The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is a place where states can seek international status by campaigning for its ten elected seats. Beginning from this premise, in this dissertation I ask: how do states seek status through their competitions for seats on the UNSC? Drawing on the concerns of IR theorists as well as historians, this is a process-driven question. I am interested in the process of status-seeking, not simply status itself, and I am concerned with the ways that status-seeking has evolved from 1945 to the present in the lifetime of the UN. I understand status as membership in a club embedded in larger hierarchies and examine both the nature of the hierarchies and the responsibilities associated with that membership. Similarly, I take a relational view of status that is predicated on recognition and social closure. While the UN and the UNSC are embodiments of liberal internationalism, they are also embodiments of global and historical imperialism. This imperialism structures the hierarchy under which status-seeking occurs. Status, as membership, comes with shared expectations of behaviour, responsibility, practices, and resources. I argue that status-seeking thus requires relating to these expected behaviours, responsibilities, and practices. Thus, states conduct their campaigns in terms of articulating how they plan to use their status and contribute to the UNSC's (liberal) mandate. By speaking to these liberal responsibilities and the use of status, states are also articulating their relationships to global imperialism at different points in time through the process of status-seeking. In supporting this argument, I examine Canada's nine campaigns to the UNSC in 1946, 1947, 1957, 1966, 1976, 1988, 1998, 2010, and 2020. Using a combination of historical methods (interviews, archival work, policy document analysis), I use a genealogical lens to trace the process of status-seeking in the 20th and 21st centuries.

Across four self-contained essays, this dissertation seeks to identify which features make international organizations (IOs) effective peacemakers in modern civil wars. The first essay introduces an original dataset on the institutional design of 21 peace-brokering IOs between 1945 and 2010. The second essay contains a statistical study of 122 IO civil war mediation episodes, examining how variation in institutional design affects outcomes. The third essay presents an in-depth case study, comparing interventions by the Arab League and the United Nations in Syria in 2011 and 2012. The fourth essay is a statistical examination of how IO member state biases influence mediation effectiveness. Overall, this dissertation demonstrates that the performance of peace-brokering IOs cannot be accurately evaluated without taking institutional variation into account. IOs display considerable heterogeneity in de­sign and capabili­ties and this variation has implications for the nature and effectiveness of IO interventions. Quantitative evidence reveals that IOs with strongly centralized instruments for supporting mediation and, in particular, peacekeeping operations are more likely to end civil wars. Qualitative evidence shows that IOs with such capabilities can engage in interventions of greater scope and credibility, enhancing their ability to shape the calculations of civil war disputants. Combined, the studies suggest that although institutional capabilities are necessary for sustained intervention effectiveness, they are conditioned on other organizational attributes. IOs with high preference homogeneity can signal intervention durability, giving them an edge over IOs with divided memberships. IOs that contain member states that have pro­vided direct support to civil war disputants outperform IOs that lack such member states. / <p>This dissertation consists of four self-contained essays dealing with different aspects of conflict management by international organizations.</p><p>Essay 4 previously appeared in 2014 as “Leanings and dealings: Exploring bias and trade leverage in civil war mediation by international organizations” (<em>International Negotiation, 19</em>(2), 315–342).</p>

