Esta tese estuda a teoria política de Roberto Mangabeira Unger. Parte da premissa de que a esquerda experimenta hoje o seu pior momento histórico desde quando emergiu como movimento político informada teoricamente pelas idéias de Karl Marx e Friedrich Engels. Uma das explicações a ser desenvolvida nela é a de que esta situação é resultado de uma compreensão equivocada de como se organizam e de como ocorrem as transformações estruturais nas sociedades modernas (Capítulo 1). Essa circunstância intelectual resultou no descuido e na fraqueza com que essa tradição política e intelectual lidou com a questão das instituições (Capítulo 2). Sustenta que a teoria política produzida por Roberto Mangabeira Unger, em especial o seu conceito de experimentalismo, é um esforço promissor, no interior do pensamento progressista, de abordar a temática das instituições em uma direção que ajuda a esquerda a renovar suas desgastadas energias (Capítulo 3). Conclui que, a despeito do capitalismo ter como característica principal a proliferação de profundas divisões de classes e enormes desigualdades e exclusões que incapacitam e humilham a maioria da humanidade, ele não é o maior problema das sociedades contemporâneas. O seu maior problema é a incapacidade de imaginar os instrumentos institucionais e práticos com que superar essa situação de bloqueio e injustiça. A separação entre a crítica e a imaginação programática transformou a primeira em protesto e denúncia impotentes, desperdiçando oportunidades, disseminando desesperança e cultivando frustração. / This thesis studies the political theory of Roberto Mangabeira Unger. It starts from the premise that the Left currently finds itself in its worst historical moment since the political movement that was informed by the ideas of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels first emerged. One of the explanations developed here is that this situation results from a mistaken comprehension of how structural transformations in modern societies occur (Chapter 1). These intellectual circumstances resulted from the carelessness with which this intellectual and political tradition dealt with the issue of institutions (Chapter 2). The thesis sustains that Unger´s political theory, especially his concept of experimentalism, is a promising effort in the interior of progressive thought to approach institutions in a way that can help the Left renew its exhausted energies (Chapter 3). It concludes that, although the main characteristic of capitalism is the proliferation of deep class divisions and enormous inequalities and exclusions that incapacitate and humiliate the majority of humanity, this economic system is not the main problem of contemporary societies. The main problem is the incapacity to imagine the institutional instruments and practices that might overcome this situation of stagnancy and injustice. The separation between criticism and programmatic imagination has transformed the first into innocuous protest and denunciation, wasting opportunities, disseminating despair and cultivating frustration.

Esta dissertação visa analisar a representação do relacionamento entre os intelectuais de esquerda e as camadas populares na obra cinematográfica Quase dois irmãos (Lúcia Murat, 2005). O filme representa, a partir de uma narrativa dramática, aspectos fundamentais das relações entre a classe média e as camadas populares. Através de três espaços temporais, década de 1950, 1970 e anos 2000, o contato entre a classe média e o morro carioca, são representadas as perspectivas dos intelectuais de esquerda referente a aproximação com o povo entre décadas de 1950 e 1970. O golpe militar de 1964 interromperia o momento de construção de projeto cultural de revolução social engendrado pelos intelectuais de esquerda, acirrando as tensões existentes entre os dois ethos sociais. Esta pesquisa busca compreender como essa construção ficcional, enquanto criação artística da diretora Lucia Murat, sedimenta na forma cinematográfica determinada compreensão do mundo, conectada à memória da ditadura militar de setores da esquerda brasileira. Configura-se uma fonte documental importante pela experiência histórica que está condensada em sua narrativa, assim como em sua estrutura estética que ratifica os movimentos históricos de permanência e cisão expostos no filme e possibilita reflexões sobre relações e problemas sociais e raciais no Brasil. / This dissertation aims to analyze the representation of the relationship between the left intellectuals and the popular strata in the cinematographic \"Almost brothers\" (Lúcia Murat, 2005). The film represents, from a dramatic narrative, fundamental aspects of the relationships between the middle class and the popular strata. Through three timelines, the 1950, 1970 and 2000 years, the contact between the middle class and the carioca Hill, are represented the perspectives of left-wing intellectuals for rapprochement with the people between 1950 and 1970 decades. The military coup of 1964 would interrupt the moment of construction of cultural project of social revolution engendered by leftist intellectuals, intensify existing tensions between the two social ethos. This research seeks to understand how this fictional construct, while artistic creation of director Lucia Murat, forms a sediment in cinematic form determined understanding of the world, connected to the memory of the military dictatorship of sectors of the brazilian left. Configures a document source important for historical experience that is condensed into your narrative, as well as in your aesthetic structure that ratifies the historical movements of permanence and spin-off exposed in the film and provides reflections on relationships and problems racial and social in Brazil.

