Univ., Habil.-Schr. u.d.T.: Topan, Angelina: Der Entscheidungsprozess in der Europäischen Kommission aus der Perspektive der modernen Institutionenökonomik: am Fallbeispiel der europäischen Regionalpolitik--Hamburg, 2004.

Les États européens n'ont, jusque dans les années 90, envisagé leur défense que dans le cadre d'alliances militaires et restaient maîtres de leur défense nationale. La mise en place d'une politique européenne de défense a toujours connu des obstacles, reflets des problèmes de souveraineté. Dans l'Union européenne, l'intégration politique, et en particulier celle de la défense, reste le domaine le plus incertain. Cette thèse de nature essentiellement empirico-descriptive aborde le thème de la défense européenne sous une approche réaliste, en plaçant les États au centre de la construction européenne et en en faisant les acteurs principaux. Depuis 1992, les États tentent de définir une politique européenne de défense mais rencontrent différentes difficultés. En effet, la politique européenne de défense souffre d'un double déficit. Le premier est un déficit institutionnel puisque la P.E.D. est loin d'être une politique commune et se limite à un mécanisme de coopération. Le second est un déficit matériel puisque l'Union européenne n'a pas la puissance militaire pour mettre en oeuvre une éventuelle décision commune. Afin d'évaluer les perspectives d'évolution d'une politique européenne de défense, nous devons étudier les différents défis que les États et les institutions communautaires doivent relever pour combler ces deux déficits. Les défis d'ordre institutionnel concernent les multiples acteurs, États et institutions, qui interviennent dans la définition de la P.E.S.D. Il s'agit de déterminer quelle instance est la mieux à même d'assurer la représentation internationale de l'Union européenne afin de donner l'impulsion politique nécessaire de la P.E.S.D. Les défis d'ordre militaire concernent les moyens que les différents acteurs souhaitent engager afin de concrétiser la politique définie. Toutes ces discussions montrent la justification d'un système européen de défense mais la question est de savoir si les États, acteurs centraux de la construction européenne, sont prêts à relever ces défis. / Up until the 1990's, the European States have solely thought of their security forces inside military alliances as they kept control of their national defense. The putting in place of a European defense policy has always met obstacles, which reflect the problems linked to the preservation of sovereignty. The political integration in Europe remains uncertain, mostly when it comes to common defense. With an empirical and descriptive manner, this thesis depicts the European defense theme in a realistic approach, by placing the States in the middle of the European construction and by giving them the main role. Since 1992, the States tried to lay down a European policy of defense, but they encountered various difficulties. Indeed, the European policy of defense suffers from a double deficit. The first is institutional since the European Defense Policy is far from being part of a common policy and is strictly a cooperation mechanism. The second is a material deficit since the European Union doesn't have a military force to implement a common decision. In order to evaluate the possible evolution of a European defense policy, we had to study the various challenges that the States and institutions must face in order to address those two deficits. The institutional challenge concerns the multiple actors, States and institutions, which intervene in the definition of E.P.S.D. This part will try to identify which institution would be best capable of ensuring the international representation of the European Union and to give the political impetus necessary to the putting into place of the E.P.S.D. The military challenge concern the means that the different actors would engage in order to concretize the policy. Ali these discussions show the justification of a European system of defense, but the question remains as to whether the States, central figures of the European construction, are ready to take up these challenges. / "Thèse présentée à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Docteur en droit (LL.D) et à l'Université Jean Moulin en vue de l'obtention du grade de Docteur en droit"

Of the findings, the European Commission established in its report on Energy Sector Inquiry, market manipulation constituted a major concern for the functioning and integrity of EU energy sectors. The Commission argued that the responsibility for high prices in wholesale energy markets could be attributed to manipulative practices of energy incumbents and the trust in the operation of operation of sector was largely compromised, due to these practices. Remedies, EU competition law provided, were considered as insufficient to resolve these shortcomings and thus should be supplemented with regulatory-based tools. The findings of the Energy Sector Inquiry and subsequent consultation documents by multiple EU institutions paved the way for the adoption of the Regulation on wholesale energy market integrity and transparency, REMIT, which incorporated into an anti-manipulation rule, specifically designed to prohibit and prosecute manipulative practices in EU wholesale energy markets. Nevertheless, as EU case law on market manipulation has yet to develop and there are uncertainties with respect to the concept of market manipulation. Furthermore REMIT does not preclude the jurisdiction of EU competition law, questions arise as to the scope and the extent of the application of this prohibition. Throughout its chapters, this book explores the scope of and the case law on market manipulation to determine what types of market practices are regarded as manipulative and thus prohibited under anti-manipulation rules. It also focuses on the interplay between REMIT and EU competition law and evaluates factors and circumstances that determine when and what market misconduct can be subject to enforcement proceedings under both anti-manipulation and antitrust rules. As the development of a single, coherent, rulebook that can be relied upon by market participant is fundamental for the functioning of EU wholesale energy markets, the book, finally, provides proposals and measures that can mitigate and resolve the legal uncertainties regarding the regulatory framework REMIT established.

