冷戰結束後，由於蘇聯的崩解，致使中亞地區權力出現真空狀態。中亞新興獨立的五個國家援引俄羅斯、美國、中國等外力，來協助國家的進步。俄羅斯自詡為中亞的保護者，並且認為中亞為其勢力範圍。美國為霸權擴張、西方式民主鼓吹者，致力於反恐戰爭與中亞資源的開發。中國的崛起需要的是中亞區域的穩定以及中亞各國與中國的相互合作。本研究試圖透過中亞本身內部安全、資源、民族、文化等因素以及外部國際環境變化，來探討俄、美、中三國與中亞五國之間的關係發展與演變。 / After the cold war, the disintegration of the Soviet Union has caused a power vacuum situation in Central Asia. The five newly independent Central Asian states have cited external forces, including Russia, the United States and China, to assist their own countries’ progress. Russia treats itself as Central Asia’s protector, and considers Central Asia under its sphere of influence. As a hegemony expansionist and western-style democracy promoter, the US strives for anti-terrorism and the extraction of natural resources in Central Asia. For China’s rise, China needs regional stability and maintains mutual cooperation with Central Asian states. This study explores Central Asian states’ relationship with Russia, America and China through domestic security, natural resources, nationalities, cultures, and international situation.

This paper deals with the main geopolitical aspects of India-Bangladesh relation. It covers the process of creation of the Indo-Bangladesh border, problems originating from its constitution including the Cooch Behar enclaves and efforts of the both countries to resolve these problems by the means of bilateral treaties. It also focuses on illegal migration from Bangladesh to India, analyses its causes and its influence on the security in the North-east India and Indian political scene. Disputes concernig the fresh-water sharing, emerging from Indian dams and irrigation canals, either allready built, or planned. The last part deals with possible connection between one of the aspects of the global warming, sea-level rising, and migration. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

This study is concerned with the role of contemporary Czech geographic and travel writing and its involvement with the creation and reproduction of spatialised identities and imaginative geographies as they relate to the 'developing world'. It employs the method of discourse analysis (mostly research tools taken from Critical Discourse Analysis) to examine the contents of articles from all issues of the magazines Koktejl and Lidé a Země for the year 2012. This is done in order to analyse the portrayals of such spaces within the context of imaginative geography and the post-development critique and bring attention to the kind of popular geopolitics that is being created. The main topics covered includes the construction of identity between the authors, readers and the objects of writing, the linear understanding of the flow of history and progress and the relationship between the writers and their objects (both places and people). The main findings of the research consist in the identification of the continued prevalence of the perception of linearity of history which constitutes the developing places as subjected to a universal historical process whith the European civilisation as the current endpoint of history. These places are therefore considered a legitimate domain of knowledge, appreciation...

Cette thèse porte sur les suites de la paix d’Apamée sur le plan des relations politiques entre les États d’Anatolie et sur l’évolution de la place tenue par cette péninsule dans l’ordre géopolitique méditerranéen. Le traité d’Apamée, conclu en 188 avant notre ère entre la puissance romaine et le royaume séleucide, fut un acte diplomatique majeur pour l’Asie Mineure et l’ensemble de la région anatolienne, libérés de la domination des Séleucides. Jusqu’ici l’historiographie traditionnelle a abordé ce sujet selon deux perspectives, à savoir l’apparition de l’impérialisme romain en Orient et la vie politique et administrative des cités égéennes. À l’inverse, cette étude se concentre sur les principales puissances politiques de la région anatolienne : les royaumes. Dans le cadre de cet espace fragmenté et diversifié, des modifications de l’équilibre géopolitique régional peuvent être mises en relation avec le bouleversement de l’ordre méditerranéen, par le croisement de sources grecques, latines et orientales, ainsi qu’en faisant usage de procédés développés par le courant de la World History. L’évolution ultérieure de la situation mise en place à Apamée est suivie jusqu’à la disparition d’une Anatolie dirigée par des souverains non incorporés dans l’horizon impérial des grandes puissances étrangères, situation à laquelle les ultimes défaites de Mithridate VI du Pont et de Tigrane d’Arménie face à Rome mirent un terme définitif. / This thesis examines the effects of the peace of Apamea with regard to the political relations between the Anatolian states and analyses the importance that this region played in Mediterranean politics following this accord. The treaty of Apamea, concluded in 188 BC between Rome and the Seleucid kingdom, became a diplomatic milestone for Asia Minor and the entirety of Anatolia, then freed from Seleucid domination. The study of this subject has a long tradition in modern historiography, which consists of works focused on either the appearance of Roman imperialism in the East, or the political and administrative lives of the Greek cities. This study is specifically devoted to the central political powers of the Anatolian peninsula; that is to say, the independent kingdoms of Anatolia. The changes seen on the geopolitical balance of this fragmented region can be linked to the profound modifications on the scale of the whole Mediterranean. The sources considered include Greek, Latin and oriental documents and artefacts, as well as some “World History” theoretical approaches. The further evolution of the Apamean order can then be followed up until the disappearance of any powerful local power outside the foreign nations incorporated into imperial rule. The simultaneous defeats of Mithridates VI of Pontus and Tigranes of Armenia against Rome mark the end of this situation where independent kingdoms in this region pursued their own autonomous foreign policies.

