日本的經濟外交政策屬於外交政策的一環，但也由於其牽涉到使用經濟手段而有了特殊性，亦即必須在國際格局之外，兼顧國內政治經濟的環境變動因素，因此本文試圖從日本的國內政經聯盟變化，包含政黨、官僚、財界等所組成之鐵三角及民間社會因素的開放性多元互動，去探討其對外經濟外交政策演變之影響。本文從比較政治經濟途徑切入具體的研究個案，以日本對中國之有償日圓借款於1979年的開始至2005年決議結束這兩個時間點觀察，突顯出經濟外交政策乃受到國內政經環境的影響，而「國家」以外的「社會」因素又如何能夠在這兩個時間點，藉由各種和政黨或官僚之聯盟關係影響政策之演變。本文透過質量化方法研究發現，當政經聯盟的主要行動者間有足夠之共同利益時，將會尋求結盟但不打破鐵三角的方式產出有利的政策結果，而對中有償借款之結束，恰是財界角色的誘因從開始的強力運作到後來轉為逐漸淡出，再加上民意相對於開始時產生的巨大反差，使得在這兩個時間點有著截然不同的政策產出結果，亦即該政策的變化被「利益」和「民意」兩項決定性因素所交叉影響著。

This paper aims to describe the dynamics of objective health and welfare in five populations, from the year 2000 to 2009, qua a methodological study. It proposes a three step approach to ensure the validity criteria in the conducted research process: firstly, to identify the relevant variables as predictors of the two phenomena, empiric studies and sociological theories by Esping-Andersen (1999) Nussbaum (1999, 2000, 2011), were consulted. This (with the data availability) frames the study to include five related categories of objective health and welfare indicators, including (1) demographic (e. g. life expectancy (LE), total fertility rate (TFR)), (2) child-welfare (i. e. under-five mortality rate (U5MR), (3) welfare services (immunization coverage and prevalence of tuberculosis (TB)), (4) education, and (5) indicators on health expenditure (HE). The applied theoretical frame–in a combination with the four posed research questions–indicates a need of an overall methodological approach that is primary quantitative. The data analysis follows an observational epidemiological type that is descriptive study, to analyse the indicators in five populations and two control groups. The study obtains descriptive data from three data bases, which are selected upon a qualitative analysis, to account for their validity and reliability. Further data analysis is strengthened qua the inclusion of the two control groups of populations, when appropriate. Since it wasn’t possible to compare data on populations across time, due to different data production methodologies. Main findings indicate that HE, immunization, TFR, male and female LE, U5MR and school enrolment, tend to diverge between and within the five populations, expressed in absolute and relative terms. The comparison of the estimated data for the five populations with the two control groups of populations, shows that most objective health and welfare indicators tend to converge, (within categories 1, 2 and 3, except TFR) when expressed in absolute and relative terms. When estimated data is analysed in the light of two sociological theories, it is evident that the existing gap between male and female LE, U5MR, and HE indicators can improve further. / B

科学研究費補助金 研究種目:基盤研究(B) 課題番号:06451049 研究代表者:潮木 守一 研究期間:1994-1996年度

Il coordinamento dell’aiuto pubblico allo sviluppo, evocato negli ultimi anni da più parti come la soluzione alla deludente efficacia degli aiuti è in realtà un argomento che nasce quasi contemporaneamente alle prime organizzazioni internazionali dedicate allo sviluppo . La funzione ambivalente delle Nazioni Unite, agente di mediazione diplomatica da un lato (mediazione tra stati e tra gruppi di potere all’interno dello stesso stato), e agente di sviluppo dall’altro, garantisce all’organizzazione un ruolo preminente nel coordinamento degli aiuti nei contesti di guerra e di post-conflitto. E’ questa stessa ambivalenza che impone all’organizzazione un rapporto ufficiale con i territori sottosviluppati, incardinato nella relazione con i governi centrali degli stati. La critica radicale all’aiuto pubblico allo sviluppo individua tutte le distorsioni politiche ed economiche legate all’afflusso dei fondi, sottolineandone le aggravanti possibili laddove esista una discrasia tra gli obiettivi di sviluppo delle Nazioni Unite e quelli dell’élite che occupa le posizioni apicali dello stato. Questa ricerca attraverso un’analisi storica del contesto, mette in luce l’interazione tra il sistema degli aiuti e il sistema-paese in Tajikistan dall’ingresso delle organizzazioni ai giorni nostri. L’analisi dimostra infine che la struttura politico-economica radicata sul territorio, pur conservando i tratti di uno “stato predatorio” (tratti non alleviati bensì aggravati dalle distorsioni legate all’afflusso dei fondi per lo sviluppo), sfugge in realtà alla definizione stessa di “Stato”. Questo dato rivela una debolezza insita nell’approccio metodologico del sistema degli aiuti che si fonda proprio sull’archetipo dello “Stato”. / The Official Development Assistance (ODA) coordination has been recently launched as a genuine mean to increase aid effectiveness. Actually, the “aid coordination” paradigm was born almost contemporaneously to the first international organizations dedicated to “development”. The ambivalent function of the United Nation that acts both as an agent of diplomatic mediation (among states and among different lobbies within the borders of the same state), and as a development agent, guarantees to United Nations a preeminent role in the field of aid coordination in conflict and post-conflict contexts. It’s this real ambivalence that compels the United Nations to deal with development countries through official relations with the central governments. The radical critique to development aid shows different political and economic distortions related to the incidence of foreign funds. At the same time, it underlines that wherever the goals of the official governments diverge from the development goals of the aid community these distortions might be even more burdensome for the country. This research, through an historical analysis, draws attention on the interaction among the development industry and the country-system in Tajikistan from the arrival of the international organizations to our days. The analysis demonstrates that the political and economic structure of the country, while maintaining the features of a “predatory state” (features which are not alleviated but worsened by the distortions brought about by the aid industry), simply do not comply with the definition of a “State”. This result highlights an innate weakness of the aid industry methodological approach that is in fact, fully based on the political archetype of the “State”.

