The study seeks to explore the assigned role of culture in the discourse of sustainable development. It combines a conceptual-historical analysis of the concept of cultural sustainability and sustainable development with an analysis of ideas with cultural policy models as a theoretical tool as ideal types. It addresses cultural sustainability as an essentially contested concept, maps a context of leading contributions to the meaning and conceptual history of cultural sustainability and sustainable development and applicates Fornäs four cultural concepts to address different meanings of cultural sustainability. The concept is then explored in its absence in A New European Agenda for Culture by the European Commission. The study also explores how the agenda is implemented in projects throughout the Swedish participation in the Creative Europe program and how it effects the meaning of cultural sustainability. The role of culture in A New European Agenda for Culture seems to be an instrumental view of the capacity culture possesses in bringing people together and to bring creativity into businesses, which also is represented in Creative Europe. The instrumental view of culture and the esthetic cultural concept that permeate cultural policy, may influence the ability for cultural sustainability to be accepted as the fourth pillar of sustainability.

Cette thèse a pour objet de comparer le contrôle des concentrations tel qu’il est exercé en France et au Japon afin de souligner les différences et les points communs des deux systèmes en la matière. Cette comparaison s’effectuera tout d’abord sur le plan de la conception du contrôle, afin d’examiner quels types d’opérations constituent une opération de concentration faisant l’objet du contrôle, ce dans les deux systèmes étudiés. Cette étude sera suivie de la comparaison de l’analyse des opérations de concentrations, afin de déterminer les critères d’appréciation des opérations en France, en Europe et au Japon. Enfin il sera procédé à la comparaison des procédures et des décisions prononcées dans les deux systèmes. Cette thèse tient compte dans sa partie française des nouveautés apportées par la Loi de Modernisation de l’Economie (loi LME), et dans sa partie japonaise de la réforme de la procédure du contrôle des concentrations du 6 juin 2011 afin de rendre compte des dernières avancées en la matière. Elle s’attarde également sur l’état du contrôle européen des concentrations, celui-ci ayant une place fondamentale dans le système français / This thesis aims at comparing the merger control currently enforced in France and Japan in order to highlight the differences and common views of both systems in this field. This comparison will first focus on the conception of said control, in order to determine which kinds of mergers are targeted by merger control in both jurisdictions. This study will be followed by the comparison of the analysis of mergers, in order to determine the rationale used for the evaluation of mergers in France, Europe and Japan. Finally, we shall compare the merger control procedures and rulings of those systems. This thesis is based on the French antitrust law reform of August 4th, 2008 (loi “LME”), as well as the Japanese merger proceedings reform of June 14th, 2011 in order to give an insight on the newest developments in the merger control field. Because of its fundamental part in French antitrust law, this thesis also focuses on European merger control.

The purpose of this study is to analyze if the workmethods in the European Commission's crisis management had post-bureaucratic characteristics, more specifically less hierarchy, horizontal communication, collective decision-making and own responsibility, during the Greek debt crisis 2010-2015. To carry out an analysis this study identifies four characteristics of a post-bureaucratic organization, in order to use the theory as a tool to clearly identify if there are any post-bureaucratic characteristics in the Commission's workmethods during the Greek crisis 2010-2015. The material used in the study is based on published reports from the European Parliament, European Court of Auditors, International Monetary Fund and the European Commission where facts on the European Commission’s crisis management are presented. This study's analysis shows that post-bureaucratic characteristics can be identified on the workmethods the Commission used in some situations during the Greek debt crisis 2010-2015. The study's conclusion is summarized by the fact that the European Commission’s workmethods in relation to post-bureaucratic characteristics are only found in some instances. Therefore the study can not conclude that the European Commission is a post-bureaucratic organization during the Greek crisis 2010-2015.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This study demonstrates application of the demand/supply model that derives from the three failures theory to the study of partnership effectiveness, showing that effective partnership is a partnership that provides each partner with assets that help them spend fewer resources on achieving their goals than when working alone, by compensating for each other's weaknesses while maximizing their own strengths. The study uses public-private partnership (PPP) in humanitarian settings as a unique opportunity to investigate partnership as a process and contribute to a nascent collaboration theory. The study shows that factors that define effective PPP during different stages of disaster relief are similar. However, different stages of partnership require different levels of compensation mechanisms from partnership participants to ensure that both actors maximize their strengths while achieving their missions. As a result, different stages of partnership call upon different combinations and degrees of factors affecting partnership effectiveness. This research uses descriptive data and inferential analysis, based on interviews with 10 representatives of humanitarian agencies that partner with the European Commission's Humanitarian Aid and Civil Protection Office. It gives scholars and practitioners of philanthropy insights into the question: "how to give?" It also provides collaboration research and public policy with guidance on how to create stronger partnerships and increase the likelihood of better collaboration outcomes as well as how to better deal with hazards in order to mitigate disaster outbreaks.