This thesis deals with the functioning of the media in the Czech Republic in the context of global changes after 1991. On the example of this country, it aims to understand how external influence on media within a certain state can be applied. The Czech Republic underwent a radical economic, political, social and cultural transformation with the end of the Cold War. This change was largely based on events in the international system. The main argument for this claim is that the Czech Republic is a small state located in the relatively strategic region of Central Eastern Europe. Given these and other conditions, it is almost impossible for the state to carry out an autonomous sovereign policy from a geopolitical point of view. It is influenced by the central players in the world system and relations between them. By this optics, the thesis also examines the functioning of the media. It tests the hypothesis that, even after the collapse of the Soviet Union and implementation of democratic and neoliberal frameworks, the external influence on the Czech media has not disappeared, only its essence has changed in relation to the wider global context. For this aim we chose primarily two indicators. One is the media legislation that has been adopted in the country since the late 1980s and is increasingly...

Orientador: Solange Reis Ferreira / Banca: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Banca: Igor Fuser / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: A pesquisa analisará o chamado "Novo Grande Jogo" na região do Mar Cáspio entre Rússia, Estados Unidos e China, com foco nos processos de competição e de cooperação entre as três potências. A região destaca-se no contexto energético internacional pelas reservas de hidrocarbonetos e por abrigar gasodutos fundamentais ao transporte destes à Europa. A área foi parte do Império Russo e da União Soviética e por isso a Rússia permanece como liderança histórica na região, a qual integra o que Moscou compreende como seu Exterior Próximo, ou seja, uma zona vital para sua segurança. Com o fim da URSS e a fragilidade da Rússia, os EUA passaram a atuar na região, através do estabelecimento de acordos econômicos e de bases militares, o que foi visto pelos russos como um movimento inaceitável dentro de sua esfera de influência. A dinâmica de competição configurou-se quando a Rússia voltou a se fortalecer, a partir de 2000. O processo ganhou maior complexidade com a entrada da China no cenário. O país é o maior importador de energia do mundo e vem consolidando sua presença na região através de investimentos em infraestrutura e do emblemático acordo energético assinado com a Rússia. Assim, a hipótese a ser avaliada é a de que entre Rússia e EUA prevalecem elementos de competição, o que caracterizou a dinâmica do novo Grande Jogo até a entrada da China como um terceiro jogador. A partir desse fato, há um novo equilíbrio nas disputas regionais, pois este país tem se aliado com a Rússia, aponta... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The research will analyze the so called "New Great Game" in the Caspian Sea region among Russia, United States and China, with focus on the competition and cooperation processes among the three powers. The region stands out in the international energy context for its hydrocarbons reserves and for containing pipelines, which are fundamental for transporting energy to Europe. The area was part of the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union and therefore Russia remains a historical leadership in the region, which constitutes what Moscow comprehends as its Near Abroad, that is, a vital zone for its security. With the end of the USSR and the subsequently Russian fragility, the US started to act in the region, through the establishment of economic deals and military bases, which was seen by the Russians as an unacceptable movement within its sphere of influence. The dynamics of competition was set when Russia started to strengthen itself again, from 2000 onwards. The process gained more complexity with China's entrance in the scene. The country is the world's largest energy importer and has been consolidating its presence in the region through infrastructure investments and the emblematic energy agreement signed with Russia. Therefore, the hypothesis to be evaluated is that elements of competition prevail between Russia and US, which has characterized the New Great Game dynamics until the entrance of China as a third player. From that moment onwards, there is a new balance in the regional disputes, because that country has aligned with Russia, which points towards elements of cooperation. The Caspian board has moves motivated by strategies of the three players, which amplifies the complexity of the processes in course and the combination of cooperation and conflict. / Mestre

