Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Antonio Paulo de Mattos Donadelli.pdf: 531803 bytes, checksum: 48e5527d5a698547fd47df0daee620e6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-14 / Democracy demands isonomic participation in the process of collective decision making. To this purpose it is necessary that the messages of mass media be plural, presenting multiple points of view and a sort of sources. The State must ensure that the citizens get access to multiple points of view and information, as well as the ideas of the main social actors be represented in the communicative environment - comprised by the media in which is the ensemble of communication of certain circle, as an analogy to natural environment . In practice, not every social group has the same access to the mass media. There is a distortion in the so-called free market ideas which is under the thumb of few senders, the major broadcast companies. This can be noted mainly in the scope of concessions of radio and television broadcast, which requires political support, in addition to technological structure, human, and financial resources, whose resources only the major broadcast groups have access to. The regulation of mass media, according to the Brazilian Constitution, must to pursue the democratization of mass media, the pluralism of its actors and to fight monopolies and oligopolies of communication. The Federal Constitution of 1988 envisaged, in the article 224, the creation of Social Communication Council (National), created by Law nº 8.389/91. Such rules aim to establish participation of civil society, in the context of making political decision regarding Social Communication likewise other constitutionally predicted councils, such as Health Council (article 77, Paragraph 3, of Federal Constitution), or the Advisory Board of the Fighting and Eradication Poverty Fund (article 79, sole paragraph of Federal Constitution and Supplementary Law 111 from 2001). This organism has a plural composition. It s composed by representatives of the main different media, technical members, and civil society representatives. Its constitutional function is to assist the National Congress in regulation of Communication. The Communication Social Council would be the mechanism to improve the pluralism of Social Communication in order to minimize the distortions caused by Communications Oligopoly and Monopoly. However, this Council faces juridical and practical issues. The Council was inoperative since the beginning of 2007, its activation happened just on August 2012. Moreover, it s limited to provide opinions that have no effect on decision made in the Social Communication scope. The opinions are considered as mere recommendation; most of the time it is not take in account by political organs. It is necessary to question the legal purposes of Legislative and Executive decisions taken with no consideration of Council position, in other hand the Council will never meet its Constitution role. This dissertation addresses these regulation issues of Social Communication by analyzing the legal power of decisions made by Social Communication Council. / A democracia exige isonomia de participação na formação das decisões coletivas. Para tanto é necessário que as mensagens na comunicação sejam plurais, refletindo diversos pontos de vista e diversos emissores. Deve-se garantir tanto que os cidadãos tenham acesso à diversidade de opiniões e informações, quanto que as ideias dos principais grupos estejam representadas no ambiente comunicativo - entendido como o conjunto da comunicação em determinado âmbito, numa analogia ao meio ambiente . Na prática nem todos os grupos têm o mesmo acesso aos meios de Comunicação Social, existindo uma distorção no chamado livre mercado das ideias que é dominado por poucos emissores, as grandes empresas de comunicação. Isso se vê principalmente no âmbito das concessões de rádio e televisão, que exige apoio político além de estrutura tecnológica, humana e financeira a que só os grandes grupos de comunicação têm acesso. A regulamentação da Comunicação Social, por força da Constituição de 1988, deve buscar a democratização dos meios de comunicação social, o pluralismo dos agentes e combater os monopólios