Following the rise of social media, the world has found itself in a hyperconnected state. Through the press of a button, it is today possible to reach every corner of the world. This has brought opportunities for freedom and liberation, but in the past years it has also become a danger for these ideas. The rise of disinformation has been declared a major threat to democracy and our society by several major institutions, one of them being the European Union. They have also made it clear that the tech companies, through whose products disinformation primarily spreads, not only inadequately prevent it, but also question if they have enough incentive to do so. The executive branch of the EU, the European Commission, has therefore put forth an action plan in which they outline their work going forward in mitigating the crisis. Comparing with previous research on the vital parts of disinformation, there are heavy indications that the EU’s work will focus on reactionary measures; discovery and sharing of data on ongoing disinformation campaigns between neighbouring and Member States, as well as societal media literacy efforts. For now, due to what seems to be a fear of over-regulating freedom of expression, the responsibility to battle creation and spread is left to the Code of Practice on Disinformation, a plan created by tech companies that hold the platforms that are center in the spread of disinformation. After a first yearassessment, the EU indicates that the results of this Code of Practice is unsatisfactory, and further action might be needed. / Med uppkomsten av sociala medier så befinner sig världen nu i ett hyperuppkopplat tillstånd. Genom ett simpelt knapptryck är det idag möjligt att nå hela världen. Med detta har vi sett möjligheter till en förhöjd frihet, men under de senaste åren finns det också exempel på när just idéer som dessa har satts under hård press. Ökningen av desinformation har förklarats ett stort hot mot demokrati och dagens samhälle av flera stora institutioner, en av dem den Europeiska Unionen. De har gjort tydligt att stora teknikbolag, genom vilkas produkter desinformation i synnerhet sprids, inte bara gör för lite för att förhindra det, men också ifrågasätter ifall de har tillräckligt med incitament för att göra det. EU:s verkställande gren, Europeiska Kommissionen, har därför satt fram en handlingsplan där de redogör för sitt arbete för att hantera krisen. I en jämförelse med tidigare forskning om de mest vitala delarna av desinformation så finns det tunga indikationer att EU:s arbete kommer att fokusera på reaktionära åtgärder: upptäckande och delning av data mellan grannländer och medlemsstater om pågående desinformationskampanjer, samt ansträngningar för samhällskunskap så som källkritik. I vad som verkar vara en rädsla för överreglering av yttrandefrihet lämnas ansvaret för bekämpningen av skapande och spridning till en desinformationspraxis skapad av de teknikföretag som har de plattformar som är centrala i spridningen av desinformation. Efter en första årsutvärdering indikerar dock EU att resultaten dittills ej är tillfredsställande, och att ytterligare åtgärder kan vara nödvändiga.

Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka vilka problem och möjligheter Kemikalieinspektionens anställda upplever i arbetet medmiljömålet Giftfri miljö och dess delmål. Detta för att bättre förstå komplexiteten i miljömålsarbetet och vilka drivkrafter och barriärer som finns iarbetet. För att göra detta har fem respondenter från Kemikalieinspektionen genom ett strategiskt urval valts ut till kvalitativa semistruktureradeintervjuer som varade mellan ca 30-60 min i omfattning. Som komplement till dessa intervjuer har även fyra rapporter från Naturvårdsverketanalyserats. Dessa är: uppföljningsrapporterna från 2005, 2010, 2015 och den fördjupade utvärderingsrapporten för 2015. Detta med avgränsningtill de kapitel som behandlande Giftfri miljö och etappmålen. Materialet har sedan analyserats och tematiserats med inriktning på de problem ochmöjligheter som vi kunnat se. Resultatet av denna analys gav tillslut 9 teman som är: Giftfri miljö, Etappmålen för farliga ämnen, Samordning,Företagsansvar, Produktionsökning och diffusa produktinnehåll, Det komplexa Reach, Styrmedel, Skadliga ämnen i miljön, EU och EUkommissionen.Det största hindret för miljökvalitétsmålet Giftfri miljö, är att det egentligen inte alls är ett definierat mål utan snarare en vision,vilket alla våra respondenter förtydligade under intervjuerna. 2020 har aldrig vart en realistisk tidsram för att miljömålet ska kunna bli uppnått.Problematiken som vi ser det med att nå Giftfri miljö ligger i målets struktur. Efter denna studie ser vi i stället hur etappmålen kan fungera som ettsteg på vägen men att miljökvalitetsmålet är allt för orealistiskt och kanske istället borde formuleras om till en vision. / This paper aims to examine the problems and opportunities that the employees at The Swedish Chemicals Agency experience in theirwork with the environmental objective A Non- Toxic Environment. We want to get a better understanding of the complexity of the environmentalobjectives and the driving forces and barriers that exist in the workfield. To do this, five respondents from The Swedish Chemicals Agency wasselected through strategic selection and later interviewed through qualitative semi-structured interviews, which lasted between 30-60 minutes. As acomplement to these interviews four reports by the Environmental Protection Agency has also been analyzed. These are: annual monitoring reportsfrom 2005, 2010, 2015, and one the in-depth evaluation report from 2015. We have limited ourselves to the chapters about toxic environment andits environmental objective milestones. The material has then been analyzed and thematized with a focus on the problems and opportunities thatwe have seen through analyze. The result of this analysis eventually gave 9 themes: The environmental objective Non-toxic environment, Theenvironmental objective milestones for harmful substances, Coordination, Company responsibility, Production increase and diffuse productcontent, The complex REACH, Policy instruments, Harmful substances in the environment, and EU and the European Commission. The biggestobstacle to the objective of non-toxic environment is that it is not really a defined goal but rather a vision, which all of our respondents expressedduring the interviews. 2020 has never been a realistic time frame for this quality objective Non-toxic environment. The problem as we see it has todo with the structure of the environmental quality objective in question. By this we mean that none of the respondents actually see theenvironmental objective as anything that can be achieved. After this study we can see how the environmental objective milestones can serve as astepping stone, but that the environmental quality objective is unrealistic and should instead be made into a vision.

This research project seeks to gauge the autonomous power of the European Commission within the Open Method of Coordination (OMC), a new mode of governance coined at the Lisbon European Council in March 2000 and based on the principle of the voluntary cooperation of Member States. Two cases form the basis of this inquiry, namely, quality in work, a policy issue addressed under the banner of the European Employment Strategy, and child poverty and social exclusion, a key item on the agenda of the OMC for Social Inclusion. A primary impetus at the heart of this project is one of ontological pluralism. Rejecting a zero-sum interpretation of the rationalist/constructivist debate, this study constitutes a plea for a conversation across paradigms. The domain-of-application model employed here works by preserving the integrity of individual theories while specifying a particular scope condition under which constructivist and rationalist insights are likely to prevail. Selecting two cases on the basis of the critical scope condition of issue sensitivity, a central postulate informing this integrative research design is that high issue sensitivity (quality in work) invites strategic interaction among pre-constituted social actors driven by a behavioural logic of utility-maximization, while low issue sensitivity (child poverty and social exclusion) allows for a fundamentally norm-guided behaviour. Concretely, in effecting this theoretical dialogue, two sets of causal hypotheses are examined. On the one hand, rational choice institutionalism (principal-agent theory) offers a number of suppositions about the Commission’s institutional power, that is, its ability to transform the conditions of action of self-seeking national governments. On the other hand, sociological institutionalism conceptualizes the Commission’s productive power (i.e. its power to constitute the interests and identities of individual agents) through the lens of discourse analysis. Testing theoretical predictions against collected data makes plain the superior explanatory value of independent variables and causal mechanisms of rationalist lineage in capturing the essence of the Commission’s autonomous power in the case of quality in work and the congruity of sociological institutionalism’s original conjectures in the area of child poverty and social exclusion. Crucially, this strict correspondence corroborates the pertinence of the critical scope condition of issue sensitivity in delineating the explanatory ambit of both theories and attests to the co-existence of different forms of autonomous power wielded by the Commission within the framework of the OMC.

