p>The integration of qualitative and quantitative data and results was guided by the dimensions of the mixed methods research integration trilogy (Fetters and Molina-Azorin, 2017). The dissertation identified predictors for community support for heritage conservation policy, policy drivers of the heritage conservation policy process, and the relationship between these predictors and drivers and within the heritage conservation policy process and produced three models: (1) predictors of community support for local heritage conservation policy, (2) heritage conservation policy drivers, and (3) managerial implications for heritage conservation policy sustainability, and a framework for heritage conservation, management, and sustainability. The data suggested that in the case of San Fernando, (1) knowledge and awareness, (2) sense of belonging and attachment, (3) place image and community identity, and (4) evaluation of value are predictors of support for heritage conservation policies, with evaluation of value as a mediator for the first three. It also identified two major policy drivers: (1) good governance, and (2) heritage consciousness, and six specific policy drivers: (1) understanding the dynamics of heritage conservation, (2) addressing program sustainability, (3) stakeholder integration in the policy process, (4) appreciation of process-oriented governance, (5) manifesting pride and attachment, and (6) awareness of long-term outcomes of policies, that serve as factors leading to the adoption and implementation of heritage conservation policies. The predictors and policy drivers were incorporated into a single framework for heritage conservation policy management and sustainability.</p>

This thesis examines the function of music within different theories of nationalism and the appropriation of folk music within the genre of min’ge. Min’ge, a term in Chinese which directly translates to “folk songs”, has generally been defined as oral musical traditions. However, due to the increased politicization of popular music since the 1930s, the nature folk music has fundamentally changed, reflecting its new significance within Chinese nationalism. Through the years, min’ge has become more useful to promoting the goals of the state than representing the musical traditions of the many different ethnic groups in China. This transformation has established min’ge as an important extension of the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) cultural policy, and the manipulation of folk music has asserted the CCP’s cultural hegemony. Ultimately, this cultural hegemony has important implications on Han-minority relations and highlights certain dynamics within Chinese nationalism. Despite its limited and distorted representation of minorities, however, the popularization of min’ge has also inspired minority musicians to reclaim their identities through music. Therefore, this paper explores both the cooptation and contestation of state-promoted identities through the medium of popular folk music.

This critical examination of the concept of cultural heritage is based on an overall phenomenological approach, with focus on Alfred Schütz’s further development of Edmund Husserl’s idea of the lifeworld. With strong emphasis on the subjective and intersubjective dimensions, the concept of cultural heritage is contextualized, analysed and criticized from different aspects for the purpose of enriching the discourse of cultural heritage. A literature based methodology is used, including a hermeneutic analysis of theoretical texts in the field of cultural heritage studies and the new Swedish Culture Environmental Law (“Kulturmiljölagen”) and related bills. Qualitative interviews deal with people’s notions about the concepts of culture, cultural heritage and intangible cultural heritage. Finally, this study includes field observations of the Mount Dajti National Park in Albania, involving a visual methodology (photos) and non-visual field notes. A linguistic analysis with a gender perspective, finds that the concept of cultural heritage can be criticized for its patriarchal connotations. The central issue with the concept of cultural heritage concerns its involvement in the complexity of fixed notions and definitions, causing arbitrariness and ambivalence. The interview data indicates a strong connection between cultural heritage and history, despite their distinction. The field observations verify this complexity through an account of the relationship between cultural and natural heritage. The constitutions and values of cultural heritage are established within the Authorized Heritage Discourse (AHD), obviating alternative notions of heritage. Thence, this thesis stresses the importance of going beyond the discursive frames and of transparency and critical reflection within the field of cultural heritage. Phenomena can always be interpreted in a subjective or intersubjective way, leading to dissonant and contested heritage, and a new term called “life values”. This is a two-year master’s thesis in Archive, Library and Museum studies.