This dissertation examines student radicalism in Tennessee between Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka (1954) and the national backlash against the Kent State University shootings in Kent, Ohio in May 1970. As the first statewide study of student activism, and one of the few examinations of southern student activism, it broadens the understanding of New Left student radicalism from its traditionally defined hotbeds in the Northeast and the West Coast. It also argues for a consideration of student radicalism that incorporates white and black accounts, assessing issues surrounding civil rights, labour, the renegotiation of student roles on campus, and Vietnam on black and formerly all-white campuses. Three main arguments drive this dissertation. First, the notion of the New Left inhabiting only a brief moment in time, rising and falling in the 1960s—years of hope, days of rage, in Todd Gitlin’s influential telling—is problematic in the context of Tennessee. The location of Highlander Folk School in Tennessee created a strong connection to Old Left labour activism for the state’s New Left. Student movements both developed more slowly in Tennessee and fractured more slowly. My second argument is that forms of radicalism in Tennessee were distinctly southern. The region’s political order was more stifling than its counterpart in the North, and could easily turn more deadly. Students radicals in the South grasped this difference. Any left in the South had to address issues of race, but, in light of the danger, had to do so gingerly. Thirdly, race mattered a great deal to southern leftists, black and white, at first bringing them together and later driving them apart. Both black and white students viewed attempts to establish personal autonomy within campus and community organising as centrally important to their activities. Black and white students understood personal autonomy in a broad sense, conceptualised of as ‘student power’: it covered immediate concerns over universities’ assumption of parental power over students, as well as apparent infringements of civil rights and civil liberties. This dissertation reconstructs this pursuit of student power, both within campuses and beyond, and details the growing rift between black and white student interests.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Patricia Sposito Mechi.pdf: 13363580 bytes, checksum: 2b933f3056e51121faf857cabaf52c4f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-09-18 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The guerrilla occurred between 1972 and 1974 in the southern states of Para and Maranhão, and the northern state of Goiás (now Tocantins). It involved about 70 activists of the Communist Party of Brazil, which organized it, and some residents who have joined the movement. Both groups were repressed by the military, who acted in the region arresting, torturing and murdering peasants and guerrillas. This research aims to study the representations and practices of social groups who staged this event: peasants, militants PC do B and the military. The intention was to understand the way that each group walked to get to the Araguaia and the region, which were the goals that were intended to fulfill and the practices adopted to achieve them. The research has as sources the testimonies of the peasants of the region, the documentation produced by the Communist Party of Brazil on guerrilla warfare, and military records on transactions, are official records and reports and books written by some of the army officers involved in the repression / A Guerrilha do Araguaia ocorreu entre 1972 e 1974, na região sul dos estados do Pará e do Maranhão, além do norte do estado de Goiás (atual Tocantins). Envolveu cerca de 70 militantes do Partido Comunista do Brasil, partido que a organizou, e algumas dezenas de moradores que se incorporaram ao movimento. Ambos os grupos foram reprimidos pelas Forças Armadas, que prendeu, torturou e assassinou guerrilheiros e camponeses. Esta pesquisa tem como objeto de estudo as trajetórias, representações e práticas dos grupos sociais que protagonizaram este evento: camponeses, militantes do PC do B e os militares. A intenção foi a de compreender o caminho que cada grupo trilhou para chegar ao Araguaia e na região, quais eram os objetivos que tinham a intenção de cumprir e as práticas que adotaram para atingi-los. A investigação teve como fontes os depoimentos dos camponeses da região, a documentação produzida pelo Partido Comunista do Brasil sobre a guerrilha, além de registros militares sobre as operações, sejam os registros oficiais ou relatos e livros produzidos por alguns dos oficiais do Exército envolvidos na repressão