Le conflit à Gaza de l’hiver 2008-2009 paraît au premier abord comme un conflit entre Israël et le Hamas palestinien. Mais la presse en a fait un conflit à dimension régionale et internationale. La presse s’est plus orientée vers les sujets de géopolitique et des relations internationales. Les journaux étudiés explorent pratiquement les mêmes thèmes, mais ne partagent pas toujours les mêmes conclusions. L’une des caractéristiques de la couverture faite par la presse est l’intervention des points de vue dans l’information.Les journalistes mettent souvent en évidence leurs prises de position. Du point de vue de la théorie des Relations internationales, l'action européenne, égyptienne et parfois même iranienne est dictée par une approche réaliste des relations internationales favorisant le dialogue et le partage des intérêts. Alors que l'action des États-Unis de l'époque de George BUSH fils à une approche idéaliste, idéologique et rigide qui exclut tous les acteurs étatiques ou non étatiques de la résolution de ce conflit. Le conflit s’est déroulé dans un contexte international privé d'autorité suprême qui impose l'ordre, l'ONU n'ayant qu'un rôle humanitaire lors de ce conflit. Le conflit prend une dimension autre que politique, une partie des intervenants soulignent une dimension religieuse, voire l’enjeu de civilisation.La presse manque de recul et d’analyse historique. Elle ne contextualise pas les évènements. C’est une constatation sur le conflit israélo-palestinien en général. En fin, la presse accorde une part importante au conflit à Gaza malgré la désaffection d’un nombre de plus en plus élevé de Français. Ce constat pousse la presse à donner de moins en moins de visibilité à ce conflit. / The conflict in Gaza in the winter of 2008-2009 seems at first primarily as a conflict between Israel and the Palestinian Hamas. But the press has given it regional and international dimensions. The press is more oriented towards the subjects of geopolitics and international relations. The newspapers studied generally explore the same subjects, but do not always share the same conclusions. One of the characteristics by the press is the intervention of the viewpoints in information. Journalists frequently expose their positions. From the point of view of International Relations theory, European, Egyptian and even Iranian action isdictated by a realistic approach to international relations for dialogue and distribution of interests. While the action of the United States (from the time of George BUSH son) is an idealistic approach, ideological and rigid which excludes all actors (state and non-state) from the resolution of this conflict. The conflict took place in an international context deprived from supreme authority that imposes order. UN has an only humanitarian role in that conflict. The conflict takes on a dimension other than political. Part of the authors gives it a religious dimension, even the issue of civilization. Press has an deficiency of perspective and historical analysis. It does not contextualize the events. This is a situation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in general. At the end, the press gives an interest in the conflict in Gaza despite the disaffection of a highly increasing number among the French. This observation leads to the release of less visibility to this conflict.

Esta tese discute a Geografia Política e Geopolítica produzida por geógrafos no período de 1982-2012, procura identificar quais os temas mais tratados, os lugares da produção e a existência de especialistas com ligação na formulação de políticas territoriais do Estado brasileiro. Neste sentido, questiona a renovação da Geografia no Brasil, mostra que a negligencia dos geógrafos com a análise do Estado não passou ao largo das instituições de ensino e pesquisa. Dentre os resultados alcançados, expõe a concentração da produção em poucos geógrafos, fato marcante em todo o século XX, a localização em grandes universidades dos centros urbanos e a ligação dos geógrafos como formuladores de políticas estatais de organização territorial. Conclui-se que, no período analisado, a obra de Bertha K. Becker é preponderante na Geografia Política e Geopolítica e que a renovação que pretendia olvidar a ligação dos geógrafos com o Estado não se efetivou, ao contrário viu crescer o número de trabalhos sobre políticas territoriais para o Estado. / This thesis discusses Political Geography and Geopolitics produced by geographers between 1982 and 2012, looking to identify which topics were the most discussed, the places where they were produced and the existence of specialists linked to the formulation of territorial policies of the Brazilian State. Thus, this thesis debates a new moment in Brazilian Geography, showing that the negligence of the geographers towards an analysis of the State did not go off the education and research institutions. Among the results achieved, this thesis also exposes the concentration of production in the hands of few geographers, an observed situation throughout the whole 20th century, the location of the production based on large universities in the biggest urban centers of the country, and the bond of geographers with State policies of territorial organization. It concludes that, during the period observed, the works of Bertha K. Becker are widely spread in the Political Geography and Geopolitc, and that the renew, which intended to make geographers not to produce studies about the State has failed, an in fact, the number of studies about territorial policies of the State has grown.