Au sortir de cette première décennie des années 2000, face aux bouleversements socioculturels, économiques et politiques au sein de la société ivoirienne post-crise en renouvellement, alors que les champs culturels sont traversés dans leur ensemble par toute une série de mutations économiques et sociales, esthétiques et anthropologiques, institutionnelles et politiques, le constat est profondément criant : les politiques publiques de la culture en Côte d’Ivoire et en Afrique en général sont en crise, elles sont dans l’impasse. Pour autant, quarante ans d’intervention et d’engagement des puissances publiques, des acteurs privés et des organisations non gouvernementales ont créé des synergies au service des arts et de la culture africaine. Aujourd’hui, même s’ils sont embryonnaires et souffrent de nombreuses carences, on ne peut nullement occulter l’importance, du point de vue économique et sociale, que recèlent les secteurs de la culture et des arts en Côte d’Ivoire. / In this first decade of the 21st century, the socio-cultural, economic and political turmoil in the post-crisis Ivory Coast society is affected by a series of transformations: economic and social, aesthetic and anthropologic, institutional and political. The assessment is clear: public cultural politicies in Ivory Coast and Africa in general are in a crisis. However, after 40 years of intervention and engagement by public authorities, private entities and non-governmental organizations, they have started to jointly work to serve African arts and culture. Despite these amenities still being in their infancy and with several deficiencies we can no longer neglect the importance, both in terms of economic and social impacts, of arts and culture in Ivory Coast.

O programa Cultura Viva, criado pelo Ministério da Cultura em 2004, constituiu-se como uma experiência inovadora na política cultural brasileira ao apoiar segmentos historicamente marginalizados nesse campo. Por meio do financiamento direto de associações culturais da sociedade civil a partir de suas demandas e sem objetos pré-definidos, o fomento aos Pontos de Cultura acabou por tornar-se um paradigma de política cultural comunitária. No entanto, sua implementação encontrou entraves jurídicos e administrativos que acabaram por se refletir na prestação de contas das instituições beneficiadas. Buscando contribuir com a expansão dos Pontos de Cultura e aprimoramento do programa, esta pesquisa realizou um diagnóstico aprofundado destes problemas de implementação. A partir do levantamento das principais dificuldades encontradas pelos Pontos de Cultura na gestão dos recursos públicos e prestação de contas, a hipótese que norteou o desenvolvimento deste trabalho era a de que o repasse no formato de convênios não se adéqua à perspectiva inclusiva do programa, fazendo com que apenas as instituições dotadas de maior estrutura administrativa e experiência prévia na gestão de recursos públicos não apresentassem problemas na prestação de contas. Além disso, uma hipótese adicional era a de que um formato simplificado de repasse e prestação de contas - nos moldes do implementado pela rede estadual paulista de Pontos de Cultura - contribuiria para a diminuição do problema. Por meio da aplicação de um questionário junto aos Pontos de Cultura do estado de São Paulo, verificamos que a estrutura administrativa das instituições e experiência na gestão de recursos públicos não representaram fatores relevantes para a existência ou não de problemas na prestação de contas. Por outro lado, foram definidores destes problemas o formato de repasse e prestação de contas estabelecido pela parceria com o poder público, a capacitação recebida pelos gestores dos Pontos de Cultura e a comunicação com os órgãos gestores da política. Desmistificando o discurso de que o problema da prestação de contas deve ser atribuído à incapacidade administrativa dos Pontos de Cultura, apontamos para a necessidade de revisão dos instrumentos reguladores do programa e, mais amplamente, das políticas assentadas sobre a parceria do Estado com instituições da sociedade civil. / The Cultura Viva program, created by the Brazilian Ministry of Culture in 2004 is an innovative experiment in cultural policy that included historically marginalized groups in this field. By means of a direct funding to cultural associations\' self-demands, with no predefined objects, support for Pontos de Cultura (Culture Hotspots) became a reference policy for cultural democracy. Nonetheless, its implementation has found legal and administrative barriers in the difficulties face by recipient institutions to report expenses. Seeking to contribute to the expansion of Pontos de Cultura and improvement of the program, this research conducted a detailed study of the implementation issues. From the main difficulties reported by the Pontos de Cultura in the management of public resources and expenses reports, the hypothesis that guided the development of this work was that the transfer in the modality of convention does not fit the inclusive perspective of the program, so that only institutions with greater administrative structure and previous experience in the management of public resources could handle appropriately the expenses reports. An additional hypothesis was that a simplified form of convention - along the lines implemented by the state level Pontos de Cultura network - would reduce the problem. Through the application of a questionnaire to the Pontos de Cultura of the state of São Paulo, we found that the structure of institutions and administrative experience in the management of public funds was not relevant to their capability of doing apropriate expense reports. On the other hand, what did impact this capability was the format of the expense report, the training received by managers of Pontos de Cultura and communication with the government bureaucracy. Demystifying the discourse that the problem of doing appropriate expense reports must be assigned to the administrative incapacity of the Pontos de Cultura, we point to the need for revision of the regulatory instruments of the program and, more broadly, of the policies settled on the partnership between state institutions and civil society.