e oligopólios comunicativos. A Constituição de 1988 previu, no artigo 224, a criação do Conselho de Comunicação Social (Nacional), órgão regulamentado pela Lei nº 8.389/91. Tais normas visam estabelecer a participação da sociedade civil, na tomada de decisões políticas no âmbito da Comunicação Social a exemplo de outros conselhos constitucionalmente previstos, como os Conselhos de Saúde (artigo 77, § 3º da CF), ou o Conselho Consultivo e de Acompanhamento do Fundo de Combate e Erradicação da Pobreza (artigo 79, parágrafo único da CF e Lei Complementar 111 de 2001). Esse órgão tem uma constituição plural. É composto de representantes dos principais meios de comunicação, além de representantes técnicos e da sociedade civil. Sua função constitucional é auxiliar o Congresso Nacional na normatização da Comunicação Social. O Conselho de Comunicação Social seria um mecanismo para aprimorar o pluralismo da comunicação social de forma a amenizar as distorções causadas pelos monopólios e oligopólios comunicativos. No entanto, enfrenta problemas de ordem prática e jurídica. O Conselho encontrava-se desativado desde o início de 2007 e só foi reativado em agosto de 2012. Ademais, é limitado a dar pareceres que não têm qualquer efeito sobre as decisões tomadas no âmbito da Comunicação Social. Os pareceres são vistos como meras recomendações por vezes nem levados em conta pelas instâncias de decisão política. É necessário questionar a validade jurídica das decisões legislativas e executivas tomadas sem consideração da posição do Conselho, caso contrário o Conselho nunca chegará a cumprir sua função Constitucional. O trabalho aborda essas questões de regulamentação da Comunicação Social analisando a força jurídica das decisões do Conselho de Comunicação Social.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T12:54:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAO_JURACI GUIMARAES JUNIOR.pdf: 1228773 bytes, checksum: b734e287f93009610a0ea40190ad0ee2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-30 / The possibility and intensity of judicial review of participatory democracy in the popular initiative bill from the judgment by the Supreme Court of the Brasil of LC 135-2010, Law of Clean Record. After dealing the concept and evolution of direct and representative democracy to participatory democracy. Analyze the contours of democracy in the Brasil Federal Constitution of 1988 and the tension between democracy and the rule of law. Discuss to the various theoretical approaches to democratic deliberative aspects proceduralists and substantialists. The second step is to describe the political rights as fundamental rights, its concept, features and restrictions procedure. In a third step we discuss the legitimacy of judicial review in a democracy, addressing the various existing currents and contextualizing the legal reality and brazilian politics. Finally, it explains on the LC 135-2010, its participatory democratic formation and critically analyzes the reasons for the decision of the Brasil Supreme Court which ruled their (in) constitutionality. / A possibilidade e intensidade do controle judicial da democracia participativa no projeto de lei de iniciativa popular, a partir do julgamento pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal da Lei da Ficha Limpa. Inicialmente, aborda-se o conceito e evolução da democracia direta e representativa até a democracia participativa. Analisa-se os contornos da democracia na Constituição Federal de 1988 e a tensão entre a democracia e o Estado de Direito. Debata-se as diversas correntes teóricas democráticas até as vertentes deliberativas procedimentalistas e substancialistas. O segundo momento consiste em descrever os direitos políticos como direitos fundamentais, seu conceito, características e procedimento de restrição. Em um terceiro momento discute-se a legitimidade do controle judicial de constitucionalidade numa democracia, abordando as diversas correntes existentes e as contextualizando na realidade jurídica e política brasileira. Por fim, explana-se sobre a Lei da Ficha Limpa, sua formação democrática participativa e se analisa criticamente os fundamentos da decisão do Supremo Tribunal Federal que julgou a sua (in)constitucionalidade.