Les études et les travaux empiriques consacrés à l’impact de la structure du vote dans les organisations internationales dans le cadre de la théorie des choix publics sont très rares. Par conséquent, cette thèse s’attache à étudier de plus près l’impact de la structure du vote sur le fonctionnement et les performances des organisations internationales. L’analyse dans ce travail de recherche se veut, en premier lieu, empirique et en second lieu, positive. Cette dernière nous permettra de comprendre comment les organisations internationales réellement fonctionnent et réagissent (Lafay et Lecaillon, 1993). Nous avons montré que les organisations inter-gouvernementales avec une structure de vote "un pays – une voix" assurent une redistribution, en termes de contributions et de dépenses, des riches vers les pauvres et la classe moyenne, tandis que la redistribution en termes de contributions est moindre dans les organisations inter-gouvernementales à "vote pondéré". Toutefois, la redistribution des prêts dans les organisations à "vote pondéré" s’avère plus répartie parmi les classes de revenu. Ainsi, d’une part, les organisations avec une structure de vote "un pays – une voix" sont plus performantes que les organisations à ‘vote pondéré’ en termes de contributions et conformément au principe "d’équité" fondée sur la "capacité de payer" des pays membres. D’autre part, en termes de prêts et dépenses, les organisations avec une structure de vote "un pays – une voix" et à "vote pondéré" sont aussi performantes les unes que les autres par rapport à la nature de leur structure de vote et de leurs activités ou missions. / Empirical studies and literature on the impact of voting structure in international organizations within public choice theory are very scarce. Therefore, this thesis attempts to examine more closely the impact of the voting structure on the functioning and performance of international organizations. The analysis in this research is, first, empirical, and second, positive. The latter allow us to understand how organizations actually function and react (and Lecaillon Lafay, 1993). We show that the redistribution of contributions and expenditures in “one-nation, one-vote” inter-governmental organizations is from rich to poor and middle classes, while there is less redistribution in terms of contributions in “weighted voting” inter-governmental organizations. However, the redistribution of loans in weighted voting organizations is more spread among income classes. Thus, on the one hand, “one-nation, one-vote” organizations perform better than ‘weighted voting’ organizations in terms of contributions and in accordance with the principle of' “fairness” based on “capacity to pay” of member states. On the other hand, in terms of loans and expenditures, “one-nation, one-vote” organizations and “weighted voting” organizations are both effective relatively to the nature of their voting structure and their missions or activities.

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / Natural as well as man-made disasters have become commonalities of daily life in recent decades for a large portion of the world's population. This growing trend reflects the worldwide proliferation in recent years of Complex Humanitarian Emergencies (CHEs) and peace operations. Humanitarian emergencies and peace operations are a complex mix of related activities that require the combined efforts of the UN, military, International Organizations (IOs) and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). Given the nature and similarities of their missions, there is an ongoing need for these organizations to have access to accurate, current, and comprehensive information about field conditions and each other's movements. In several of the CHEs and peacekeeping operations of recent years, a recurring problem has been poor communication due to inadequate equipment, non-compatibility of equipment and a non-standardized communications infrastructure. This thesis explores the impact and possible benefits that wireless technology can provide to help bridge the communication gap that exists among the UN and the NGOs who participate in CHEs and peacekeeping operations. / Lieutenant Commander, Supply Corps, United States Navy / Lieutenant, United States Navy

The main topic of the thesis is the impact of the global financial and economic crisis on the support of developing countries from international organizations. The work includes a classification of developing countries by selected organizations, namely The World Bank Group, the United Nations and the International Monetary Fund. The thesis also includes a description of organizations' main activities and ways of gaining finances. The analysis is extended to non-governmental organizations dealing with a development. For a better assessment of the reason why the crisis could have an influence on the provided assistance, the thesis contains a summary of the crisis impact on developed and developing countries.