Nesta dissertação, investiga-se a difusão da cultura brasileira no exterior durante o período 2003-2010. Para isso, foi escolhida como objeto de pesquisa a Divisão de Operações de Difusão Cultural (DODC) do Itamaraty, principal órgão governamental responsável pela diplomacia cultural. Foram analisados os Atos Bilaterais de Cooperação Cultural assinados entre o Brasil e terceiros países, assim como os Programas de Difusão Cultural de 22 postos brasileiros no exterior, relacionando-os às políticas externa e cultural implementadas durante a gestão do Presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. O trabalho inclui a compilação de 220 documentos referentes ao Programa de Difusão Cultural, disponibilizada em CD ou por meio do link: http://bit.ly/PDC_YVES_FINZETTO / This essay investigates the diffusion of Brazilian culture in an international context between 2003 and 2010. For this purpose, the source of research chosen was the Division of Cultural Diffusion Operations run by the Itamaraty, which is the main gov- ernmental body responsible for cultural diplomacy. The material analysed were the Cultural Cooperation Bilateral Acts signed between Brazil and other parties, as well as the Cultural Diffusion Programmes run by 22 Brazilian posts overseas; these will be related to foreign and cultural policies implemented by president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva during his time in office. This work includes a compilation of 220 documents related to the Cultural Diffusion Programme, which is made available on CD or via the web link: http://bit.ly/PDC_YVES_FINZETTO

A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar a dinâmica histórica institucional do financiamento da cultura, no Brasil e na França, no âmbito federal e central, respectivamente. Dessa forma, procurou-se examinar o contexto histórico de ambos países, em quase 60 anos. A escolha desses países se deu devido às distintas abordagens ao tema. O caso francês remete à intervenção estatal e ao financiamento direto (orçamento público), enquanto o caso brasileiro apresenta maior ênfase no mercado privado e financiamento indireto, em especial o mecenato (leis de incentivo fiscal). Para tanto, empregou-se a teoria do Institucionalismo Histórico para entender o desenvolvimento do campo, analisando-se aqui a interação entre atores, interesses e idéias, o que nos permite identificar os acontecimentos que levaram a um gradual processo de mudança institucional. A fim de complementar a análise teórica foram coletados dados, por meio de análise bibliográfica e documental, e pela realização de entrevistas, o que permitiu a interpretação e sintetização das informações, diante de uma análise histórica descritiva, com o intuito de compreender o atual formato de financiamento para o campo cultural, resultando em um estudo comparado entre Brasil e França. Ao longo dessa pesquisa foi possível verificar que ambos os países utilizam as duas formas de financiamento, adotando assim um modelo misto para a cultura. Sendo assim, o presente estudo tem por finalidade apontar a dinâmica histórica do financiamento para a cultura no Brasil e na França, buscando assim contribuir para o debate de financiamento das políticas culturais / This research seeks to analyze the evolutionary process of financing culture in Brazil and France at both the federal and central level. Thus, its purpose is to examine the historical context of both countries in nearly 60 years. These countries were chosen because they provide different approaches to the subject. The French case refers to state intervention and to direct financing (public budget), while the Brazilian case emphasizes on the private market and indirect financing, especially patronage (fiscal incentive laws). To do so, we used the theory of Historical Institutionalism to understand the development of the