From an institutionalized conception of contemporary intellectuals as silent or absent, the aim of this thesis is to analyse how the representation of the intellectual changed from a hero of reason to a more or less absent actor. Descriptions of intellectuals that were initially analysed which showed that the representation of the intellectual, besides being linked to modernity, contained a relationship between the individual actor and political power, a relationship which could be traced back to ancient myths. Using discourse theory and concepts primarily from Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, the dissertation demonstrates how the discourse of intellectuals changed the representation content in relation to the myth of the postmodern and to the myth of the modern society. In relation to the modern intellectual, the discourse linked the representation with elements as reason, freedom and politics. Texts written after the linguistic turn or the myth of the postmodern describe intellectuals as specific, bourgeois, academic and politicized. This makes the representation impossible in relation to the initial establishment. The main contribution of the thesis to research on the discourse of intellectuals is the myths bearing on how intellectuals can or should act and how the representation can be described. The notion of the intellectuals can only be understood in an already existing discourse based on what an intellectual should do or be.

In our thesis we will discuss political philosophy of Slavoj Žižek. Our aim is to explore his thoughts in the context of searching for an emancipatory strategy for 21st century. In first par of our thesis we will concentrate on the analysis of functioning of capitalism from the perspective of Lacan's discourse of university. Then we will move to the criticism of static subject in Marxism and dispersed subject in thoughts of post-Marxist radical democrats. We will continue to so called communist hypothesis. In second part of our thesis we will discuss how Žižek's theoretical approach affects his position to the three selected social conflicts and movements. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

samenvatting Dit proefschrift vormt een poging van een discourstheoretische literaire analyse van het werk van Charlotte Mutsaers (1942). Charlotte Mutsaers schriftuur wordt vaak grillig genoemd. In dit proefschrift heb ik onder meer aangetoond dat de grillige, niet-lineaire schriftuur bij Mutsaers eerst en vooral een kritische dimensie heeft. Mutsaers ontregelt taal en de resulterende vreemde taal daagt de bestaande orde uit. Gevestigde hiërarchieën zoals die tussen mens en dier kunnen hierdoor op losse schroeven worden gezet. In deze analyse worden diverse ontregelende procédés zoals het rizomatische schrijven, het anagram, de opsomming, de digressie en de associatie nader onder de loep genomen. Als referentiekader dient de discourstheorie van Ernesto Laclau en Chantal Mouffe. De discourstheorie helpt om de kritische dimensie van Mutsaers schriftuur beter aan het licht te brengen. Résumé Cette dissertation est une analyse littéraire de lécriture de lauteur néerlandaise Charlotte Mutsaers (1942). Le style de Mutsaers est souvent caractérisé de grillig, c'est-à-dire capricieux, chaotique. Toutefois, on na jusqu'à présent que rarement spécifié en détail en quoi cette écriture est si capricieuse. Dans ce travail, jai essayé détablir un inventaire des stratégies discursives dérégularisantes dans luvre de Mutsaers. Jai observé des techniques comme lécriture rizomatique, lénumération, lanagramme, la digression et lassociation. Par son écriture volontairement désordonnée (doelgerichtige grilligheid), Mutsaers propose des logiques alternatives à ses lecteurs. Pour Charlotte Mutsaers écrire revient toujours à provoquer. Comme cadre théorique, jai utilisé, entre autres, la théorie du discours dErnesto Laclau et de Chantal Mouffe. Cest surtout le côté critique de luvre de Mutsaers qui est examiné en profondeur dans ce doctorat. summary This thesis offers a literary analysis of the work of the Dutch author Charlotte Mutsaers (1942). Mutsaers style is often called grillig, a word meaning chaotic or capricious. In this analysis I have tried to show to what extent this chaotic, digressive style of writing is, first and foremost, a critical one. With her associative, non-linear, rhizomatic style Mutsaers subverts many hierarchies, such as that between humans and animals. I have analysed some of these subversive techniques: rhizomatic writing, association, enumeration, digression and anagram. The theoretical framework of this analysis is provided by the discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. This theory helps to emphasize the critical, subversive dimension of Mutsaers work.