O crescente fluxo de bens e de pessoas iniciado nos anos de 1980 e expandido ao longo dos anos de 1990 gerou a utópica ideia de que as fronteiras do Estado-Nação e as questões de soberania nacional acabariam por desaparecer. Este contexto e os acontecimentos crescentes envolvendo atores não estatais no cenário internacional criaram uma visão imaginária onde o Estado era tão fraco que seria incapaz de enfrentar organizações criminosas ou terroristas transnacionais. No entanto, como este estudo vai apresentar, não só o Estado está longe de estar fraco, de facto, tem vindo a utilizar essas organizações para expandir seu poder, manter sua soberania e conduzir operações clandestinas contra nações rivais. Para tanto foi usada extensa bibliografia baseada em documentos e livros, documentos vazados, entrevistas com pessoas relacionadas ao tema ao redor do mundo além de observação pessoal de campo. Demonstrando que o uso de atores irregulares, especialmente o Crime Organizado, é apenas mais um passo na evolução da guerra e uma importante ferramenta de procuração na geopolítica internacional. / The increasing process flow of goods and people started in the 1980s and expanded over the years of 1990 generated the utopic idea that the Nation-State borders and national sovereignty issues would eventually disappear. This context and the growing events surrounding non-state actors in the international scenario created an imaginary view where the State was so weak that would be incapable to face transnational criminal or terrorist organizations. However, as this study will present, not only the State is far from being a weak in fact it has been using such organizations to expand its power, maintain its sovereignty and conduct clandestine operation against rival nations, for that it was covered an extensive bibliography based on papers and books, leaked documents, interviews with people related to the area across the world and field observation. It demonstrated that the use of irregular actors, especially Organized Crime, is just another step in the evolution of warfare and an important proxy tool in international geopolitics.

Esta tese tem como objetivo analisar, de um lado, as relações entre geopolítica e igrejas e, de outro, as relações entre o termo grego anarquia e o crescimento da população crente sem religião no território brasileiro. A palavra igreja é utilizada de modo amplo e genérico (igreja, templo, centro espírita, etc), isto é, toda e qualquer instituição que se constitui como estrutura de poder religioso. A pesquisa identifica principalmente as geopolíticas das igrejas católica e evangélicas, as rivalidades de poderes e influências políticas no território brasileiro que ocorrem através de diversos meios, estratégias ou ações das igrejas, como nas eleições de deputados federais e até de presidente da República como aconteceu em 2010, inclusive com a disputa através dos meios de comunicação, especialmente a televisão e o rádio e no espaço virtual. Revela-se também um processo histórico-cultural de anarquia religiosa, que se dá, por um lado, com o crescimento do contingente de população religiosa sem religião e, por outro, com a existência de populações religiosas não praticantes, católica e evangélica, bem como as desobediências às normas, às doutrinas e às autoridades religiosas. Esse fenômeno está disperso em todo o território brasileiro, abrangendo pessoas de todos os níveis intelectuais, faixas etárias e de todas as classes sociais. Como compreender esta complexa metamorfose do espaço das populações religiosas e das igrejas no Brasil? Essa é a questão central desta tese, cuja análise se fundamenta numa geografia crítica pluralista que dialoga com o pensamento de geógrafos anarquistas, críticos pós-modernos e com a teoria da complexidade, propondo-se ao final deste trabalho uma reflexão sobre geoética. / This thesis aims at analyzing, on the one hand, the relationship between geopolitics and churches and, on the other, the relationships between the Greek term anarchy and the increase of the number of believers without a religion in Brazil. The word church is employed here as a broad and general term (church, temple, spiritist centers, etc.), i.e., any institution representing a structure of religious power. This investigation mainly identifies the geopolitics of the Catholic church and Protestant churches, the power-related rivalries, and the political influences across the Brazilian territory that took place in many ways, strategies and church action, such as during the 2010 elections of federal representatives, and even for president, including disputes that used the media especially the television, the radio and virtual space. It is also a cultural-historical process of religious anarchy, which, on the one hand, occurs with the increase of the contingent number of the religious population without religion and, on the other, with the existence of non-practicing - both in the Catholic and in the Protestant - religious populations, besides the disobedience to norms, doctrines and religious authorities. This phenomenon is spread throughout the Brazilian territory, encompassing people of all intellectual ranks, age groups and social classes. How can one understand this complex metamorphosis of religious loci and churches in Brazil? This is the main challenge in this thesis, whose analysis is based on a pluralist critical geography that dialogues with the thought of anarchist geographers, postmodern critics and the theory of complexity, resulting in the proposal of a reflection about geo-ethics.