The thesis focuses on, and tries to evaluate, the role that the African Union (AU) plays in protecting the peace and security on the African continent. The thesis takes an interdisciplinary approach to the topic by both utilizing international relations and international law theories. The two disciplines are combined in an attempt to understand the evolution of the AU’s commitment to the pragmatist doctrine: responsibility to protect (R2P). The AU charter is considered to be the first international law document to cover R2P as it allows the AU to interfere in the internal affairs of its member states. The R2P doctrine was evolved around the notion of a need to arrive at a consensus in regard to the right to intervene in the face of humanitarian emergencies. A part of the post-Cold War shift in UN behaviour has been to support local solutions to local problems. Hereby the UN acts in collaboration with regional organizations, such as the AU, to achieve the shared aspirations to maintain international peace and security without getting directly involved on the ground. The R2P takes a more holistic and long-term approach to interventions by including an awareness of the need to address the root causes of the crisis in order to prevent future resurrections of conflicts. The doctrine also acknowledges the responsibility of the international community and the intervening parties to actively participate in the rebuilding of the post-conflict state. This requires sustained and well planned support to ensure the development of a stable society.While the AU is committed to implementing R2P, many of the AU’s members are struggling, both ideologically and practically, to uphold the foundations on which legitimate intervention rests, such as the protection of human rights and good governance. The fact that many members are also among the poorest countries in the world adds to the challenges facing the AU. A lack of human and material resources leads to a situation where few countries are willing, or able, to support a long-term commitment to humanitarian interventions. Bad planning and unclear mandates also limit the effectiveness of the interventions. This leaves the AU strongly dependent on regional powerbrokers such as Nigeria and South Africa, which in itself creates new problems in regard to the motivations behind interventions. The current AU charter does not provide sufficient checks and balances to ensure that national interests are not furthered through humanitarian interventions. The lack of resources within the AU also generates worries over what pressure foreign nations and other international actors apply through donor funding. It is impossible for the principle of “local solutions for local problems? to gain ground while this donor conditionality exists.The future of the AU peace and security regime is not established since it still is a work in progress. The direction that these developments will take depends on a wide verity of factors, many of which are beyond the immediate control of the AU.

The aim of the study is to examine how well MSB (Swedish Civil Contingencies Agency) prepare the Swedish humanitarian aid workers to face stressful situations, looking at the pre- deployment preparation received. The study investigates how effective and relevant the pre- deployment preparation is in terms of building resilience against stress, according to the humanitarian aid workers’ experience. This study has been conducted with a quantitative online survey, combined with a qualitative open- ended survey. The surveys were based on research models on work-related stress and on resilience- building among humanitarian aid workers. The frameworks point out criteria needed to be fulfilled by an organization in order to build sufficient stress- resilience among humanitarian aid workers in the pre- deployment phase. The results reveal that MSB is able to fulfill most of the criteria set in accordance with the theoretical framework. The one and only criterion MSB fails in providing is an open, in- depth discussion about mental health before the aid worker is deployed. This also corresponds to the aid workers experience of not being provided with this. The aid workers’ experience reveals that resilience against stress is important, however, many seem to build resilience independently from MSB.

<p dir="ltr">I investigate how we can make the content of international instruments on human rights, such as covenants and treaties, frequently applicable in all contexts. Further, I argue that the problem of widespread implementation of human rights norms is two-fold insofar as it concerns (i) recognition of their content, which is often difficult due to cultural or political disputes, and/or (ii) the enforcement of related policies through administrative institutions. After laying out the scope of the project, I propose to use the causal and explanatory properties of social contract theory to elaborate on the relationship between informal (cultural) and formal (legal) norms of human rights. Indeed, I maintain an interpretation of this theory that combines its justificatory powers, like traditional contractarians, and its explanatory role, like contemporary contractarians have done, and I suggest that there is a third, namely, the causal role. From that conceptual framework, I show a successful case of implementation of human rights norms in Colombia, which was one of the countries participants of the Latin American wave of constitutionalism in the 1980s and 1990s. This intense period of constitutional changes in the region allowed for an openness towards international human rights norms in dialogue with national experiences and customs. The relevance of this case study is that it will help me identify lessons and strategies potentially applicable on a global scale. Indeed, I show how a reconsideration of the national political pact contained in political constitutions may be a successful strategy to strengthen the incorporation of human rights norms into the legal domestic sphere. The last part of the dissertation project surveys one possible external solution for the problem of implementation: military humanitarian interventions. I conclude that military interventions do not fit within the model of social contract theory and the justification of its employment in difficult cases may proceed only with certain conditions extracted from the contract.</p>

