The aim of this thesis is to describe and analyze the gradual disappearance of private enterprise in Czechoslovakia in the years 1948 - 1964 based on the analysis of relevant laws and regulations. The theoretical part deals with the analysis of legislation giving effect to nationalization, these laws puts into political and economic framework of the former Czechoslovakia. Thesis will concentrate not only on the second wave of nationalization and the state interventions in the economy that occurred after February 1948, but it emphasizes that the first significant changes in the national economy appear in the Czechoslovakia in the period before February 1948 through presidential decrees from October 1945. The analytical part of thesis evaluates the progress of the nationalization on the example of the eight selected enterprises. Thesis brings finding that the conduct of the nationalization of chosen companies largely meet legal requirements on nationalization. On the other hand, it is necessary to take into account that the legislation governing the nationalization was strongly influenced by the political means that their aim was to destroy private enterprise.

Holocaust monuments are often catalysts in the ‘nationalization’ of the Holocaust – the process by which Holocaust memory is shaped by its national milieu. Between 2009 and 2011, the Parliament of Canada debated a bill which set out the guidelines for the establishment of a National Holocaust Monument (NHM), which ultimately became a federal Act of Parliament in early 2011. I examine the discourse generated by this bill to understand how the memory of the Holocaust is being integrated into the Canadian identity, and argue that the debate surrounding the NHM has been instrumental in the ‘Canadianisation’ of the Holocaust. I summarise my findings by placing them into dialogue with other national memories of the Holocaust, and identify three distinct features of Holocaust memory in Canada: a centrifugal trajectory originating in the Jewish community, a particular-universal tension rooted in multiculturalism, and a multifaceted memory comprising several conflicting – though not competing – narratives. Monuments de l’Holocauste sont souvent des catalyseurs de la «nationalisation» de l'Holocauste – le processus par lequel mémoire de l'Holocauste est formé par son milieu national. Entre 2009 et 2011, le Parlement du Canada a débattre un projet de loi qui crée les lignes directrices pour la mise en place d'un Monument national de l'Holocauste (MNH), qui est finalement devenu une loi fédérale du Parlement au début de 2011. J'examine le discours généré par ce projet de loi pour comprendre comment la mémoire de l'Holocauste est intégrée dans l'identité canadienne, et soutien que le débat entourant le MNH a joué un rôle déterminant dans la «canadianisation» de l'Holocauste. Je résume mes conclusions en les plaçant dans le dialogue avec d'autres mémoires nationales de l'Holocauste, et d'identifier trois caractéristiques distinctes de mémoire de l'Holocauste au Canada: une trajectoire centrifuge d’origine dans la communauté juive, une tension particulière-universelle enracinée dans le multiculturalisme, et une mémoire à multiples facettes comprenant plusieurs récits contradictories – mais pas compétitifs.