Violent events involving female students symbolized the rise and fall of the New Left in Japan, from the death of Kanba Michiko in a mass demonstration of 1960 to the 1972 deaths ordered by Nagata Hiroko in a sectarian purge. This study traces how shifting definitions of violence associated with the student movement map onto changes in popular representations of the female student activist, with broad implications for the role women could play in postwar politics and society. In considering how gender and violence figured in the formation and dissolution of the New Left in Japan, I trace three phases of the postwar Japanese student movement. The first (1957-1960), which I treat in chapters one and two, was one of idealism, witnessing the emergence of the New Left in 1957 and, within only a few years, some of its largest public demonstrations. Young women became new political actors in the postwar period, their enfranchisement commonly represented as a break from and a bulwark against "male" wartime violence. Chapter two traces the processes by which Kanba Michiko became an icon of New Left sacrifice and the fragility of postwar democracy. It introduces Kanba's own writings to underscore the ironic discrepancy between her public significance as a "maiden sacrifice" and her personal relationship to radical politics. A phase of backlash (1960-1967) followed the explosive rise of Japan's New Left. Chapter three introduces some key tabloid debates that suggested female presence in social institutions such as universities held the potential to "ruin the nation." The powerful influence of these frequently sarcastic but damaging debates, echoed in government policies re-linking young women to domestic labor, confirmed mass media's importance in interpreting the social role of the female student. Although the student movement imagined itself as immune to the logic of the state and the mass media, the practices of the late-1960s campus-based student movement, examined in chapter four, illustrate how larger societal assumptions about gender roles undergirded the gendered hierarchy of labor that emerged in the barricades. The final phase (1969-1972) of the student New Left was dominated by two imaginary rather than real female figures, and is best emblematized by the notion of "Gewalt." I use the German term for violence, Gewalt, because of its peculiar resonances within the student movement of the late 1960s. Japanese students employed a transliteration--gebaruto--to distinguish their "counter-violence" from the violence employed by the state. However, the mass media soon picked up on the term and reversed its polarities in order to disparage the students' actions. It was in this late-1960s moment that women, once considered particularly vulnerable to violence, became deeply associated with active incitement to violence. I explore this dynamic, and the New Left's culture of masculinity, in chapters five and six.

Cardiovascular disease (CVD) consistently ranks among the leading causes of death in the United States. The most common subtype of CVD, ischemic heart disease, is a frequent precursor of myocardial infarction and heart failure, most commonly affecting the left ventricle (LV). Today, echocardiography is regarded as the gold standard in screening, diagnosis, and monitoring of LV dysfunction. But while global assessment of LV function tends to be quantitative, cardiologists with specific expertise still perform many regional evaluations subjectively. However, a more objective and quantitative measure of regional function – myocardial strain – has been developed and widely studied using 2D echocardiography. With recent developments in real-time 3D echocardiography (RT3DE), it has become possible to measure strain in its native 3D orientation as well. Our laboratory’s earlier work introduced the Optical Flow (OF) method of strain analysis, which was validated on simulated echocardiograms as well as through animal studies. The principal goal of this thesis is to translate this OF-based method of strain estimation from the research setting to the patient’s bedside. We have performed a series of studies to evaluate the feasibility, accuracy, and reproducibility of OF-based myocardial strain estimation in a routine clinical setting. The first investigation focused on the optimization of RT3DE acquisition and the OF processing pipeline for use in human subjects. Subsequently, we evaluated the capacity of this technique to distinguish abnormal strain patterns in patients with CVD and varying degrees of LV dysfunction. Our analysis revealed that segmental strain measures obtained by OF may have better sensitivity and specificity than the more commonly used global LV strains. Our third validation study examined the reproducibility of these strain measures in both healthy and diseased populations. We established that OF-based strain measures demonstrate repeatability comparable to that achieved by the latest commercial software commonly used in clinical research to estimate 2D or 3D strain. These studies were driven in large part by the absence of a ground truth or accepted gold standard of 3D strain measurements in the human LV. However, cardiac magnetic resonance imaging has had considerable success in measuring some forms of strain in the human LV. We therefore began to develop an image-processing pipeline to derive strain estimates from a new pulse sequence called 3D-DENSE. We further sought to improve the OF pipeline by automating the process of tracking the LV border. To this end, we developed a level-set based technique which tracks the LV endocardium. Our evaluation of its performance on RT3DE data confirmed that this method performs within the limits of inter-observer variability. Overall, our pilot studies of OF-based strain estimation demonstrate that the technique possesses several promising features for improving cardiologists’ ability to quantify and interpret the complex three-dimensional deformations of the human LV.