The nation state has over time become the natural locus for democracy and consequently also legitimate governance. Both concepts have been developed within the nation state and are therefore considered closely connected to it. Nation states are, however, not the only actor on the international arena anymore. The European integration is an example of a new actor, where nation states have started collaborating. Similar to nation states, EU has decision-making authorities and must therefore attain legitimacy. The thesis questions how legitimacy can be treated within an entity such as the EU. Three different ways of attaining legitimacy are brought up. The first perceives EU as legitimate in its current design with an intergovernmental part and a regulatory part. The intergovernmental part is claimed to be legitimised through democracy from the member states, and the regulatory part is legitimised through non-majoritarian democracy. Non-majoritarian democracy implies decision-making by independent institutions, which relies on expertise and fairness. The second part emphasises the need to enhance democracy for the EU to become legitimate. The EU is considered too similar to a nation state to make do with lesser standards of legitimacy than a liberal democratic nation state. Deliberative democracy could bring legitimacy through creating a dimension where citizens become oriented towards what can be perceived or acknowledged as the “common good” through active participation in deliberative processes. Federalism is brought up as another alternative that would possibly permit for democracy to be practiced in the EU. Legitimacy is claimed to be achieved through sustaining values such as mutual respect, reciprocity, compromise and toleration, values that are connected to a commitment to working for the “common good”. The purpose of this essay is to describe different aspects on the concept “legitimacy” in the EU context and to show how it is achieved and/or how it can possibly be achieved in a future union of nation states. The purpose is not to arrive at a solution, or even to construe a common ground, but to construe a limited insight on how “legitimacy” in the EU can be treated according to theorists/theories. / Nationalsstaten har kommit att bli den naturliga platsen för demokrati och legitimt styre. En trolig förklaring till detta är att båda koncepten har utvecklats inom nationsstaten och anses därför vara starkt sammankopplade med den. Nationalsstater är dock inte längre den enda aktören på den internationella arenan. Den Europeiska integrationen är ett exempel på en ny företeelse, ett forum/sammanhang där nationalsstater har börjat sammarbeta. Som med nationsstater har EU beslutsfattande befogenheter och måste därför uppnå legitimitet. Uppsatsen ifrågasätter hur legitimitet kan behandlas inom en enhet såsom EU. Tre olika sätt att uppnå legitimitet tas upp. Det första uppfattar EU som legitimt i sitt nuvarande utförande med en mellanstatlig del och en reglerande. Den mellanstatliga delen skulle kunna legitimeras genom medlemsstaternas demokrati, och den reglerande delen legitimeras genom ”icke-majoritets demokrati”. ”Icke majoritets demokrati” innebär beslutsfattande av självständiga instutitioner, som förlitar sig på experter och rättvisa som värdegrund. Den andra delen framhåller behovet av att öka demokrati för att ska bli EU legitimt. Enligt detta synsätt är EU alltför likt en nationsstat för att klara sig med en lägre standard av legitimitet än en liberaldemokratisk nationsstat. Deliberativ demokrati skulle kunna bringa legitimitet genom att tillföra en dimension där medborgare, genom aktivt deltagain i deliberativa processer, blir orienterade mot lösningar som uppfattas och erkänns som ”allmänt goda”. Federalism tas upp som ytterligare ett alternativ. Legitimitet anses kunna uppnås genom upprätthållandet av värden såsom gemensam respekt, ömsesidighet, kompromisser and tålamod. Värden som är kopplade till åtagandet att sträva mot ”det allmäna goda”. Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att beskriva olika aspekter av legitimitetsbegreppet i EU och att visa på hur legitimitet uppnås eller kan uppnås i en framtida union av nationalstater. Uppsatsen gör varken anspråk på att tillhandahålla klara lösningar eller ens att föreslå en gemensam bas av möjliga sådana, men att erbjuda läsaren en begränsad insikt i hur legitimitet behandlas utifrån några teoretiska perspektiv, och av några teoretiker.

ABSTRACT Citizendialogue in the District of Rasbo A Case Study in the Municipality of Uppsala Author: Camilla Östlund Supervisor: Stig Montin The essay is written inside the scope of Örebro Universitys evaluation of the new organisation in the municipality of Uppsala. The purpose of this essay is to study the citizendialogue in the district of Rasbo. This will be done partly by an examination of how the participants themselves perceive citizendialogue. Their descriptions are put in relation to deliberative democracy and its critics amongst other. Partly by study how those involved have choosen to put it into practice. The opponents of the reorganization chose to start a non-profit association, Rasbo in co-operation, to carry on local mobilization and it will be compared with other similar groups. The municipality of Uppsala arranged a citizens forum in the district of Rasbo and the essay will examine how the participants experienced it. The study is based upon a total of 19 semistructured interviews with politicians and officials in the municipality of Uppsala and also working members of Rasbo in co-operation. The overall result of the analysis is that the politicians and the officials as well as the members of the association support the form of actions that endorse the representative system and look att citizendialogue as a tool to regenerate it and make it better. Rasbo in co-operation has almost everything in common with similar groups including a contradictory view on politics. The association has the important requirements for local mobilization, dedicated people, a positive collective identity and a constructive relation to the municipality. The participants of the citizens forum liked the way the forum was arranged and enjoyed the evening. But there was some problem between the unicipality and the association in connection with the preliminaries before the event. There is also some deficiency in the follow-up. Keyword: local democracy, citizendialogue, deliberative democracy, local mobilization, citizens forum, Uppsala, Rasbo, Rasbokil, Stavby, Tuna.