Esta pesquisa traz 3 estudos independentes, sobre temas ligados às questões do que é nacionalização partidária e como nacionalização, regionalização e localismo são afetados por e afetam os sistemas eleitorais e partidários. Mais especificamente, no capítulo 1 proponho uma nova definição teórica de nacionalização dos partidos e sistemas partidários. Argumento que tal conceito pode ser dividido em 4 dimensões, que são a nacionalização da organização partidária, da oferta eleitoral, da demanda eleitoral e dos resultados eleitorais. Em seguida, aplico esse quadro teórico ao caso brasileiro para mostrar como, de fato, maior precisão conceitual altera a leitura empírica que se faz de um sistema. No capítulo 2, exploro uma das consequências da nacionalização partidária, que vem sendo teorizada pela literatura mas nunca testada de modo direto. Trata-se da ideia de que nacionalização seria o que conecta as circunscrições eleitorais e faz as proposições de Duverger passarem do nível local ao nacional. Para testar isso, incluirei nacionalização dos sistemas partidários pela primeira vez num modelo de número de partidos - aptos lidar com problemas de endogeneidade que vêm impedindo autores de fazerem isso. Assim, será possível provar e demonstrar que a não inclusão de nacionalização vem causando viés de variável omitida nos modelos da literatura. Quando esse é corrigo, através da inclusão de nacionalização por um sistema de equações simultâneas, altera-se algumas das interpretações canônicas sobre a fragmentação partidária. Por fim, no capítulo 3 reavalio a ideia comum de que sistemas eleitorais com voto pessoal levariam candidatos a ter apoio eleitoral geograficamente concentrado, portanto localista. Ofereço uma discussão teórica e evidências de que tal padrão territorial não é a regra do que vem ocorrendo, por exemplo, em sistemas de lista aberta. Além disso, tanto concentrar votos como espalhá-los vem dando dividendos eleitorais e poucos candidatos conseguem atingir patamares altos de concentração, a um nível que prediga real aumento nas chances de eleição. / This research oers 3 independent studies on the questions of what is party nationalization, how nationalization, regionalization or localism are aected by and aect the electoral systems and the party systems. More specically, in the 1st chapter a new theoretical denition of party and party system nationalization is presented, dividing such concept into four dimensions - the nationalization of party organization, of the electoral supply, of the electoral demand and of the electoral outcome. After that, such a theoretical framework is applied to the Brazilian case to demonstrate how, in fact, more conceptual precision can alter empirical readings about a given party system. The 2nd chapter explores one of the consequences of party system nationalization, which literature has theorized but never tested directly. Namely, the idea that party nationalization would be what puts the electoral circumscriptions together and what makes Duvergerian propositions move from the local to the national level. To test that, party system nationalization is included for the rst time in a model of eective number of parties, after handling endogeneity problems that have prevented scholars from doing the same. With such inclusion, it will be proven and demonstrated that omitting party nationalization from models of number of parties, which is a common practice, incurs in omitted variable bias. In fact, such correct inclusion of party nationalization trough a system of simultaneous equations corrects that bias, altering some of the canonical interpretations about party system fragmentation. Lastly, in the 3rd chapter I reevaluate the common idea that electoral systems with personal voting would lead to geographical concentration (i.e. localization) of candidates\' electoral support. I oer a theoretical discussion and then empirical evidence that such territorial pattern is not the rule of what happens for instance in open-list PR. Besides, both concentrating and spreading votes are electorally protable results and very few candidates achieve levels of concentration that predicts eective increases in the odds of being elected.

(In English) The diploma thesis is about the nationalization of Czechoslovak cinema from the beginnings of reflections and preparations that led to this step, to the debates and institutional steps that occurred after the adoption of Decree No. 50 on measures in the field of film in August 1945. The thesis perceives the issue of nationalization of cinematography as a process in which the political and social changes that affected Czechoslovakia during the 1930s and 1940s were reflected. The aim of the work is to find out what circumstances led to structural and property changes in cinematography, and what these changes meant for Czechoslovak film. The thesis will be based on archival materials, periodicals and professional literature.

The aim of this thesis is to find the historical differences of nationalization in a peripheral and in a central country. I will look at and compare the development and the processes of nationalization of the petroleum and hydropower industries in Mexico and Norway and how these differed from a world system perspective. The question of nationalization of resources and the countries' respective history in this field are oftentimes invoked in discourses in both countries. The latest examples thereof were the debate about the need to join the Agency for the Cooperation of Energy Regulators (ACER), a regulator that all EU members are part of without most even being aware that their country is participating in it, but that in the case of Norway's decision to join it in spring 2018 lead to massive campaigns involving trade unions and environmental organizations, and which the Norwegian Labor party have a large internal debate on whether joining an organization that regulated energy trade would have negative consequences for Norway1. In Mexico, the theme of oil is one of the favorite themes of newly elected President Andrés Manuel Lopez Obrador. He promised that he would stop any privatization efforts of either electricity or petrol sector should he win. Given that the question seems so important to each country, one has to wonder why the outcome is so different.

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Les succursales implantées dans un pays étranger sont plus autonomes que leurs consoeurs situées dans le même pays que la maison mère. Elles évoluent dans un environnement juridique différent et par conséquent les liens avec la maison mère sont distendus. Le tribunal de l’Etat d’accueil de la succursale est compétent et les lois de ce pays sont applicables. Toutefois, les lois du pays d’accueil ne sont pas les seules à être applicables. L’absence de personnalité juridique des succursales aura pour conséquence la sollicitation des lois de la maison mère. La cohabitation entre territorialité et extraterritorialité des lois peut donner lieu soit à des conflits soit à des situations de fraude. En l’absence de coopération entre Etats, les succursales qui sont des formes de rayonnement extérieur de la société deviennent des instruments pour pratiquer non seulement le forum shopping mais aussi le law shopping et le tax shopping. / The branches implanted in foreign countries are more autonomous than branches situated in some country as the parent Company. They evolve in a different legal environment and consequently the links with the parent Company are distended. The Court of the State of reception of the branch is competent and laws of this Country are applicable. But the laws of the host country are not the only ones to be applicable. The cohabitation between territoriality and extraterritoriality of the laws can give rise either to conflicts or the situations of fraud. In the absence of cooperation between States the branches witch are forms of brilliance exterior of the Company are transformed into instruments to have a practice not only forum shopping but also law shopping and tax shopping.