O marco inicial da proposta de estudo é o Protocolo de Defesa da Concorrência no Mercosul Protocolo de Fortaleza, de 17/12/1996, que apesar de ter sido ratificado por alguns Estados-Parte do Mercosul, e no Brasil tendo sido ratificado por meio do Decreto nº 3.602, de 18/9/2000, pouquíssimo avanço foi identificado em muitos anos de vigência, seja por divergências políticas, seja por dificuldades de implantação, e ainda, por questões de conjuntura, em função de crises econômicas mundiais. A busca por formas de equilíbrio nas relações econômicas ao redor do globo, e seus impactos regionais na América Latina, é constante nos fóruns e organizações internacionais, inclusive envolvendo a repressão ao abuso do poder econômico e a defesa da concorrência, considerando esta um elemento importante para o desenvolvimento dos países da região. O estudo verificou a importância para análises que envolvem temas concorrenciais, por ser efetivamente a sua base e o ponto de partida, a questão da delimitação do mercado relevante. A pesquisa tratou de verificar a centralidade do tema na análise antitruste e a relevância do debate do direito da concorrência para a integração regional, focando especificamente o Mercosul e sua forma de regulação. A integração regional é um processo importante em face das desigualdades mundiais, e pode contribuir para uma melhor eficiência de negociações multilaterais em escala mundial, tornando, assim, útil e necessário o controle internacional do comércio, de forma a buscar o equilíbrio nas relações econômicas com o auxílio da defesa da concorrência. A relevância do tema é destacada pela transposição de fronteiras pelas atividades empresariais, levando também ao transbordamento dos limites de atuação dos órgãos nacionais competentes. Isto coloca a análise antitruste em interessante perspectiva, pois no âmbito nacional, a legislação e a atuação dos agentes está restrita às fronteiras dos países, mas na esfera de atuação do bloco econômico regional, a aplicação desta base normativa em função da extraterritorialidade pode e é muitas vezes questionada, no caso de ausência de regulação específica e/ou norma que autorize a cooperação internacional, advinda de uma instituição supranacional, não obstante a hipótese de reconhecimento e aplicação das normas editadas pelo Mercosul como sendo de Direito Comunitário. Assim, pretende-se demonstrar a importância do tema da regulação em matéria antitruste, focando a questão da definição do mercado relevante, especialmente em um bloco econômico regional como o Mercosul. / The initial mark of the proposed study here is Protocolo de Defesa da Concorrência no Mercosul Protocolo de Fortaleza (\"Competitor\'s Defense Protocol in Mercosul-Protocol of Fortaleza), as of Dec 17th, 1996, that despite being ratified by some States in Mercosul, and being validated in Brazil through Decret number 3.602 as of Sep 18th, 2000, very small advance has been identified in many years, for political reasons or difficulties in implementation, or also, for combination of factors of global economic crisis reasons. The search for a balance in economic relations around the Globe, and its regional impacts in Latin America, is common in foruns and international organizations, inclusively with repression to economic power abuse and the defense of the competition, considering this, an important element for the development of the region. In our study, we verify the importance for analysis involving competitors, because it is a starting point, the question of the relevant market limits. The search has verified how central this theme is in the anti-trust analysis and relevance of the debate about rights in competition for regional integration, focusing on Mercosul and its form of regulation. The regional integration is an important process in face of the global economic differences, and may contribute to a better efficiency of multilateral negotiation in global scale, becoming useful and necessary the international business control, in order to balance economic relations with competitors support. The relevance of the theme is revealed through frontiers transposition and business activities, leading to trespassing limits of international regulators. This statement puts the antitrust analysis in perspective, since national wide, the legislation and the agents reaction is restricted to the frontiers of the country, but on the sphere of the regional economic group, this legislation outside the territory may be and it is indeed usually, questioned, in case of the lack of specific regulation or norm, authorizing international cooperation from supra national institution, not disconsidering the hypothesis of recognition and application of norms edited by Mercosul as Common Law. This way, we intend to demonstrate the importance of the regulation theme in the anti trust scenario, focusing the question of a relevant market definition, specially in a regional economic group such as Mercosul.