Concerns about the feasibility of the Internet as an appropriate venue for deliberation have emerged based on the adverse effects of depersonalization, anonymity, and lack of accountability on the part of online discussants. As in face-to-face communication, participants in online conversations are best situated to determine for themselves what type of communication is appropriate. Earlier research on Usenet groups was not optimistic, but community-administered moderation may provide a valuable tool for online political discussion groups who wish to support and enforce deliberative communication among a diverse or disagreeing membership. This research examines individual comments and their rating and moderation within a week-long "Pie Fight" discussion about community ownership and values in the Daily Kos political blog. Specific components of deliberation were identified and a content analysis was conducted for each. Salient issues included community reputation, agreement and disagreement, meta-communication, and appropriate expression of emotion, humor, and profanity. Data subsets were analyzed in conjunction with the comment ratings given by community members to determine what types of interaction received the most attention, and how the community used the comment ratings system to promote or demote specific comment types. The use of middle versus high or low ratings, the value of varied ratings format, and the use of moderation as a low-impact means of expressing dissent were also explored. The Daily Kos community members effectively used both comments and ratings to mediate conflict, assert their desired kind of community, demonstrate a deliberative self-concept, and support specific conditions of deliberation. The moderation system was used to sanction uncivil or unproductive communication, as intended, and was also shown to facilitate deliberation of disagreement rather than creating an echo chamber of opinion.

Inspired by the barriers to social integration between aboriginals and non-indigenous people in Taiwan, as well as the limitations of representation and participation in national politics, and extending to turn deeply to aboriginal identity recognition and related movements, this dissertation adopts liberalism as grand background and takes scholarly scientific theory constructivism to illustrate the meanings and applicability of discourse analysis method in order to investigate textual materials notably official documents including the Constitution and Acts, press releases as well as academic articles about how those materials describe indigenous peoples. Additionally, through the deployment of practical theories such as (post) colonialism, multiculturalism, representative democracy and deliberative democracy to interpret social and political facts in Taiwan. The author has found that the description of indigenous people in Taiwanese statute through the change from inequitable titles to relatively respectful takes into account the acceptability of aboriginals. The integration of indigenous Taiwanese in society is still persisting and causes troubles for the routine life of aboriginals. Furthermore, it has been observed that the recognition of aboriginal identity hinders the willingness and possibility of indigenous peoples to participate in national politics. Meanwhile, the national global status impact on indigenous peoples has been evident.

Most researchers and democracy theorists who define what democracy is or should be, agree that civic participation is the core of a democracy. Without citizen participation, there would be no democracy. The broad participation in political processes symbolizes the idea of political equality. A high level of political participation among citizens is usually seen as a sign that democracy is functioning satisfactorily. Unfortunately, today's political reality, on the other hand, shows that actual democracy does not reflect the democratic ideal models. The economic and social gaps in society largely explain how participatory activity is distributed among the citizens. The purpose of this master's thesis, which is a case study, has been to study the political equality in the e-proposal process within Linköping municipality. This means that the socio- economic representativeness among the proposers has been studied between the years 2016 and 2021. Furthermore, the geographical spread of the proposals has been studied between the years 2016 and 2018, together with the political priority areas of the proposers.  A web survey was conducted to gather information on the proposers’ socio-economic conditions. In total, the survey was answered by 207 respondents. This survey has contributed to either verifying or falsifying the research hypothesis. The hypothesis states that it is mainly socio-economically resourceful individuals who submit Linköping proposals. In summary, the study shows that it has been particularly resourceful individuals who have submitted Linköping proposals. Furthermore, the proposals are intended to be implemented in areas where the socio- economic standard is relatively high. The study has also shown that the proponents to a large extent (80.9 percent) have requested initiatives that relate to urban planning issues and culture and leisure. Finally, the results of the study illustrate that the approvals mainly refer to socio- economically strong areas. In conclusion, the empirical results of the study have contributed to the hypothesis being verifiable, as it has mainly been socio-economically resourceful individuals who have submitted Linköping proposals.