"Thèse présentée à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Docteur en droit (LL.D) et à l'Université Jean Moulin en vue de l'obtention du grade de Docteur en droit" / Les États européens n'ont, jusque dans les années 90, envisagé leur défense que dans le cadre d'alliances militaires et restaient maîtres de leur défense nationale. La mise en place d'une politique européenne de défense a toujours connu des obstacles, reflets des problèmes de souveraineté. Dans l'Union européenne, l'intégration politique, et en particulier celle de la défense, reste le domaine le plus incertain. Cette thèse de nature essentiellement empirico-descriptive aborde le thème de la défense européenne sous une approche réaliste, en plaçant les États au centre de la construction européenne et en en faisant les acteurs principaux. Depuis 1992, les États tentent de définir une politique européenne de défense mais rencontrent différentes difficultés. En effet, la politique européenne de défense souffre d'un double déficit. Le premier est un déficit institutionnel puisque la P.E.D. est loin d'être une politique commune et se limite à un mécanisme de coopération. Le second est un déficit matériel puisque l'Union européenne n'a pas la puissance militaire pour mettre en oeuvre une éventuelle décision commune. Afin d'évaluer les perspectives d'évolution d'une politique européenne de défense, nous devons étudier les différents défis que les États et les institutions communautaires doivent relever pour combler ces deux déficits. Les défis d'ordre institutionnel concernent les multiples acteurs, États et institutions, qui interviennent dans la définition de la P.E.S.D. Il s'agit de déterminer quelle instance est la mieux à même d'assurer la représentation internationale de l'Union européenne afin de donner l'impulsion politique nécessaire de la P.E.S.D. Les défis d'ordre militaire concernent les moyens que les différents acteurs souhaitent engager afin de concrétiser la politique définie. Toutes ces discussions montrent la justification d'un système européen de défense mais la question est de savoir si les États, acteurs centraux de la construction européenne, sont prêts à relever ces défis. / Up until the 1990's, the European States have solely thought of their security forces inside military alliances as they kept control of their national defense. The putting in place of a European defense policy has always met obstacles, which reflect the problems linked to the preservation of sovereignty. The political integration in Europe remains uncertain, mostly when it comes to common defense. With an empirical and descriptive manner, this thesis depicts the European defense theme in a realistic approach, by placing the States in the middle of the European construction and by giving them the main role. Since 1992, the States tried to lay down a European policy of defense, but they encountered various difficulties. Indeed, the European policy of defense suffers from a double deficit. The first is institutional since the European Defense Policy is far from being part of a common policy and is strictly a cooperation mechanism. The second is a material deficit since the European Union doesn't have a military force to implement a common decision. In order to evaluate the possible evolution of a European defense policy, we had to study the various challenges that the States and institutions must face in order to address those two deficits. The institutional challenge concerns the multiple actors, States and institutions, which intervene in the definition of E.P.S.D. This part will try to identify which institution would be best capable of ensuring the international representation of the European Union and to give the political impetus necessary to the putting into place of the E.P.S.D. The military challenge concern the means that the different actors would engage in order to concretize the policy. Ali these discussions show the justification of a European system of defense, but the question remains as to whether the States, central figures of the European construction, are ready to take up these challenges.

The goal of this diploma thesis is to define the European political parties. The thesis has been divided into five chapters, which are further subdivided. The reason why I have chosen this topic is quite simple - to analyse the current status of the European political parties and introduce them to wider audience not to be confused anymore with political groups in the European Parliament. In the first chapter the thesis brings a brief definition of the legal constitution of political groups in the European Parliament. For many years there has been confusion between the concept of a European political party and political group, so the thesis defines the political groups and its position in the European Parliament in order to create a basis for their differentiation from the European political parties. The second chapter is devoted to create a definition of the European political party and to bring the legal regulation of the European political parties. The thesis focuses also on the variability of their legal base in the treaties of the European Union (legal base before the Treaty of Lisbon, legal base in the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe and legal base in the Treaty of Lisbon). The third chapter is dedicated to legal issues of the European political parties. Emphasis was put on...

The need to improve the economic governance of the EU occurred during the financial crisis when many member states experienced recession. The fact that each member state was influenced differently shows us the two main weaknesses of the EMU: economic heterogeneity of the member states and deep public debt. Existing fiscal rules were proved to be ineffective and unenforceable. The topic of this master thesis is the analysis of the impact of the economic governance reform on the position of the European Commission. The thesis deals only with one aspect of the reform- the budgetary surveillance framework. The thesis explains that this reform was necessary for improving of the EMU and it deals with the impact of this reform on the position of the European Commission. The analysis is based on the comparison of legal acts concerning the budgetary surveillance framework before and after the reform.