One of the biggest challenges in contemporary global environmental governance is the future of marine biodiversity. Over the years, increased fishing efforts in previously remote areas drove many fish stocks to scarcity. The Regional Fisheries Management Organizations (RFMOs) emerged to solve the international fishery crisis, on the assumption that they would provide a forum where Member States may agree and discuss binding rules for the conservation and management of fish stocks within its geographical area of responsibility. Although some agreements existed for more than 60 years, many authors agree that they have not been fully effective in promoting the maintenance and conservation of fish stocks. There are many reasons that might explain the lack of effectiveness, one of them being that science is not very often listened to in the political decision-making process. In this research, the influence of knowledge and science in shaping policy decisions will be observed and analyzed. Therefore, the use of the epistemic communities theory, that which forms part of the constructivist turn in international relations -- was used to answer the main question posed here: when does power listen to science? When it does, does it bring more effectiveness in terms of knowledge, input from epistemic communities, does it induce states to change their behavior, and do these influences lead to policies, which can credibly improve biomass? Using process tracing, through elite interviews, and with a systematic compilation and study of meeting reports from three RFMOs: the Commission for the Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources (CCAMLR); the International Convention for the Conservation of Atlantic Tunas (ICCAT); and the Commission for the Conservation of Southern Bluefin Tuna (CCSBT), the final conclusion is that they may listen to science, but their strategy, allies, and the ways in which it occurs differ case-by-case. / Um dos maiores desafios na governança ambiental global contemporânea é o futuro dos ecossistemas e da biodiversidade marinha. Ao longo dos anos, o aumento do esforço de pesca nas áreas anteriormente remotas levou muitas populações de peixes à escassez. As Organizações Regionais para o Ordenamento Pesqueiro (OROPs) surgiram para resolver a crise internacional de pesca, através um fórum onde os Estados-Membros podem acordar e discutir regras vinculativas para a conservação e gestão dos recursos pesqueiros no âmbito da sua área geográfica de responsabilidade. Embora alguns acordos existam há mais de 60 anos, muitos pesquisadores concordam que os mesmos não têm sido totalmente eficazes para promover a manutenção e conservação dos recursos pesqueiros. Muitas razões podem explicar a falta de eficiência no manejo, uma delas é que, o aconselhamento cientifico não é muitas vezes considerado nas decisões políticas. Nesta pesquisa, a influência do conhecimento e da ciência na tomada de decisões políticas serão avaliadas. Para isso, a teoria das comunidades epistêmicas, que faz parte da veia construtivista em Relações Internacionais, foi usada para responder à principal questão colocada aqui: quando é que o poder ouviu a ciência? E isso trouxe mais eficiência em termos do conhecimento proveniente das comunidades epistêmicas induzir os Estados a mudarem seu comportamento e a influência levar a políticas que aumentem a biomassa dos estoques pesqueiros? Com o uso de process tracing, por meio de entrevistas com atores e uma compilação sistemática dos relatórios das reuniões anuais, as OROPS: CCAMLR, ICCAT e CCSBT foram estudadas, e a conclusão final é que, os tomadores de decisão podem ouvir a ciência, porém, a estratégia, os aliados e a forma como a influência se desenvolve varia caso a caso.

A dissertação pretende explorar a agenda da educação nas relações internacionais por meio do papel das organizações internacionais. Inseridos em uma realidade multilateral, organismos como a UNESCO, a UNICEF, o PNUD, a OCDE, a OIT e o Banco Mundial ganham cada vez mais espaço na arena internacional para discutir educação, alargando as fronteiras da ação política educacional para além do âmbito nacional. O objetivo desse trabalho é traçar um panorama histórico do entendimento destas organizações internacionais sobre o tema da educação, além de identificar qual das agências é protagonista na definição de projetos e programas educacionais. Perante a ascensão do Banco Mundial com o mandato da educação, confirmada por sua liderança na iniciativa Education for All, ainda pretende-se realizar um estudo de caso sobre as propostas do Banco Mundial na educação brasileira. A dissertação está dividida em dois artigos. O primeiro consiste em uma análise da educação de acordo com a percepção que as organizações internacionais possuem do tema, com foco na UNESCO e no Banco Mundial. O segundo artigo investiga os projetos do Banco Mundial desenvolvidos para o Brasil a partir de 1990. A finalidade do estudo é analisar de que forma os objetivos do Education for All estão presentes nesses projetos e se eles contribuem para uma mudança nas regulações, práticas e prioridades nacionais, e de que forma. / The dissertation has the purpose to explore the agenda of education in international relations through the role of international organizations. Inserted in a multilateral reality, organizations such as UNESCO, UNICEF, UNDP, OECD, ILO and the World Bank are gaining more space in international arena to discussing education, broadening the boundaries of educational policy-making beyond the national level. The aim of this study is to chart a historical overview of the understanding that these international organizations have about the topic of education, and identify which agency is the protagonist in the definition of the educational projects and programs. Given the rise of the World Bank, with the mandate of education, confirmed by its leadership in the Education for All initiative, the text also intends to conduct a case study on the proposals of the World Bank for Brazilian education. The dissertation is divided into two papers. The first one consists of an analysis of education according to the perception that international organizations, focusing on UNESCO and the World Bank. The second article investigates the Bank projects developed in Brazil since 1990. The purpose of the study is to examine how the goals of Education for All are present in these projects and if they contribute to a change in national regulations, practices and priorities, and how.