O objetivo deste estudo é compreender as principais características da militância política contra a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil realizada por brasileiros exilados em Argel entre 1965 e 1979. O trabalho almeja mostrar que Argel transformou-se em local estratégico para a composição de redes transnacionais de oposição à ditadura, pois os brasileiros que se exilaram na capital argelina mantinham contatos com lideranças de esquerda na Europa, com integrantes de movimentos em prol da independência africana e com instituições de defesa dos direitos humanos. Sob liderança do ex-governador de Pernambuco, Miguel Arraes, um grupo de exilados criou a Frente Brasileira de Informação, que interligou exilados brasileiros em países europeus e americanos para divulgar boletins com denúncias sobre a desigualdade social, a censura e a tortura na ditadura brasileira. Argel também foi inclusa na rota de exilados que queriam chegar à Europa, especialmente em Paris, onde estava a maior quantidade de exilados brasileiros, e Cuba, onde se realizavam treinamentos para a luta armada dos integrantes das organizações de esquerda como ALN (Ação Libertadora Nacional), MR-8 (Movimento Revolucionário Oito de outubro) e VPR (Vanguarda Popular Revolucionária). Toda a movimentação dos exilados na Argélia foi acompanhada atentamente pelos departamentos de investigação da ditadura e por meio da colaboração entre agentes diplomáticos brasileiros, franceses e norte-americanos. As investigações sobre as ações dos exilados na Argélia visavam principalmente à contenção das críticas promovidas em âmbito internacional por membros da Frente Brasileira de Informação e reprimir a organização de guerrilhas com possível participação dos quarenta banidos para Argel após o sequestro do embaixador alemão, Ehrenfried Von Holleben. / The objective of this study is to understand the main characteristics of political activism against the civilian-military dictatorship in Brazil carried out by Brazilian exiles in Algiers between 1965 and 1979. The research aims to show that Algiers has become a strategic location for the composition of transnational networks of opposition to the dictatorship, because the Brazilians who were exiled in the Algerian capital maintained contacts with left-wing leaders in Europe, with movements of members in favor of African independence and human rights institutions. Under the leadership of former governor of Pernambuco, Miguel Arraes, a group of exiles created the Brazilian Information Front, which interconnected Brazilian exiles in European and American countries to disseminate bulletins with reports on social inequality, censorship and torture in Brazilian dictatorship. Algiers was also included in the route of exiles who wanted to reach Europe, especially Paris, where there was the largest amount of Brazilian exiles, and Cuba, where happened training for armed struggle of members of leftist organizations as ALN (National Liberation Alliance), MR-8 (Revolutionary Movement Eight October) and VPR (Popular Revolutionary Vanguard). The whole movement of exiles in Algeria was carefully monitored by the research departments of the dictatorship and through collaboration between Brazilian diplomatic agents, French and American. Investigations into the actions of the exiles in Algeria aimed mainly at curbing criticism promoted internationally by members of the Brazilian Information Front and repress the organization of guerrillas with a possible participation of forty banished to Algiers after the kidnapping of the German ambassador, Ehrenfried von Holleben.

Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo estudar a atuação do Movimento 19 de Abril (M-19), grupo guerrilheiro colombiano fundado em 1973, e que realizou suas primeiras ações armadas em 1974. Em 1990, o M-19 depôs as armas e transformou-se num partido político, ajudando a escrever uma nova Constituição na Colômbia. Ao longo do trabalho, analisamos mais de 50 fontes primárias (jornais, boletins informativos e documentos internos produzidos pelos guerrilheiros). O estudo sobre o M-19 permite um duplo movimento: de um lado, observar como os guerrilheiros fazem a releitura da História da Colômbia, através de uma forte disputa simbólica pelo passado, que inclui personagens como Simón Bolívar e Jorge Gaitán; de outro, compreender como certas permanências, que remontam ao século XIX, ressurgem nas ações do M-19. Levantamos a hipótese de que, na Colômbia, o sistema político mantem-se permanentemente bloqueado para os de fora, e discutimos ainda as relações entre esquerda e democracia, procurando entender se o M-19 foi de fato renovador como se pretendia, ou se dialogava com as tradições de esquerda dominantes na América Latina da segunda metade do século XX. Esta dissertação adota a perspectiva de uma História Política renovada, em que a narrativa não é dominada (apenas) pelos fatos políticos miúdos, mas permite compreender movimentos de longa duração da cultura política colombiana, favorecendo também a reflexão sobre a democracia e a América Latina. / This research aims to study the 19th of April Movement (M-19), the Colombian guerrilla group created in 1973 that held its first armed actions the following year. In 1990, the M-19 laid down arms and became a political party, helping to write Colombia\'s new Constitution. Throughout the research we analyzed more than 50 primary sources (newspapers, newsletters and internal documents produced by the guerrillas). On the one hand, we observe how the guerrillas reread the past of Colombia, in a symbolic dispute that brings forward characters such as Simón Bolívar and Jorge Gaitán; on the other, we understand how certain features of the past, dating back to the nineteenth century, resurface in the M-19\'s actions. We hypothesize that, in Colombia, the political system is permanently locked to \"outsiders\", and also review the relationship between left and democracy, trying to understand if the M-19 intended to renew it, or if it followed the dominant traditions of the left in Latin America in the second half of the twentieth century. This research adopts the perspective of a renovated Political History, in which the narrative is not dominated (only) by minor political events, but allows us to understand long-term trends of colombian political culture, also encouraging wider reflection on democracy and Latin America.

The purpose of this study is to evaluate the impact of the standards-based accountability (SBA) provisions of No Child Left Behind (NCLB) on the retention of teachers of color. I am interested in this impact, given the growing body of evidence suggesting a more diverse teacher workforce would benefit all students, particularly students of color (Villegas & Irvine, 2010); however, the teacher workforce is becoming increasingly homogenous and white, in part, due to the declining retention of teachers of color. Overall, I hypothesize that the widespread introduction of SBA as prescribed by NCLB has changed teachers’ instructional practices, thereby changing teachers’ experiences of their job and ultimately their employment decisions. Further, I posit that those changes in teachers’ experience, particularly reductions in perceptions of classroom autonomy, disproportionately impacts the employment decisions of teachers of color (Ingersoll & May, 2011). In this study, I answer three research questions: (1) How have trends in teacher retention changed over time and, how does that vary by teacher race/ethnicity? (2) What teacher-, school-, and organizational-factors influence teacher retention, and how do those vary by teacher race/ethnicity? (3) How has the widespread introduction of SBA through NCLB influenced teacher retention, and how does that vary by teacher race/ethnicity? I use the Schools and Staffing Survey (SASS) and its accompanying Teacher Follow-Up Survey (TFS) to answer my three research questions. Overall, I confirm an increasing decline in the retention of black and Hispanic teachers and decreasing perceptions of classroom autonomy, which coincides with the widespread introduction of SBA through the signing of NCLB in 2002. However, that decline in retention is only significant for black teachers and not for Hispanic teachers by 2007-08. Additionally, using a linear probability model, I found that the relationship between perceptions of classroom autonomy and retention varies by teacher race/ethnicity, and that there is a significant relationship between perceptions of classroom autonomy and retention for black teachers in 2007. However, I did not find that relationship for Hispanic teachers or white teachers. Ultimately, using a difference-in-difference (DD) model, I only found a significant decline in retention for Hispanic teachers as result of the SBA provisions of NCLB; however, it is unclear how the SBA provisions of NCLB is driving that decline, since I did not find a meaningful relationship between perceptions of classroom autonomy and retention for Hispanic teachers. In that DD model, I did not find a similar decline for black teachers. On the contrary, I found that black teachers in 2007 in states that had previously adopted SBA provisions similar to those in NCLB (Prior states) experienced a significant decline retention and perceptions of classroom autonomy, despite previous exposures to those SBA provisions. These counterintuitive results lead me to reinterpret my results applying institutional theory. Using institutional theory, I concluded that Prior states were able to implement the SBA provisions of NCLB with greater fidelity and, therefore, the impact of NCLB on perceptions of classroom autonomy and retention was greatest for black teachers in those states. Based on these results, I offer future research and policy recommendations to improve the diversity of the teacher workforce.