This thesis discusses the Indignados movement, which arose in Spain in 2011, in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis. It makes the observation that the Indignados, and many other movements similar to it (like Occupy Wall Street, the Arab Spring, or the Global Justice Movement), gather large amounts of people, but are still struggling to be recognised as political subjects, as influential forces in the political environment. Many times, they are criticised for being too dispersed or too emotional, and lacking the cohesiveness to formulate concrete political aims. The Indignados can therefore be seen as challenging democracy and how political subjectivity is accorded, both in theory and practice. This leads this thesis to inquire into some of the theoretical underpinnings of democracy, and in particular political subjectivity. Its main research question is therefore: Can the Indignados spur a new reading of democracy?To further understand how we can conceive of the political subjectivity of an emotional and dispersed protest movement, this thesis turns to two approaches, social movement theory as well as deliberative democratic theory. After having examined extant literature on the matter, the thesis concludes that both of these approaches employ a distinct separation between emotion and reason, where political subjectivity is almost always hinged upon the latter. In addition, affect is seen as disjointed from signification, and therefore from political articulation. In order to circumvent this theoretical stalemate, this thesis turns to theories of radical democracy, and more specifically to the works of Ernesto Laclau. It argues that Laclau’s juxtaposition of Lacanian psychoanalysis and Derridian deconstruction opens up possibilities for a form of political subjectivity based on affect instead of reason alone. As such, Laclau’s theory of hegemony can shed light on those instances where affect and emotions play a central part in the creation of political subjectivity. In analysing Laclau’s theory, I respond to different analytical challenges that question the viability of explaining movements such as the Indignados through a theory of hegemony. Current observations point to that contemporary movements are not hegemonic (which place too much emphasis on verticality), but rather horizontal and networked. In order to address this critique, this thesis constructs a framework of the hegemonic project. This framework emphasises two commonly overlooked features of Laclau’s theory: the affective and transient nature of hegemony, which stresses the connection between affect and signification. Through two sets of empirical data – ethnographic fieldwork material and social media analysis – the thesis shows how the Indignados exhibit clear instances of verticality, albeit of an affective nature. This hegemonic, affective verticality speaks of two ways in which the movement can construct political subjectivity: viscerally (through unity in affective practices) and virtually (through social media).

Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka värden som yrkesroll och värdskapet som praktik inom en svensk kontext, med målsättningen att studera arbetsförhållanden, anställningsvillkor och arbetsuppgifter, samt på en övergripande nivå de diskurser som värdar är aktiva inom. Studien presenteras i fyra delar, varav en fallstudie av konsthallen Artipelag är dess utgångspunkt. Dessutom presenteras en historisk tillbakablick på konsthallen Rooseums värdmetodik under åren 1988-1995, en rikstäckande enkätundersökning med 35 medverkande konsthallar och museer samt en undersökning av aktivt värdskap som metod, där verksamheten på Bonniers Konsthall och Göteborgs Konsthall utgör primära exempel. Intervjuer, deltagande observationer, interna dokument och externt kommunikationsmaterial har i huvudsak utgjort studiens källmaterial och metod, och diskursteorin utifrån Ernesto Laclau och Chantal Mouffe dess teoretiska ramverk. De tre perspektiven värdskap som ritual, värdskap som pedagogik och värdskap som service verkar som organiserande princip för undersökningen, men utgör även dess resultat. Perspektiven representerar tre aspekter av värdskapet, vilka belyser dess rituella och diciplinerande verkan i utställningsrummet, dess pedagogiska potential och avsikt samt dess serviceorienterade profil och upplevelseekonomiska anknytning.

The first aim of the thesis is to demonstrate the structural congruence between the discourse theory, as is formulated in the work of political philospoher Ernesto Laclau, and the Lacanian psychoanalytical discouse. Moreover, we claim that any potential attempt to remove or omit the theoretical connection with Lacanian thinking from Laclauan work is illegitimate and thwart a coherence of this work. Through this demonstration we want to reach our second aim, which is to reconstruct a theory of discourse and ideology in particular which can consistently draw upon theories of both Jacques Lacan and Ernesto Laclau. To reinforce our argumentation in context of this second aim, it turned out to be very fruitful to introduce another contemporary thinker, Slavoj Žižek, to our theoretical exposition. Joining these two aims made possible a delineation of post-structurally and at the same time psychoanalytically oriented critical political theory of ideology and society.

I denne opgave undersøges diskursen hos lærere og ledere i forbindelse med lærerkonflikten i Danmark i 2013. Med en diskursanalytisk tilgang inspireret af Chantal Mouffe og Ernesto Laclau undersøges lederartikler i fagbladene Plenum og Folkeskolen før, under og efter konflikten. En analyse af den retoriske situation og et særligt fokus på metaforer, som udtryk for såkaldte strukturelle landskaber, supplerer den diskursanalytiske metode. I en sammenfattende diskussion af analysens resultater vurderes forskellige udtryk for hegemoni indenfor diskurserne. Hvor skolelederne tydeligt skelner mellem skolereform og overenskomstforhandlinger gør lærerne det ikke. Lærernes og skoleledernes forskellige diskurser forholder sig ikke direkte antagonistisk til hinanden, men skaber til gengæld basis for en fremtidig selvstændig organisering for lederene udenfor Danmarks Lærerforening. / This study examines the discourses of teachers and principals regarding the teacher’s conflict in Denmark 2013. The methodological approach inspired by Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau examines editorials published by the unions (Danmarks Lærerforening and Skolelederforeningen) before, during and after the conflict. Furthermore metaphorical concepts and the rhetorical situation are subjects of analysis. Finally the results of the analysis are discussed in regard to aspects of Mouffe and Laclau´s theories on hegemony.

