In recent years, there has been a move among Nietzsche scholars to attempt to smooth over many of Nietzsche's seemingly reprehensible moral attitudes, and in so doing, make Nietzsche's philosophy both less radical and more amicable to the existing moral ethos. Nowhere is this trend more apparent then as regards Nietzsche's stance on democracy and egalitarianism. The intent of this paper is to push back against this trend by demonstrating the necessary role Nietzsche's anti-democratic and anti-egalitarian stance plays in his overarching philosophical position. To do so, and in order to elucidate the core of Nietzsche's critique of democracy, two of the strongest proponents of what will be called the "reconciliatory project," Maudemarie Clark and David Owen, will be challenged. As will be demonstrated, Nietzsche is ultimately concerned with the aggrandizement of humanity, both in general and on an individual level, by allowing for radical competitive pluralism, tempered by the unifying greatness of his "higher" humans. This goal, in conjunction with his understanding of human flourishing, leads him to reject egalitarianism wholesale, and in so doing, any democracy rooted therein. This critique will be used to illuminate several of the defining characteristics of a political and social organization conducive to (and perhaps necessary for) the full realization of Nietzsche's ethical perfectionism. Consequently, my conclusions will largely concern the structure of a Nietzschean politics, not its content. This structure is roughly oligarchic, rooted in a culture steeped in agonalism.

Brazil's persistent economic volatility highlights the need for Latin American countries to transition from exporting commodities to producing innovative goods and services. Higher- income Brazilian regions like the Southeast have been more successful at this shift than the Northeast, which remains toward the bottom of the World Bank's upper-middle-income range. The goal of my research is to examine how northeastern Brazil can become a more innovative regional economy. One route is to increase high-potential entrepreneurship in cities like Fortaleza, the node linking Brazil to global Internet traffic and the capital of a state that built a 3,000 km fiber optic network to spur innovation. I studied the cases of four high-potential startups to understand the factors that affect their growth and internationalization in the Northeast. To collect my data, I interviewed the founders of each venture as well as consultants and officials who support new firms. In addition to expected barriers like bureaucracy and low foreign language proficiency, I found that the region's oligarchic society impeded the growth of its startups and Brazil's long history of protectionism hindered their internationalization.

This thesis is about the conflict between participation and bureaucracy. This conflict is illustrated by a case study within the Swedish Armed Forces under the activity that preceded the 1996 Resolution on Defence. More closely it focuses on the decision-making process that led to the Swedish Armed Forces report that were handed over to the Government in March 1996. In this decision-making process the Supreme Commander tried different ways to create participation among all the high- ranking officers, from local up to Headquarters level, to make them participate in the process. The thesis answers the question if it is possible to create participation in a bureau­cratic organisation such as the Swedish Armed Forces, and the conclusion that I draw is that participation is hard to establish. First there is a conflict within the bureaucratic form itself, since a bureaucracy implies a diversification of assignments and responsibilities in different functions and at different levels in a hierarchy. Every level has its own task to fulfil and this states how reality is to be understood. In the Swedish Armed Forces the bureaucratic structure is reinforced by the fact that the officer is promoted to a higher rank after his or her military training. Both the bureaucratic structure and the military training will lead to a differentiation between individuals, and they will be placed in different skills and status levels within the organisation. Besides this, individuals will gather information mostly from their own level, which will further fortify the difference between the levels. Furthermore there are also individual factors connected to the bureaucratic structure that have shown to complicate participation. For example individuals choose not to participate since they experience that they lack necessary competens for the task, that they do not have time, that they have not been consulted or that they consider the task to be solved at a higher level. So even if the military decision-making model encourages and advocates partici­pation, there is a big difficulty to break the bureaucratic design. Leaders often show inability to go from a bureaucratic leadership style to a democratic one. At the same time the subordinate support their leaders when they act as a traditional leader. / digitalisering@umu

Thesis--Cornell University. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 376-394).