field, analyzing here the interaction between actors, interests and ideas, allowing us to identify the events that led to a gradual process of institutional change. In order to complement the theoretical analysis, data were collected through bibliographical and documentary analysis and by conducting some interviews as well. This enabled us to interpret and synthesize the given information and mold it into a descriptive historical analysis, aiming to understand the current financing format for the cultural field, which resulted in a comparative study between Brazil and France. It was possible to verify in this research, that both countries use both financing forms, therefore adopting a mixed model for culture. Thus, this study aims to identify the evolution of financing for culture in Brazil and France, seeking to contribute to the debate of cultural policies financing

Neste trabalho analisamos a história do Instituto Cubano del Arte e Indústria Cinematográficos, primeiro organismo cultural criado após a Revolução cubana, e seu papel na política cultural, entre 1959 e 1991. Por meio da análise de documentos da política cultural, da revista Cine Cubano, além de depoimentos, críticas e alguns filmes que repercutiram especialmente os dilemas e questionamentos dos intelectuais cubanos, abordamos as tensões entre a política cultural oficial, o ICAIC e os projetos dos cineastas. Esse Instituto, pelo qual circularam muitos cineastas latino-americanos e europeus, foi palco de debates, disputas políticas e diversas polêmicas envolvendo filmes e tendências estéticas, como o realismo socialista e a nouvelle vague. Nossa tese é de que o ICAIC, pode ser considerado uma instituição privilegiada no meio cultural cubano, pois consolidou uma autonomia relativa em relação aos mecanismos de controle governamentais, por meio da ação dos cineastas e da mediação da direção do Instituto. Esta autonomia foi abalada, em diversos momentos, em função de fatores como a reestruturação do Estado, os fracassos econômicos e o acirramento do autoritarismo em Cuba, principalmente a partir dos anos 70. Ainda assim, o Instituto se readaptou às demandas políticas governamentais num jogo político de adesão e resistência à política cultural oficial, que tornou possível a produção de vários filmes ambíguos e críticos ao regime, ao longo desse período. / This work analyzes the history of the Cuban Institute for Art and Film Production (ICAIC) ? the first cultural organization created after the Cuban Revolution ? and its role in cultural policy between 1959 and 1991. Through the analysis of documents on cultural policy, the magazine Cine Cubano, in addition to testimonies, critiques and a set of films specifically relevant to the issues and dilemmas of Cuban intellectuals, the thesis delves into the tensions between official cultural policy, the ICAIC, and film makers? projects. Various Latin American and European film makers were involved with the institute, and it served as a forum for debate, political discussions and varied polemics related to film and aesthetic tendencies, including Socialist Realism and New Wave. The thesis proposes that ICAIC constituted a privileged institution in the Cuban cultural environment because ? through the action of film makers and the mediation of the Institute?s leadership ? it attained relative autonomy with respect to mechanisms of government control. This autonomy was unsettled, at different points, by factors such as state restructuring, economic failure and the entrenchment of authoritarianism in Cuba, especially from the 1970s onward. Still, the institute adapted to the demands of government policy through a political dynamic that alternated adhesion and resistance to official cultural policy, making possible the production of various films that were ambiguous and critical of the regime during that period.