[pt] Com o objetivo de estudar a questão da aquiescência às normas no sistema internacional, esta pesquisa enfoca o projeto da União Européia (UE), e mais especificamente da Comissão Européia, para o alargamento do bloco para a Europa Central e do Leste (ECL). A UE criou normas de condicionalidade para a adesão dos países da ECL, que incluíam uma economia de mercado, democracia liberal e respeito aos direitos humanos. Através de ações da Comissão Européia, a UE trabalhou para que os países da ECL cumprissem essas normas. Os autores que trabalham com a questão da aquiescência costumam dividir-se entre os defensores do uso de sanções (enforcement) e os que defendem a busca de soluções para situações de violação da regra (administração). Segundo esta última perspectiva, uma estratégia que vise administrar a aquiescência por meio de construção de capacidades e transparência deve ser mais eficaz em garantir o cumprimento da norma. A hipótese desta pesquisa é a de que as ações da Comissão para o alargamento pautaram-se pela administração da aquiescência às normas de condicionalidade. / [en] With the goal of studying compliance in the international system, this research focuses the project of the European Union (EU), and more specifically of the European Commission, for the enlargement to the Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs). The EU established conditionality norms for membership of those countries, which included a market economy, liberal democracy and respect to the human rights. Through actions of the European Commission, the EU worked so that the countries of CEE accomplished those norms. The debate about compliance is framed in terms of contending perspectives: enforcement theorists, who advocate the coercive use of sanctions, and the management scholars, who advocate a problem- solving approach. According to the latter, a strategy that seeks to manage compliance through capacity building, rule interpretation, and transparency is more effective in guaranteeing compliance than a coercive one. The hypothesis of this research is that the actions of the Commission for the enlargement were based on the management perspective of compliance with the conditionality norms.

Information has always been strategically relevant for the European Commission, especially during the last thirty years with discussions about a gap in communication and the possible democratic deficit propagating. For that reason, communication was introduced as a policy after 2000. In order to reach specific interests in the Union, the Commission highlighted the importance of the partnership with civil society in 2005 through the “Plan D for Democracy, Dialogue and Debate” and its “going local” approach. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the communication strategy of the EU through the lens of one of its regional communication instruments, the Europe Direct relays of information. The relays are a first-hand portal for the citizens to enter into the Union not only by acquiring information but also by transferring their comments and suggestions to Brussels. They form, therefore, a debate platform between citizens and institutions under a European “public sphere.” Nevertheless, research has identified two critical points in their function: the host structure, which intervenes in their administration role, and the European Commission, which provides them with financial support and information services. This thesis seeks to ascertain the success or not of the relays in relation to those two variables. In order to achieve that, the Spanish study case is examined. It will be finally verified if, according to the guidance of the European Commission, the relays fulfill their role in fostering national involvement in supranational activities.

Combining insights from critical discourse analysis (CDA) and neo-Gramscian IPE theory, this paper puts forth a cultural political economy (CPE) perspective to analyse the discursive articulation of ‘European subjects’ in the context of the EU’s Lisbon Agenda modernisation strategy. It is suggested here that the transformation proposed in Lisbon to the new economic imaginary of the knowledge based economy (KBE), depends on ‘new subjects’ and thus new discursive constructions of identities to reflect the new economic and social formations it envisions. The citizenship discourses of two of the Lisbon Agenda’s main supporters, specifically European business lobbies (represented by the ERT and LCEC) and the EU Commission, are examined in order to explore the relationship between citizenship rights and responsibilities and the two main goals of the Agenda, namely economic competitiveness/growth and social inclusion/social welfare protection modernisation. The argument is made that the discursive articulation of a ‘neoliberal communitarian’ variant of citizenship, especially evident in the discourses of the EU’s business lobbies and the EU Commission since the ‘shift’ to jobs and growth in early 2005, represents an attempt to further the commodification of the EU polity, and as a result, subordinate the more social goals of the Lisbon Agenda to the perceived imperatives of economic growth and competition. The Lisbon Agenda does not therefore mark a dramatic ‘turning point’ in favour of a more ‘social Europe’ as was speculated early on, but instead works to consolidate the dominance of ‘embedded neoliberalism’ as the socio-economic governance model for the EU. The paper ends with a discussion of the possible counter-hegemonic movements challenging the orthodoxy of embedded neoliberalism and neoliberal communitarian conceptions of citizenship.