The concept of humanitarian interventions has seen increased interest especially since the end of the Cold War. During the last two decades, humanitarian interventions have been at the centre of the emerging doctrine of the responsibility to protect. Through collecting and analysing the United Nations documents and historical experience, this thesis concludes that within contemporary representation of the humanitarian interventions, inaction is not a viable answer to mass violations of human rights. However, as the case of Darfur shows, this renewed commitment towards collective action has not been translated into actions yet. The practice of humanitarian interventions and the role of the United Nations need to be consolidated so that the inconsistency and selectivity objections are eradicated.

I cambiamenti verificatisi nel sistema internazionale nel corso degli ultimi anni hanno avuto una profonda incidenza sul dibattito teorico circa l'uso della forza e i conflitti armati. In particolare, il cambiamento che si è avuto nel warfare ha portato a concentrare l'attenzione su due aspetti particolari della guerra, ovvero la sua giustificazione morale e la relazione tra uso della forza e diritto internazionale. Inoltre, rispetto al passato, la fase successiva ai conflitti assume una rilevanza sempre maggiore. Scopo di questo lavoro è, quindi, da un lato analizzare la teoria della guerra giusta in relazione al diritto internazionale e alle sfide poste dall'attuale sistema internazionale, evidenziandone gli elementi teorici più problematici e, dall'altro, delineare gli elementi normativi necessari per una teoria della pace giusta. Se, infatti, la tradizione teorica relativa a ius ad bellum e ius in bello è ben consolidata, i problemi teorici ed empirici che si pongono circa lo ius post bellum sono nuovi e ancora senza risposta. Il lavoro cerca quindi di formulare gli elementi normativi che dovrebbero regolare lo ius post bellum affinché vengano soddisfatti i requisiti di giustizia post-conflittuale Infine, alla luce degli elementi teorici emersi sono stati analizzati tre conflitti che ben si prestano a valutare empiricamente la teoria della guerra giusta, ovvero il primo conflitto in Iraq del 1991, l'intervento in Kosovo del 1999 e il secondo conflitto in Iraq del 2003. / The changes occurred in the international system during the last decade had a deep influence on the theoretical debate about use of force and armed conflicts. In particular, changes in warfare focused attention on two different aspects of war its moral justifiability and the relation between the use of force and international law. Furthermore, the post-conflict phase is becoming more and more important. The aim of this work is twofold: on one hand, to analyse the relationship between Just War Theory and international law and the challenges raising from the new international system, underlining the most problematic aspects from a theoretical point of view. On the other hand, the aim is to sketch some normative elements of Just Peace Theory. If jus ad bellum and jus in bello theories are well-established, there are many theoretical and empirical problems related to jus post bellum Consequently, this work tries to advance some normative elements required to regulate jus post bellum in order to satisfy requirements of post-conflict justice. Finally, in the light of the elements arisen in the theoretical part of the work, three conflicts particularly relevant for Just War Theory are taken into account: the 1991 war in Iraq, the 1999 intervention in Kosovo e and the 2003 conflict in Iraq.