Abstract (version française suit)<p>Although the EU is a privileged point of focus for political science studies, its discursive activity has not received all the attention it deserves. This corpus analysis adopts a descriptive approach, based on the Neo-Aristotelian trend in argumentation theory, by using both analytical categories of classical rhetoric and (emic or etic) categories that belong to the conceptualization of the debate entertained by its own participants. The corpus consists of public interventions by representatives of the three main EU Institutions (Commission, European Council and Parliament). The speeches were pronounced between June and December 2005. Since it is discussed every seven years, the topic of the Financial Perspectives offers the possibility of making diachronic comparisons; it also allows identifying values, projects and means of the European construction at a rhetorical level. The last six months of 2005 followed two significant events: the conflicting attitudes of European Governments regarding the Iraq war and the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty by referendums.<p>In the absence of any other metaphysical or natural foundation, the technocratic enterprise provides the European project with a rational and secular justification that is not always assumed as such, though, by the presidents of the Commission. The conceptual metaphors stemming from the preambles to the treaties convey the idea that European integration will be achieved by triggering a gradual process that should lead to the realization of an ultimate aim.<p>From a rhetorical point of view, the Financial Perspectives are in need of legitimacy. In 2005, the rhetorical invocation of dates/milestones, abundantly used by former presidents of the Commission, does not seem to work anymore. Both the requirement of unanimity in the legislative procedure and the habitus of European deliberation make it necessary to find an agreement; this consequently promotes “consensus” as a meta-communicational argument. The notion of a “consensus” runs against such theoretical (epistemological) and pragmatic objections that it proves imperious to wonder about its origin and roots. One should take into account not only scholarly conceptions of “consensus” (Habermas, the Deliberative Democracy movement), but also naïve and popular visions of it.<p>The EU Institutions are aware of the difficulty they meet in awakening citizens’ interest, and they have developed their Communication Policy in order to give themselves the means to overcome this obstacle. A systematic reflection on their strategy should take into account the divergent opinions of Moravscik and Hix, as well as the possibility of grounding the EU project anew on a revival of ancient homonoïa.<p>DISCLAIMER. The content of this thesis represents solely the views of its author and cannot in any circumstances be regarded as the official position of the European Commission.<p><p><p><p><p><p><p>Résumé<p>Quoique l’Union Européenne (UE) soit un objet de prédilection pour les politologues, son activité discursive n’a pas reçu toute l’attention méritée.<p>La thèse offre une analyse de corpus effectuée sur base d’une grille de lecture incluant des catégories rhétoriques étiques et émiques. Elle adopte une approche descriptive puisée dans le versant néo-aristotélicien de l’étude de l’argumentation. Le corpus a été constitué d’interventions publiques tenues par les représentants des trois principales Institutions Européennes (Commission, Conseil Européen, Parlement Européen) entre juin et décembre 2005. Le sujet des Perspectives Financières, débattu à intervalles réguliers, permet des comparaisons diachroniques ;il permet aussi de contraster les valeurs, les projets et les moyens de la construction européenne. La conjoncture des six derniers mois de 2005 présente la particularité supplémentaire que le projet de Traité Constitutionnel venait d’être rejeté et que les gouvernements européens s’étaient auparavant divisés sur l’intervention en Irak.<p>En l’absence d’un fondement métaphysique ou naturel, l’entreprise technocratique fournit au projet politique européen une justification rationnelle et laïcisée, même si elle n’est pas assumée explicitement en tant que telle par tous les présidents de la Commission. Les métaphores conceptuelles mobilisées dans les préambules des traités traduisent le fait que l’unification européenne devrait s’accomplir à la fois par l’entremise de réalisations progressives et à travers la poursuite d’un objectif lointain.