153f. / Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-04-22T16:34:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Joao Novaesseg.pdf: 3799766 bytes, checksum: cfb74e0a5aeacf0901415a767f302803 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-24T11:44:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Joao Novaesseg.pdf: 3799766 bytes, checksum: cfb74e0a5aeacf0901415a767f302803 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-24T11:44:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Joao Novaesseg.pdf: 3799766 bytes, checksum: cfb74e0a5aeacf0901415a767f302803 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / O presente trabalho se insere na discussão do sistema coronelista vigente durante a Primeira República (1889/1930). Tal sistema fundamentou as suas práticas em uma rede complexa de compromissos firmados entre a esfera pública e a privada, a envolver desde a parentela do coronel até o Presidente da República. Considerando a possibilidade de haverem especificidades nesse sistema, este trabalho analisa as estratégias adotadas pelo Coronel Marcionillo Antônio de Souza para tornar-se chefe político do município de Maracás e região e, para isso, busca identificar e compreender os conflitos estabelecidos entre seu grupo, denominado de Rabudos, e o que lhe fazia oposição, os Mocós, bem como a significativa participação do Coronel no movimento que ficou conhecido pela historiografia como Levante Sertanejo (1919/1920). O recorte temporal privilegiado por este trabalho abrange o período que vai de 1915 a 1930 e a sua delimitação espacial circunscreve a atual Região Centro-Sul e as suas fronteiras com a Chapada Diamantina e com o Sul do Estado da Bahia, áreas que conviviam com a influência direta do Coronel Marcionillo Souza. / Salvador

The subject of this study has been organizational change within two Scandinavian green parties – the Swedish Green Party and the Norwegian Green Party. Looking at the organizational changes within these two parties using Robert Michel’s famous concept the “iron law of oligarchy”, I have studied whether these two parties have become more oligarchic after having been elected to the national parliaments of Sweden and Norway respectively. What I have found is that although these two parties still retain much of the original organizational structure that they have had, in particular the Swedish Green Party, change has occurred and seems to be occurring, at least in the Norwegian Green Party, which would indicate that the two parties have become more oligarchic. What I have found is in other words that parties which are elected into their national parliament tend to become more oligarchic during the period following the election – the fact that a party is elected into parliament seems to play a key role in the development towards a more oligarchic party structure in the two cases which I have studied.

Este trabalho tem por objetivo a análise do processo histórico que leva ao desenvolvimento de uma consciência democrática em Atenas no final do século V a.C. Para isto observa alguns processos concomitantes que confluem no despontar desta consciência democrática. Quais sejam: 1 - O desenvolvimento dos hábitos epigráficos em Atenas, em especial acerca da produção epigráfica e da organização destas inscrições enquanto hábitos arquivísticos. A relação da escrita com a organização da polis também faz parte deste processo. 2 - O desenvolvimento do conceito de democracia e sua relação com o termo demokratia. Esta investigação é feita através da análise tanto da literatura quanto da epigrafia. 3 – O desenrolar de uma disputa política entre oligarcas e seus opositores, associado ao desejo do fim da guerra do Peloponeso que era almejado pela maioria dos atenienses, mas por motivos diversos. Durante este processo há uma disputa pela autoridade das propostas dos grupos concorrentes. Esse critério gira em torno da ancestralidade da constituição ateniense indicada por cada grupo. As argumentações que procuram justificar a ancestralidade de suas propostas levam a um entrelaçamento com os processos acima mencionados. Desta confluência surge o desenvolvimento de uma consciência democrática entre os opositores dos oligarcas extremistas, os demotikoi. / This work aims to analyze the historical process that leads to the development of a democratic awareness in Athens at the end of the Fifth century b.C. In order to do that it observes synchronous processes that converge in the rise of such democratic awareness. Those processes being: 1 – The development of the epigraphical habits in Athens, specialy concerning the epigraphical production and its organization, developing in archival practices. The association between writing and the administration of the polis is also a part of this process. 2 – The development of the concept of democracy and its connection with the term demokratia. This investigation is done through the analysis of literature as well as epigraphy. 3 – The meanders of a political dispute between oligarchs and their opposition. This dispute is connected with a general desire to end the Peloponesian War, although each group for its own reasons. During this process there is a challenge of ancestry of the proposed, and purported, ancestral constitution of each group. The debate for the right to call their propositions as “the” ancestral constitution ends up entwining with the processes described above. From this convergence arose the development of a democratic awareness among the opposition of the oligarchs, the demotikoi.