O principal objetivo desta tese é discutir os modos de fazer cultura e política no contexto da construção de uma política nacional de cultura, promovida ao longo dos governos Lula (2003-2010) e Dilma (2011-2016). Com foco na atuação da chamada sociedade civil, e tendo por base uma etnografia que partiu de instâncias de participação vinculadas ao Ministério da Cultura (quais sejam: o Conselho Nacional de Políticas Culturais, seus colegiados setoriais e as conferências de cultura), a pesquisa mostra como a construção dessa política apenas foi possível graças à atuação dos representantes da sociedade civil, que constituíram um dos principais agentes a demandar e, assim, a disseminar a proposta inicialmente elaborada pelo MinC. Os fóruns participativos não foram tomados como totalidades a serem esquadrinhadas, mas como centros de gravitação a partir dos quais acompanhar os trânsitos de alguns representantes. Sendo nacionais, esses espaços congregavam sujeitos de diferentes estados, das cinco regiões brasileiras. O trabalho de campo correspondeu, então, a uma etnografia multi-situada, que seguiu o deslocamento de pessoas que viajavam para atender reuniões que ocorriam em cidades diversas, cruzando fronteiras entre as esferas da federação, e entre espaços associados ora ao Estado, ora à cultura. Tendo por inspiração trabalhos atentos às pragmáticas sociais, e associando referências de dois campos distintos da antropologia (de um lado, reflexões sobre política, Estado e políticas públicas, provenientes da antropologia da política; de outro, sobre a eficácia de aspectos formais ou estéticos, contribuição de uma antropologia da arte e de uma recente antropologia da burocracia), a presente tese analisa um conjunto extenso e variado de materiais. Foram considerados: o trânsito de pessoas; a circulação de ideias e modelos relativos à cultura e à política, corporificados em atas, relatórios, leis, organogramas e outros documentos; as metodologias e os procedimentos organizacionais utilizados para estruturar uma conferência ou para realizar uma votação; um conjunto de práticas e elementos oriundos dos universos culturais representados, que se fizeram presentes nos espaços participativos institucionalizados e que eram percebidos como uma maneira própria da cultura fazer política. Este trabalho revela, assim, a diversidade de práticas que constituem as experiências de democracia participativa na cultura, e mostra como a proliferação de espaços participativos resultou na criação de instâncias e agentes de difusão de entendimentos e modelos particulares de política cultural e de gestão pública. A tese permitiu ainda elaborar analiticamente o aparente paradoxo colocado pela existência concomitante de intensos fluxos (que cruzam, a todo momento, fronteiras) e de imagens totalizantes do que seja o Estado, a sociedade civil e a cultura brasileira, mostrando como é justamente através dos trânsitos que sujeitos, coletivos e categorias das políticas culturais se constituem relacional e simultaneamente. / The main objective of this dissertation is to discuss the ways of doing \"culture\" and \"politic\" related to the creation of a national cultural policy, that has had place during Lula (2003-2010) and Dilma (2011-2016) governments. Focusing on the so-called civil society, and based on an ethnography of participatory spaces related to the Ministry of Culture (namely: the National Council of Cultural Policies, its sectoral collegiates and the National Culture\'s Conferences), this research intends to show how the construction of this policy was possible thanks to the work of the civil society representatives, who became one of the main agents to demand and, thus, to spread the policy drawn up, at first, by the Ministry of Culture. The participatory forums were taken not as totalities to be scrutinized, but as gravitation centers from which follow the displacements of some representatives. As national institutions, these participatory spaces congregated people from different states, from all five Brazilian regions. The fieldwork corresponded thus to a multi-situated ethnography, which followed the movement of people who travelled to attend meetings that took place in several cities, crossing boundaries among the spheres of the Brazilian federation, and among spaces associated now to State, now to culture. The theoretical inspiration comes from works dedicated to analyze social practices, and associates contributions from two distinct anthropological field references: on one side, reflections on politics, State and public policy, from the Anthropology of Politics; on the other, reflections on the effectiveness of formal and aesthetic aspects, contribution of the Anthropology of Art and a recent Anthropology of Bureaucracy. This dissertation analyzes an extensive and varied set of materials. Are considered: the displacements of persons; the circulation of ideas and of models of culture and politics, embodied in minutes, reports, laws, organizational charts and other documents; methodologies and organizational procedures used to organize a conference or an election; a set of practices and elements derived of cultural universes, that were present in the institutionalized participatory spaces and that were perceived as culture\'s way of making politics. This work thus reveals the diversity of practices that constitute experiences of participatory democracy in the cultural field, and shows how the proliferation of participatory spaces resulted in the creation of instances and agents that worked out the dissemination of particular understandings and models of cultural policy and public management. The dissertation also examines the apparent paradox posed by the concurrent existence of intense flows (which cross many borders) and totalizing images of what would be a State, the civil society and the Brazilian culture, showing how it is precisely through the displacements that subjects, collectives and categories of cultural policies constitute themselves, in a relational way.