Introdução: O strain do átrio esquerdo (AE) permite uma análise quantitativa da função do AE. A relevância clínica desta medida é dependente da informação incremental à análise da função do ventrículo esquerdo (VE), particularmente importante em indivíduos portadores de insuficiência cardíaca (IC). O objetivo deste estudo foi avaliar o impacto prognóstico da disfunção atrial em pacientes com IC. Método: Ecocardiograma foi realizado em 217 pacientes em ritmo sinusal com IC e fração de ejeção (FE) do VE<40%. A análise do strain do AE foi avaliada por meio do speckle tracking, usando o QRS como referência. O seguimento foi realizado prospectivamente para avaliar a ocorrência de morte e transplante cardíaco (desfecho primário), além de infarto agudo do miocárdio (IAM), acidente vascular encefálico (AVE) e internação por IC. A associação do strain de reservatório, de conduto e de contração ativa com os desfechos foram avaliados por meio de análise univariada e multivariada de regressão de Cox. Resultados: Pacientes apresentaram idade média de 58±12 anos, sendo 62% homens e FE média de 29%±6. O tempo de seguimento médio foi de 2,8 anos. Os desfechos primário e secundário ocorreram em 18 e 54%, respectivamente. O strain de reservatório e de contração ativa estiveram relacionados com os desfechos primários, e o strain de reservatório e conduto estiveram relacionados com o desfecho secundário independentemente da idade, sexo, FE, classe funcional, regurgitação mitral ou grau de disfunção diastólica (p<0,05). Conclusão: O strain de reservatório do AE é um marcador independente de eventos adversos em pacientes portadores de IC e disfunção ventricular moderada e importante. Nossos achados sugerem que o strain do AE pode auxiliar na estratificação de risco de pacientes com IC. / Background: Left atrial (LA) strain imaging enables the quantitative assessment of LA function. The clinical relevance of these measurements is dependent on the provision of information incremental to the left ventricular (LV) evaluation, particulary important in heart failure (HF). The aim of this study was analyze the potential prognostic role of LA function in patients with HF. Methods: Echocardiography was undertaken in 217 patients with HF, left ventricular ejection fraction(EF)<40% and sinus rhythm. LA function was analyzed by speckle-tracking, using R-R gating. A prospective follow-up was conducted to report death and cardiac transplantation (primary endpoint), in addition to acute myocardial infarction, stroke and hospital admission (secondary endpoint). The association between LA reservoir, conduit and pump strain with adverse outcomes were assessed using univariate and multivariate Cox regression model. Results: Patients mean age 58±12 years, 62% men and mean EF 29±6%. Mean follow-up time was 2,8 years. The primary and secondary endpoints ocurred in 18 and 54%, respectively. LA reservoir and pump were associated with the primary endpoint, and LA reservoir and conduit were associated with secondary endpoint independently of age, sex, EF, functional class, mitral regurgitation or diastolic function (p<0,05). Conclusion: LA reservoir strain is an independent predictor of adverse events in pacients with moderate and severe HF. This finding suggests that LA strain can help as a marker in the risk stratification of patients with HF.