<p>Abstract</p><p>Purpose/Aim: To study how Piratbyrån argues for a free distribution of information and culture products and to find a possible ideological explanation for their argumentation.</p><p>Method/Material: I have used a rhetorical analysis to study and describe Piratbyrån´s website, a website that promotes free distribution of information and culture products. I have done so to find out how Piratbyrån argues for a free distribution and to find out what ideological foundation their argumentation is based on.</p><p>Main results: The main results of the study show that Piratbyrån uses a variety of rhetorical techniques depending on the subject and purpose of the analyzed text. Their main arguments both promote their own thesis and argue against the copyright industry. The main part of the argumentation is based on logical and factual arguments, but parts of it also rely on an emotional appeal to the reader’s heart in order to persuade. The analysis also showed great similarities between Piratbyrån´s argumentation and the ideology that Siva Vaidhyanathan describes as information anarchy. An ideology that promotes free distribution of information and culture products, that relies on decentralized systems and nonhierarchical structures and is a result of the technological development such as digitalization and peer-to-peer networks.</p><p>Keywords: Rhetoric, technology, file sharing, digitalization, network, ideology, anarchy, oligarchy, copyright, website</p>

Many civil society organisations (CSOs) worldwide today face declining memberships, mission-drift or that they no longer are seen as relevant in society today. Several researchers warn that this development may lead to diminished democracy on both the national level and on the organisational level. This dissertation presents a longitudinal case study of the evolving strategy formation processes as they play out within a group of organisations surrounding one of the oldest nonprofits in Sweden, the IOGT-NTO. This membership-based federation and its sister organisations are treated in the analysis as a non-profit group, or interorganisational domain, held together by a shared system of values. The group has been able to retain and even develop much of its character as well as remain true to its original mission. This study demonstrates the importance of a membership-based governance system, which is able to stay true to the organisation's ideological core. It also points at the importance of having processes that enable the organisation to change along with society, while also preserving a certain distance from its surrounding environment so that it can maintain its distinctiveness. By doing this, the organisation is not just staying true to its original mission, but also actively contributing to democracy by including new groups of members in the decision-making process. Finally, the IOGT-NTO case highlights how crucial it is to keep the ideological discussion alive within the governance system. In combination, these structures and mechanisms might enable a CSO to mitigate the iron law of oligarchy and revitalize itself. Stefan Einarsson is a researcher at the Stockholm Center for Civil Society Studies at the Stockholm School of Economics Institute for Research (SIR) in Sweden. / <p>Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögskolan, 2012.</p>

Abstract Purpose/Aim: To study how Piratbyrån argues for a free distribution of information and culture products and to find a possible ideological explanation for their argumentation. Method/Material: I have used a rhetorical analysis to study and describe Piratbyrån´s website, a website that promotes free distribution of information and culture products. I have done so to find out how Piratbyrån argues for a free distribution and to find out what ideological foundation their argumentation is based on. Main results: The main results of the study show that Piratbyrån uses a variety of rhetorical techniques depending on the subject and purpose of the analyzed text. Their main arguments both promote their own thesis and argue against the copyright industry. The main part of the argumentation is based on logical and factual arguments, but parts of it also rely on an emotional appeal to the reader’s heart in order to persuade. The analysis also showed great similarities between Piratbyrån´s argumentation and the ideology that Siva Vaidhyanathan describes as information anarchy. An ideology that promotes free distribution of information and culture products, that relies on decentralized systems and nonhierarchical structures and is a result of the technological development such as digitalization and peer-to-peer networks. Keywords: Rhetoric, technology, file sharing, digitalization, network, ideology, anarchy, oligarchy, copyright, website