Este estudo tem por objeto a Companhia Paulista de Estradas de Ferro no período de 1930 a 1961. Com o propósito de sanar a lacuna existente na historiografia a respeito da história dessa Companhia após os anos trinta, selecionamos a referida periodização na intenção de ampliar o conhecimento a respeito do tema das ferrovias de São Paulo para além das décadas de 1930 e 1940. Nosso objetivo é analisar o desempenho da Companhia Paulista por meio do exame dos principais indicadores econômicos e financeiros presentes nos relatórios da ferrovia que eram periodicamente apresentados aos acionistas nas assembleias gerais ordinárias. A partir do exame das disputas políticas travadas no âmbito do Estado, busca-se avaliar se a diretoria da Paulista exercia algum tipo de influência sobre as determinações estatais no tocante às políticas de transporte e às políticas voltadas para a promoção do desenvolvimento econômico, especialmente, do estado de São Paulo. Por fim, investigam-se os contornos mais gerais dos principais condicionantes que permearam o processo de estatização da Paulista, ferrovia esta que, a nosso ver, representou o último bastião do transporte privado por trilhos no Brasil, durante o período anterior ao golpe militar de 1964. / The object of this study is the Companhia Paulista de Estradas de Ferro at the period of 1930 to 1961. With the proposal to fulfill the gap in the historiography about the history of the Company after 1930, we selected this period intending to increase the knowledge about railways in Sao Paulo, beyond the 1930 and 1940 decades. Our aim is to analyze the performance of the Companhia Paulista by investigating the main economical and financial indicators included at the companys reports, periodically submitted to shareholders at ordinary general meetings. By the examination of political disputes within the State, we assessed whether the board of the Company exercised some influence over the state determinations about transport and development policies, especially at the state of Sao Paulo. Finally, we investigate the more general contours of the main factors involved in the process of nationalization of the Companhia Paulista, considering that the railway is, in our view, the last symbol of private transport by rail in Brazil during the period before the military coup of 1964.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-04T21:14:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 12 / Bolsa para curso e programa de Pós Graduação / Esta tese é fruto de uma pesquisa realizada com o objetivo de analisar os discursos sobre a escola e a matemática escolar de um grupo de colonos, descendentes de alemães e evangélico-luteranos, que freqüentavam uma escola rural do município de Estrela-RS, quando da efetivação dos decretos que instituíram a Campanha de Nacionalização – uma das medidas do Estado Novo (1937-1945), implementado no Brasil por Getúlio Vargas. Os aportes teóricos que sustentam a investigação são as teorizações pós-estruturalistas, na vertente vinculada ao pensamento de Michel Foucault, e o campo da Etnomatemática, em uma perspectiva construída com o apoio das formulações de Ludwig Wittgenstein em sua obra Investigações Filosóficas. O material de pesquisa examinado consiste em: narrativas produzidas por três mulheres e quatro homens que estudaram naquela escola no período enfocado; cartilhas de matemática e cadernos de cópia e ditado usados na referida instituição; e o texto, intitulado “As escolas do passado”, elaborado por um dos p / This thesis is the result of a research carried out with the aim to analyze the discourses on school and school mathematics of a group of German-descendant, Evangelic-Lutheran settlers who attended a rural school in Estrela-RS, at the time of the Nationalization Campaign – one of the actions taken during the Estado Novo (1937-1945), by Getúlio Vargas in Brazil. The theoretical grounds of the investigation are the post-structuralist theorizations, related to Michel Foucault’s thinking as well as to the field of Ethnomathematics, in a perspective constructed with the support of formulations of Ludwig Wittgenstein in his work Philosophical Investigations. The research material consisted of narratives produced by three women and four men who studied at the school during that period; mathematics textbooks and exercise books for copy and dictation used at the institution, and the text entitled “Schools of the past” , written by one of the participants of the research. The analytical exercise performed with the us