Cette thèse contribue à la connaissance d’une organisation internationale méconnue du système-monde socialiste entre 1949 et 1991, le Conseil d’Aide Economique Mutuelle (CAEM). Elle mobilise simultanément plusieurs fonds d’archives – du CAEM lui-même, de la RDA, de la Stasi et de l’ONU -, et rompt avec les monographies nationales sur la participation d’un Etat à son activité. Au prisme du CAEM et des réseaux d’acteurs qu’il met en place, c’est la notion même de « bloc » de l’Est qui est interrogée. L’organisation est en effet une vitrine de la cohésion et de la solidarité du monde socialiste pendant la Guerre froide. L’étude examine la place du CAEM dans un espace en construction et en quête de légitimation au cours de la seconde moitié du XXème siècle. Le rôle du CAEM dans les échanges économiques entre pays socialistes est d’abord mis en lumière. L’organisation élabore son propre modèle d’économie internationale socialiste. Pourtant, un découplage stratégique s’opère entre l’intérêt du CAEM dans l’affrontement symbolique avec le monde capitaliste et son incapacité pratique à assurer la modernisation des économies socialistes. L’étude des mécanismes de spatialisation du « bloc », de structuration de réseaux d’experts par delà les frontières et de production de discours sur l’économie internationale socialiste permet alors de proposer une socio-histoire transnationale de l’évolution des pratiques professionnelles d’une catégorie d’acteurs spécifiques. Les agents du CAEM comptent parmi les rares individus qui, dans le monde socialiste, développent une acculturation transnationale leur permettant véritablement de considérer le « bloc » comme un espace approprié. / This thesis contributes to the knowledge about the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (Comecon, CMEA), the little-known international organization of the socialist world-system, from 1949 to 1991. Unlike most historical monographs analysing the individual member States’ contribution to Comecon activities, this study draws on different archive materials – from Comecon itself, the GDR, the Stasi and the UN. Analysing Comecon through the prism of the networks of actors that emerged in the institutional framework it provided, it is the very notion of an Eastern “bloc” that is questioned. The organization was a showcase of the cohesion and solidarity of the socialist world during the Cold War. The study deals with its role in a space under construction and seeking legitimation in the second half of the 20th century. It first casts a light on the role of Comecon in the economic relations of the socialist countries. The organization developed its own model of an international socialist economy. However, a strategic decoupling appeared between the importance of Comecon in the symbolic competition with the capitalist world and its helplessness to ensure the modernization of socialist economies. The study of the spatialization of the “bloc”, the structuration of expert networks beyond the national boarders and the production of discourses on international socialist economy leads to a transnational socio-histoire of specific Comecon agents. Comecon servants counted among the few people in the socialist world, who were able to develop a transnational acculturation that allowed them to truly consider the “bloc” as an appropriated term of reference and space of development.

O presente trabalho propõe-se a discutir sobre os Tribunais Administrativos de Organizações Internacionais, sua dimensão jurídica no contexto da expansão do Direito Internacional contemporâneo, seus objetivos jurisdicionais, suas características específicas, seus procedimentos internos e seu conceito, a partir da análise dos fundamentos e elementos jurídicos que preenchem o conteúdo dos tribunais internacionais. Nesse sentido, o estudo remonta ao exame do vínculo existente entre as organizações internacionais, os órgãos de organizações internacionais, os funcionários internacionais que prestam serviços laborais às organizações internacionais e os Tribunais Administrativos. Por fim, será apresentado o novo sistema administrativo de solução de controvérsias da Organização das Nações Unidas, de modo a revelar o significado e as consequências que a sua reforma introduz para o futuro dos Tribunais Administrativos e para a evolução do Direito Internacional na proteção dos indivíduos. / The following essay intends to discuss the International Administrative Tribunals of International Organizations, their legal dimension in the context of contemporary International Law expansion, its jurisdictional goals, their detailed characteristics, their internal procedures and its concept, by analyzing the reasons and legal aspects that fulfill the content of the international tribunals. To this end, the study relies on the examination of the existing connection between international organizations, the organs of international organizations, the international officials who render labor services to international organizations and the Administrative Tribunals. Finally, an approach in the new administrative dispute resolution system of the United Nations will be done, aiming to reveal the meaning and the consequences that the reform introduces to the future of the Administrative Tribunals and to the evolution of the International Law on the protection of individuals.