<p>Sur le plan rhétorique, les Perspectives Financières sont en manque d’une légitimité emblématique. La clause des rendez-vous, des étapes cruciales, abondamment utilisée dans le passé par les présidents de la Commission, cesse de fonctionner en 2005. La nécessité d’un accord, issue tant de la lettre de la procédure législative par unanimité que de la coutume des délibérations, est devenue matière à un argument méta-communicationnel qui en est arrivé à englober toute circonstance susceptible de faciliter le « consensus ». Cette dernière notion soulève des réticences théoriques (épistémologiques) et pragmatiques qui imposent de s’interroger sur son origine. La problématisation que nous avons opérée tient compte non seulement des conceptions savantes du « consensus » (Habermas, courant de la Démocratie Délibérative), mais aussi de ses variantes populaires ou vulgarisées.<p>Les Institutions Européennes sont conscientes de la difficulté qu’il y a à motiver l’intérêt citoyen, et elles ont voulu, à travers leur Politique de Communication, se donner les moyens de dépasser cet obstacle. La thèse mène, à ce propos, une réflexion plus générale qui tient compte des avis opposés de Moravcsik et Hix, et d’une éventuelle refondation dans l’homonoïa de la rhétorique classique.<p>DISCLAIMER. Le contenu de cette thèse représente le point de vue de son seul auteur et ne peut en aucune circonstance être considéré comme la position officielle de la Commission Européenne. <p> / Doctorat en Langues et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Thesis (PhD (Education Policy Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Dissertation presented for the degree Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) at Stellenbosch University. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this critical-hermeneutical inquiry into schools as learning organisations I use the service provision model of the Western Cape Education Department (WCED) as an exemplification of the concept of a learning organisation. In this inquiry, which is conceptual in nature, I explore whether their service provision model is sufficient to turn schools into learning organisations. With the establishment of Education Management and Development Centres (EMDCs) in the Western Cape, the WCED expressed its intention to develop schools in the Western Cape into learning organisations. I do a literature review to develop a conceptual framework of a learning organisation. From the literature review I constructed five constitutive meanings of a learning organisation. These meanings serve as conceptual lenses to explore how schools can be developed into learning organisations. Furthermore, I analyse some of the WCED service provision policies against the five constitutive meanings. These constitutive meanings include quality, inclusivity, collaborative teamwork, communication and power, which determine if the WCED policies are consistent with its objective to develop schools into learning organisations. Through my analysis I found that the WCED‟s policies are not compatible with all constitutive meanings. This led me to conclude that the WCED‟s understanding of a learning organisation is fundamentally and conceptually flawed as the WCED‟s service provision model operates within a controlled and regulated environment at the expense of internal school development. Interviews and the interpretation of data further reveal that the WCED‟s service provision model is not adequate to develop schools into learning organisations. This flawed understanding may have resulted partly in the WCED‟s adoption of a single, unitary managerialist approach to their service provision model because of the strong emphasis on compliance rather than cooperation that should exist between schools and the WCED. Based on the constitutive meanings I constructed for a learning organisation, I conclude that a managerialist approach serves the WCED‟s interest more than it serves the interest of teachers and classroom practice. The main argument of this study is that a communicative deliberative idea of democracy could reconceptualise the WCED‟s inadequate understanding of a learning organisation. A key aspect of developing schools into learning organisations may begin with instituting better lines of communication which should include elements like reflexive discussion, communicative freedom, consensus and decision-making processes. These elements form the basis of what constitutes a learning organisation. This reconceptualised notion of a learning organisation can best be done through deliberative democracy with its emphasis on public argumentation with equal opportunity with the aim of arriving at an agreed judgement. This study suggests that the WCED adopts a communicative deliberative idea of democracy as a notion of communication which is a more ideal vehicle that could assist in developing schools into learning organisations. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie kritiese verklarende ondersoek rondom skole as leerorganisasies gebruik ek die Wes-Kaapse Onderwys Departement se diensleweringsmodel as ʼn voorbeeld van die konsep van ʼn leerorganisasie. Hierdie ondersoek is konsepsioneel in wese en bepaal of die WKOD se diensleweringmodel voldoende is om skole in leerorganisasies te ontwikkel. Met die daarstelling van Onderwys en Bestuur Ontwikkellings Sentrums (OBOSSE) in die Wes-Kaap het die WKOD sy voorneme om skole in die Wes-Kaap in leerorganisaies te ontwikkel uitgedruk. Derhalwe doen ek ʼn literêre oorsig om ʼn konseptuele raamwerk van ʼn leerorganisasie te ontwikkel. Vanuit hierdie literêre oorsig het ek vyf kontitutiewe betekenisse naamlik (kwaliteit, inklusiwiteit, samehorige spanwerk, kommunikasie en mag) geїdentifiseer wat ʼn leerorganisasie saamstel. Hierdie konstitutiewe betekenisse dien as waarneembare lense om vas te stel in hoe ʼn mate skole in leerorganisasies kan ontwikkel, en of die WKOD se diensleweringmodel strook met sy oogmerk om skole in leerorganisasies te ontwikkel. Ek analiseer vervolgens sekere WKOD diensleweringbeleide teen die konstitutiewe betekenisse om die relevansie om skole in leerorganisasies te ontwikkel vas te stel. Deur hierdie analise het ek ontdek dat nie alle beleide ten volle aan die vereistes van die konstitutiewe betekenisse voldoen nie. Derhalwe kom ek dus tot die gevolgtrekking dat die WKOD se siening van ʼn leerorganisasie fundementeel en konseptueel foutief is omdat die WKOD se diensleweringmodel werk binne die raamwerk van ʼn beheerde en gekontroleerde omgewing tot die nadeel van die interne ontwikkeling van skole. Die onderhoude se interpretasie in verhouding met die vyf konstutiewe betekenisse en beleidsdokument het verdere inligting aangaande die hoofnavorsingsvraag of die WKOD se dienslewering model genoegsaam is om skole in leerorganisasies te ontwikkel verskaf. Ek argumenteer dat hierdie skewe siening (beeld) mag gedeeltelik daartoe bygedra het tot die WKOD se enkel eensydige bestuurstyl tot hul diensleweringmodel as gevolg van die sterk klem op onderdanigheid eerder as samewerking wat ʼn ideale spangees tussen skole en die WKOD teweeg kan bring. Op grond van die konstitutiewe betekenisse wat ek geformuleer het, doen ek aan die hand dat die WKOD se diensleweringmodel hulself bevoordeel, eerder as die belange van onderwysers en klaskamer praktyk. Derhalwe doen ek ʼn paar aanbevelings aan die hand om hierdie leemtes aan te vul en voorsien riglyne om skole in leerorganisasies te ontwikkel. Die hoofargument van hierdie ondersoek is dat beraadslagende demokrasie die WKOD se siening van „n leerorganisasie aansienlik kan verbeter. „n Sleutel aspek van die ontwikkeling van skole in leer organisasies mag begin by die instelling van beter vorme van kommunikasie wat elemente soos reflektiewe besprekings, kommunikatiewe vryheid, konsensus and besluitneming insluit. Hierdie elemente vorm die basis van wat ʼn leer organisasie behels. Dit kan derhalwe die beste gedoen word deur beraadslagende demokrasie met sy klem op publieke argumentering met gelyke geleenthede en die klem op die daarstelling van ooreenstemmende oordeel. Hierdie studie suggereer that die WKOD die idée van beraadslagende demokrasie as ʼn beginsel van kommunikasie moet aanneem wat die mees ideale vorm van demokrasie is wat hulle kan ondersteun om skole in leer organisasies te ontwikkel.

The thesis explores the potential of African higher education institutions in assisting the New Economic Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) in its quest to affectively achieve its goals. My contention is that higher education institutions need to be favourably positioned in terms of institutional autonomy and academic freedom to assist the achievement of the NEPAD goals. Moreover, there is a need for deliberative democracy, if the NEPAD goals are to be achieved affectively, especially from the perspective of higher education institutions.