This master thesis ”Urban Mobility in the 21st Century” gives an insight into the challenges that come with car usage in today’s society. Even though decision makers are trying to encourage people to use other means of transport, the car is still the predominant choice of transport for many people. With this thesis I have tried to answer the question of why people generally prefer to commute and travel by car instead of using public commuting systems. The answers to this question are many. Different scientists have given their view of why people generally prefer to travel by car. One of the explanations is given by Zygmunt Bauman. He argues that we live in a society that demands consumption of both travel and merchandise as well as experiences. In this the car becomes the ultimate choice of transport, due to its apparent sense of speed, flexibility and safety. This appealing sense of speed, flexibility and safety also partly explains why people prefer to use the car, instead of public commuting systems. The society we live in today is complex with many activities spanning a wide geographical area, giving the car many advantages both in flexibility and speed. The decision makers in the European Commission, the Swedish government and the British government have tried to handle this usage of the car in different ways, sometimes by encouragement in using other means of transport, and other times by hard measures like road pricing or increased tax on petroleum. When analyzing these different methods and comparing with the dominating theories on urban mobility, I found that some methods are more successful than others and also that certain methods can have side effects that are less desirable.

The role of the Court of Justice of the European Union in the process of direct tax integration in the European Union (EU) has been widely discussed in the academic literature, while another important actor, the European Commission, has attracted much less attention. The Commission’s input is commonly perceived to be limited to the right of legislative initiative. This study questions such an oversimplified interpretation and draws a more nuanced picture of EU tax harmonisation by integrating an analysis of the complex regulatory approaches adopted by the Commission for the establishment and smooth functioning of the Internal Market. It is argued that the past decade brought a notable change in the Court-dominated pattern of direct tax integration. This change is apparent first in the evolution of enforcement strategies under Articles 258 and 260 TFEU; and second, in the increased reliance upon non-binding regulatory measures. Both developments have strengthened the role of the Commission, supplying it with more possibilities for influencing national direct tax systems, despite the reluctance of Member States to agree upon legislative harmonisation. Against this background, the procedural and substantive problems associated with these instruments require closer examination. The normative scope of this research covers the key procedural problems related to the infringement procedure and non-binding regulatory measures. The empirical component explores the Commission’s enforcement and coordination practices, drawing particular attention to two case studies: the tax treatment of losses in cross-border situations and exit taxation. Following the analysis of enforcement and coordination in the field of direct taxation, the study argues the need and proposes potential solutions for (i) the developing of a more comprehensive procedural framework for the infringement procedure and non-binding regulatory acts; (ii) the strengthening of accountability mechanisms; and (iii) the enhancing of the effectiveness of their application.

This thesis is engaged in the analysis of powers and obligations of the European Commission and national courts in connection with the enforcement of the rules on competition aplying to undertakings especially articles 81 and 82 of The Treaty establishing the European Community, their development and anticipated amendments. Briefly it coniders the connection between the powers of the European Commission and national competition authorities and differences between them too, in particular the question criminal sanctins in competition law.

L’appréhension des aides d’Etat par le droit de l’UE se singularise par sa triple dimension économique, politique et juridique. Leur volume, qui demeure important, la multiplicité de leurs formes, et surtout les lourds enjeux engageant la souveraineté nationale font des aides d’Etat une matière sensible nécessitant un cadre juridique spécifique qui doit s’adapter au fur et à mesure que les politiques de l’UE deviennent de plus en plus intégrées. La Commission européenne, qui dispose en la matière d’un pouvoir discrétionnaire, détermine au cas par cas, ou dans des lignes directrices, orientations, communications, et règlement général d’exemption catégorielle, les conditions de compatibilité des aides au Traité, et au-delà impose aux Etats comme aux entreprises des obligations de faire, ou de ne pas faire.Le droit des aides d’Etat est remarquable par son ampleur (il vise tous les secteurs d’activité économique et même au-delà), sa richesse, son renouvellement. Il n’est pas seulement un cadre réglementaire destiné à clarifier les exigences de l’UE vis-à-vis des Etats membres et des entreprises, même si quantitativement, c’est son rôle majeur. Il est aussi et surtout un moteur, un outil d’intégration privilégié, dont la teneur n’est pas étrangère aux interrogations sur la nature de l’UE. Il contribue de façon notable à la construction et au renforcement des politiques de l’UE, qui une fois développées, lui impose certains impératifs. Cet enrichissement réciproque est destiné à rester pour toujours d’actualité. / The apprehension of State aids by EU Law singularises by its economical, political and legal dimension. Their volume, which remains important, the multiplicity of their forms, and especially the high issues engaging the national sovereignty brings to consider State aids as a sensitive subject requiring a specific legal framework which has to adapt itself as the EU Policies become more and more integrated. The European Commission, which has in this field a discretionary power, determines case by case, either in guidelines, orientations, communications, or general block exemption regulation, the conditions of State aids compatibility to the Treaty, and beyond imposes on States as on companies of obligations to do, or not to do.State Aids Law is remarkable by its scope (it aims at every sectors of economic activity and beyond), its wealth, its renewal. It is not only a regulatory framework intended to clarify the EU requirements towards Member States and companies, even if quantitatively, it is its major role. It is also and especially an engine, a privileged tool of integration, the content of which is not foreign to the questioning on the nature of the EU. It contributes in a considerable way to the construction and the intensification of EU policies, which once developed, imposes it certain imperatives. This mutual enrichment is intended to stay forever of current events.