The effectiveness of development cooperation is currently widely discussed. Development cooperation has come to be criticized, both in terms of its appropriateness and for failing to address some of the global challenges that affect poorer nations. Respecting the differences of developing countries, therefore, plays an important role. It is a question of whether developed countries are aware of cultural and other differences and are proceeding in their help concerning these differences. The problem that the thesis wants to draw attention to is the functionality of development cooperation, which can be influenced by various actors and their beliefs. The main goal is to try to explain, using the theory named Advocacy Coalition Framework, how the beliefs of actors can affect development cooperation. One of the other partial goals is to find out whether and how advocacy coalitions are formed in the field of development cooperation. The contribution of the work is mainly the critical application of the ACF theory in the field of development cooperation in the environment of the Republic of Kenya, as well as the application of the Q method in the research of the perspectives of selected actors. According to the author, the work can also have other benefits such as providing a new perspective on the issue of...

v anglickém jazyce: This study focuses on the analysis of former Czech political project of "4-Coalition", which was established by four Czech oppositional parties (KDU-ČSL, US, ODA and DEU) in the years 1998 - 2002. This analysis is done through the case study, which focuses on the development of "4-Coalition" in its three developmental stages: from the cooperation of the sovereign parties, throw the formalized platform of party cooperation to the project of "4- Coalition" as a peculiar actor of the Czech politics. The analysis of ideological background, program and personnel questions shows the potential tensions, that arose inside of "4- Coalition", gives them in the appropriate historical context and analyses its causes. These tensions together with the external factors are viewed as a fundamental cause of the final failure of the project of "4-Coalition" and its disintegration. The aim of this study is to answer the question, whether it is possible in party system perspective to speak about "4-Coalition" as a potential third pole of the Czech party system, or whether it is anomaly, which the systemic tendency to the bipolar configuration doesn't infringe. With regard to the continuing relevance of only one left-right dimension of the party competition and the completion of the project of so...

Foreign aid has been used on the one hand by donors as an important international relations policy tool and on the other hand by developing countries as a source of funds for development. Since its inception in the 1940s, foreign aid has been one of the most researched topics in development economics. This study adds to this growing aid effectiveness literature, with a particular focus on the under-researched relationship between foreign aid and extreme poverty. The main empirical assessment is based on a sample of 120 developing countries from 1981 to 2013. The study had two main objectives, namely: (i) to estimate the impact of foreign aid on poverty reduction and (ii) to examine the direction of causality between foreign aid and poverty in developing countries. From these two broad objectives, there are six specific objectives, which include to: (i) examine the overall impact of foreign aid (total official development assistance) on extreme poverty, (ii) investigate the impact of different proxies of foreign aid on the three proxies of extreme poverty, (iii) assess whether political freedom (democracy) or economic freedom enhances the effectiveness of foreign aid, (iv) compare the impact of foreign aid on extreme poverty by developing country income groups, and (v) examine the direction of causality between extreme poverty and foreign aid. To achieve these objectives, the study employed two main dynamic panel data econometric estimation methods, namely the systemgeneralised method of moments (SGMM) technique and the panel vector error correction model (VECM) Granger causality framework. While the SGMM was used to assess the impact of foreign aid on extreme poverty, the panel VECM Granger causality was used to examine the direction of causality between foreign aid poverty. The SGMM was used because of its ability to deal with endogeneity by controlling for simultaneity and unobserved heterogeneity, whereas the panel VECM was preferred because the variables were stationary and cointegrated. / Economics / D. Phil. (Economics)