Muslims and islam are unquestionably a part of European social life. In recent times, however, different events, such as the enlargement of the EU and the fact that muslims to a higher extent demand their rights, have brought a number of questions to the fore concerning muslims and islam in Europe. Moreover, we can see an increasing level of islamophobia in contemporary Europe, but also that the EU has launched several programs to increase both the diversity and the unity throughout the Union and to combat islamophobia. However, most of these programs focus on islam as religion and muslims in general, and such a narrow viewpoint runs the risk of missing important issues. In this new context it would be interesting to widen the scope and ask what place not only the muslim community and islam, but also sharia (an important element in islam), may have in future Europe – especially when it comes to muslim identity? My main objects are to see how the concept of sharia is constructed in the debates in the European Parliament, how that discourse relates to a social practice – the increasing islamophobic ideas in Europe – and what effect this may have on muslim identity in a European context. The results shows that the Parliament constructs sharia as, for example, something archaic, threatening, inhuman and misogynistic. In that sense, the discourse fits in with the predominant order of discourse regarding islam and muslims (in Europe) – and strengthen it. Though my results are neither absolute nor uniform, they show, persuasively enough, that sharia (as it is seen by the Parliament) is not consistent with and can not be included in or accepted by “European norms and values”. However, this must be said with one reservation: sharia is not always excluded as a whole. Still, it is not difficult to maintain that it is sharia as such that activates the (negative and) excluding connotations. Thus, an “approved” European muslim identity, as it seems, can not have too close connections with sharia, if (any) at all. Moreover, there is a risk that muslims themselves take on a restricting practice concerning their identity. In all, this will to a large extent circumscribe the possible muslim identities in Europe. To form a substantial and really pluralistic diversity in Europe, the EU, and others, must liberate itself from the logic of these discourses. But this is not an easy thing to do. One way that might be profitable, is to challenge the prevailing discourse with new narratives – narratives and voices that for the most part must come from the muslims themselves. Despite the fact that these voices do exist, as has been shown, the question is how and under what circumstances they can be seen – or rather heard. Unfortunately the answer is not to be found in this thesis; the need of further research is obvious.

Muslims and islam are unquestionably a part of European social life. In recent times, however, different events, such as the enlargement of the EU and the fact that muslims to a higher extent demand their rights, have brought a number of questions to the fore concerning muslims and islam in Europe. Moreover, we can see an increasing level of islamophobia in contemporary Europe, but also that the EU has launched several programs to increase both the diversity and the unity throughout the Union and to combat islamophobia. However, most of these programs focus on islam as religion and muslims in general, and such a narrow viewpoint runs the risk of missing important issues. In this new context it would be interesting to widen the scope and ask what place not only the muslim community and islam, but also sharia (an important element in islam), may have in future Europe – especially when it comes to muslim identity? My main objects are to see how the concept of sharia is constructed in the debates in the European Parliament, how that discourse relates to a social practice – the increasing islamophobic ideas in Europe – and what effect this may have on muslim identity in a European context. The results shows that the Parliament constructs sharia as, for example, something archaic, threatening, inhuman and misogynistic. In that sense, the discourse fits in with the predominant order of discourse regarding islam and muslims (in Europe) – and strengthen it. Though my results are neither absolute nor uniform, they show, persuasively enough, that sharia (as it is seen by the Parliament) is not consistent with and can not be included in or accepted by “European norms and values”. However, this must be said with one reservation: sharia is not always excluded as a whole. Still, it is not difficult to maintain that it is sharia as such that activates the (negative and) excluding connotations. Thus, an “approved” European muslim identity, as it seems, can not have too close connections with sharia, if (any) at all. Moreover, there is a risk that muslims themselves take on a restricting practice concerning their identity. In all, this will to a large extent circumscribe the possible muslim identities in Europe. To form a substantial and really pluralistic diversity in Europe, the EU, and others, must liberate itself from the logic of these discourses. But this is not an easy thing to do. One way that might be profitable, is to challenge the prevailing discourse with new narratives – narratives and voices that for the most part must come from the muslims themselves. Despite the fact that these voices do exist, as has been shown, the question is how and under what circumstances they can be seen – or rather heard. Unfortunately the answer is not to be found in this thesis; the need of further research is obvious.

This thesis investigates the counter-hegemonic formation of Danish-based transnational feminist curatorial collective Kuratorisk Aktion in a single-case study. It serves as a unique example, presenting how the collective engages to overcome the existing gap between curatorial aims and the implementation through curating. Their work and approach is shaped highly by their political mindset, aiming to resist tendencies of depoliticisation, right-wing populism or neoliberalism with the means of curating. Chantal Mouffe’s theory of radical democracy and her deliberations and notions concerning agonisms, citizenship, feminism, counter-hegemonic interventions and activism through art are used in order to contextualise and discuss the possibilities and limitations of the political work by Kuratorisk Aktion. An interview with the collective conducted by scholar Angela Dimitrakaki in 2010 as well as their realised curatorial projects enhanced the argumentation. The analysis exemplified, that over the years Kuratorisk Aktion has developed their personal and exceptional curatorial paradigm, which is able to counteract hegemonic structures. This reveals their radical democratic potential and aspiration through curating and the curatorial.