Indigenous communities living in Arauca department, a region located on the Eastern Plains of Colombia, are at an imminent risk of physical and cultural extermination -according to the orders 004 and 382 from the Constitutional Court of Colombia- due to a double vulnerability which stems from a historic structural violence dating from the creation of the nation-state and direct violence as a consequence of armed conflict. The physical extermination refers to the high mortality rates that this population suffers either by violence or natural death, while the cultural extermination is a result of both an accelerated process of acculturation and a progressive loss of culture, territory and respect from traditional authorities. This study, by analyzing the local context and the actions that have done harm, addresses the best practices for humanitarian interventions over the role of territory, culture, governance and autonomy as key factors for empowering community members to overcome, face or diminish the consequences of these vulnerabilities.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:28:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-05-15Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:36:35Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 giannini_ra_me_mar.pdf: 953228 bytes, checksum: 933492a9edacad9077350b3a6a479cdf (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar as intervenções humanitárias empreendidas pela Organização das Nações Unidas. Para tanto analisamos a estrutura e as diferentes formas de ação neste campo, privilegiando o sistema de segurança coletiva e posteriormente as missões de paz, bem como o sistema de assistência humanitária da organização. Neste sentido, estudamos também o contexto em que se inserem estas intervenções quando de sua euforia no período posterior à Guerra Fria, destacando-se o surgimento dos chamados Estados falidos e colapsados, a inclusão de temas não tradicionais à noção de segurança internacional e, finalmente a intensa codificação dos Direitos Humanos, que passam a figurar como motivo para ruptura da paz e segurança internacional e, portanto, sujeitos ao uso da força. Por fim, analisamos alguns conceitos considerados primordiais para compreensão do atual status das intervenções humanitárias, quais sejam, o próprio conceito de intervenção humanitária, o de soberania e finalmente o de emergência complexa. A confusão relativamente a estes termos tem contribuído para a politização das ações humanitárias e para a confusão acerca do significado do termo. As implicações destas últimas são o foco desta dissertação. / The objective of this study is to analyze the humanitarian interventions established by the United Nations Organization. For this purpose we analyzed the structure and its different forms of action in this specific field, priorizing the coletive security system, and later the peacekeeping missions, as well as, its humanitarian assistance system. Furthermore, we studied the context in which these interventions took place in the post Cold War period, specially the appearance of the so called Failed and Colapsed States, the inclusion of non traditional themes in the international security field, and finally, the intense human rights codification, which contributed to its consideration as a factor to the break down of international peace and security. Finally, we analyzed some concepts that are very important to the comphension of the actual status of the humanitarian interventions nowdays. The studied concepts were: humanitarian intervention, sovereignty, and complex emergencies. The existent confusion in reference to these terms has contributed to the politization of humanitarian actions. The implications of this last fact will be the focus of this dissertation.

Orientador: Hector Luís Saint-Pierre / Banca: Luís Fernando Ayerbe / Banca: Janina Onuki / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar as intervenções humanitárias empreendidas pela Organização das Nações Unidas. Para tanto analisamos a estrutura e as diferentes formas de ação neste campo, privilegiando o sistema de segurança coletiva e posteriormente as missões de paz, bem como o sistema de assistência humanitária da organização. Neste sentido, estudamos também o contexto em que se inserem estas intervenções quando de sua euforia no período posterior à Guerra Fria, destacando-se o surgimento dos chamados Estados falidos e colapsados, a inclusão de temas não tradicionais à noção de segurança internacional e, finalmente a intensa codificação dos Direitos Humanos, que passam a figurar como motivo para ruptura da paz e segurança internacional e, portanto, sujeitos ao uso da força. Por fim, analisamos alguns conceitos considerados primordiais para compreensão do atual status das intervenções humanitárias, quais sejam, o próprio conceito de intervenção humanitária, o de soberania e finalmente o de emergência complexa. A confusão relativamente a estes termos tem contribuído para a politização das ações humanitárias e para a confusão acerca do significado do termo. As implicações destas últimas são o foco desta dissertação. / Abstract: The objective of this study is to analyze the humanitarian interventions established by the United Nations Organization. For this purpose we analyzed the structure and its different forms of action in this specific field, priorizing the coletive security system, and later the peacekeeping missions, as well as, its humanitarian assistance system. Furthermore, we studied the context in which these interventions took place in the post Cold War period, specially the appearance of the so called Failed and Colapsed States, the inclusion of non traditional themes in the international security field, and finally, the intense human rights codification, which contributed to its consideration as a factor to the break down of international peace and security. Finally, we analyzed some concepts that are very important to the comphension of the actual status of the humanitarian interventions nowdays. The studied concepts were: humanitarian intervention, sovereignty, and complex emergencies. The existent confusion in reference to these terms has contributed to the politization of humanitarian actions. The implications of this last fact will be the focus of this dissertation. / Mestre

[pt] O presente trabalho visa analisar e criticar os principais paradigmas construídos e mistificados pela modernidade, pretensamente homogênea e de validade universal, mas, na realidade, eurocêntrica e provinciana. A perspectiva moderna, em especial cartesiana, está tão enraizada nos estudos filosóficos, políticos e até jurídicos atuais, que é possível localizá-los, inclusive, nos pressupostos basilares da discussão contemporânea acerca da universalização dos Direitos Humanos. Esta discussão está hoje limitada, majoritariamente – mas não completamente – pela relação binária universalismo versus relativismo, extremamente simplificadora. Defender-se-á aqui a insuficiência desta relação, que exclui, por si só, diversos aspectos e elementos essenciais, desconsiderando a infinita complexidade do tema. Também se deseja analisar nesta dissertação algumas práticas legitimadas pelos autodenominados direitos humanos, os quais permitem que práticas desumanas sejam justificadas pela busca de algum suposto ideal humanitário. / [en] The present work aims to analyze and criticize the main paradigms constructed and mystified by modernity, supposedly homogeneous and universally valid, but in reality, Eurocentric and local. The modern perspective, especially Cartesian, is so rooted in philosophical, political and even legal studies nowadays, it is possible to locate them in the basic assumptions of contemporary discussion of universal human rights. This discussion is now limited mostly - but not completely – by the binary relation between universalism and relativism, extremely simplistic. This work will defend the failure of this relationship, which excludes, by itself, various aspects and elements, ignoring the infinite complexity of the issue. It will also be analyzed in this work some practices legitimized by the self-called human rights, which allow inhumane practices to be justified by the pursuit of some supposed humanitarian ideal.

[pt] Esta tese investiga os modos em que o Haiti é evocado no discurso político brasileiro em diferentes contextos. Usufruindo de enquadramentos analíticos pós-coloniais e foucaultianos, foca-se em duas grandes emergências desta prática discursiva: primeiro, com o inovador léxico do Haitianismo, durante os debates políticos do Império Brasileiro, no século XIX; depois, no âmbito do envolvimento brasileiro com a Missão das Nações Unidas para Estabilização do Haiti (MINUSTAH), de 2004 a 2017. O estudo mostra que as atuais narrativas que celebram o sucesso de um Jeito Brasileiro de construção da paz falham em notar como noções problemáticas de hierarquias raciais e tecnologias mais eficientes de poder governamental são desenvolvidas e exercidas sobre as populações-alvo. Argumenta-se que, sob o prisma do Haitianismo, tais discursos celebratórios das intervenções militares Sul-Sul perdem seu apelo político e consistência teórica, já que a colonialidade e o biopoder que os informam são expostos e sua originalidade questionada. Conclui-se notando que o estudo do Haitianismo permite seguir descolonizando e resistindo à autoridade dos modos emergentes de complexos de poder-saber humanitários, incluindo aqueles que estão além do modelo tradicional da Paz Liberal. / [en] This doctoral dissertation investigates the modes in which Haiti is invoked in Brazilian political discourse in different contexts. Drawing on post-colonial and Foucauldian frameworks of analysis, it focuses on two major emergences of such discursive practice: first, with the innovative lexicon of Haitianism, during 19th century Brazilian Imperial political debates; then, alongside Brazilian involvement with the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), from 2004 to 2017. The study shows that current narratives that celebrate a Brazilian way of peacebuilding fail to notice how problematic accounts of racial hierarchies and more efficient governmental technologies of power are developed and exercised upon target populations. It argues that through the prism of Haitianism such celebratory discourses regarding South-South military interventions lose their political appeal, as the coloniality and biopower that inform them are exposed and their originality questioned. It concludes by noticing that the study of Haitianism permits to further decolonize and resist the authority of emerging humanitarian power-knowledge complexes beyond the traditional Liberal Peace model.