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Showing 41 to 50 of 53 (0.043 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"[een] OLIGARCHY"" "subject:"[enn] OLIGARCHY""
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Ruskojazyčný organizovaný zločin - vnitřní modernizace a zahraniční expanze / The Russian Speaking Organized Crime - international modernization and international expansionPojman, Petr January 2014 (has links)
This work attempts to characterize internal modernization and international expansion of Russian speaking organized crime. Special emphasis is placed on the main stages of development of organized crime in the Soviet Union and its current state primarily in Russia and Ukraine. The paper proffer the new definition of modern forms of organized crime and different characteristics of regimes as for the relations between the state and organized crime (criminal syndicalism, mafia, state kleptocracy). The paper characterizes different types of international expansion of Russian speaking groups (regional expansion, global retirement and emigration). In this regard, research was focused primarily on the activities of the Russian speaking organized crime groups in the EU and the Czech Republic. In the last phase of the work I focused my research on some important measured how to reduce risk in the current conditions. Though the work is primarily devoted to organized crime from the CIS countries, it should be noted, modernization of organized crime everywhere in the world takes place by a similar manner. It was therefore necessary to briefly address the wider contextual issues. Working so many places highlights some aspects of the development of organized crime in Italy, USA , Czech Republic, Japan and China.
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Le creusement des inégalités aux États-Unis sous l’angle de la loi d’airain de l’oligarchieSahraoui, Ryad 12 1900 (has links)
No description available.
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The intelligence regime in South Africa (1994-2014) : an analytical perspective / Matthias Adriaan van den BergVan den Berg, Matthias Adriaan January 2014 (has links)
Intelligence, having espionage as its roots, is sometimes misunderstood due to its secret nature. It is due to this that intelligence as a vital component in a state, could be misused by the political regime through less democratic practices that infringe on human rights and the rule of law. The quest of this study (which is not classified, to make the research findings available to both practitioners and scholars of intelligence studies), is to attempt to contribute to the theory and understanding of intelligence studies as a sub-field within the political science in describing, explaining and analysing the intelligence regime. The primary aim is to provide a contextualised and systematic overview of the South African intelligence regime within the framework of the democratisation process in South Africa with specific reference to the period from 1994 to 2014.
This study analyses the intelligence regime in South Africa by specifically assessing the role, function and purpose of intelligence through history and within the context of the South African political regime. Therefore, the research problem examined in this study is: given the history and development of South Africa as a democracy, what is the role and function of the intelligence regime during the period 1994 to 2014 – specifically to determine whether intelligence practices were more or less democratic.
The theoretical framework formed the basis from which the concepts of state, political regime types and form and degree of government, was explored. It furthermore provided for a comparison of democratic and non-democratic intelligence practices. The study locates intelligence as a reflection of the political regime through the simultaneous typology of both the regime and intelligence, thereby to enable the identification of more or less democratic practices. The notion of a hybrid regime, as having elements of both democratic and non-democratic regimes, presented a fundamental shift in the perception of South Africa‘s democratisation process towards an attempt to reach the goal of being a consolidated democracy.
This study draw the conclusion that the role, functions and mandate of an intelligence service within a democracy, should firstly focus on providing the policy-maker with intelligence to be able to make policies; secondly on the identification of threats or potential threats to national security of the state and lastly to protect the constitution. This would ultimately enable the intelligence regime in South Africa to employ more democratic practices which could assist in reaching the goal of democratic consolidation. / MA (Political Studies), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014
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The intelligence regime in South Africa (1994-2014) : an analytical perspective / Matthias Adriaan van den BergVan den Berg, Matthias Adriaan January 2014 (has links)
Intelligence, having espionage as its roots, is sometimes misunderstood due to its secret nature. It is due to this that intelligence as a vital component in a state, could be misused by the political regime through less democratic practices that infringe on human rights and the rule of law. The quest of this study (which is not classified, to make the research findings available to both practitioners and scholars of intelligence studies), is to attempt to contribute to the theory and understanding of intelligence studies as a sub-field within the political science in describing, explaining and analysing the intelligence regime. The primary aim is to provide a contextualised and systematic overview of the South African intelligence regime within the framework of the democratisation process in South Africa with specific reference to the period from 1994 to 2014.
This study analyses the intelligence regime in South Africa by specifically assessing the role, function and purpose of intelligence through history and within the context of the South African political regime. Therefore, the research problem examined in this study is: given the history and development of South Africa as a democracy, what is the role and function of the intelligence regime during the period 1994 to 2014 – specifically to determine whether intelligence practices were more or less democratic.
The theoretical framework formed the basis from which the concepts of state, political regime types and form and degree of government, was explored. It furthermore provided for a comparison of democratic and non-democratic intelligence practices. The study locates intelligence as a reflection of the political regime through the simultaneous typology of both the regime and intelligence, thereby to enable the identification of more or less democratic practices. The notion of a hybrid regime, as having elements of both democratic and non-democratic regimes, presented a fundamental shift in the perception of South Africa‘s democratisation process towards an attempt to reach the goal of being a consolidated democracy.
This study draw the conclusion that the role, functions and mandate of an intelligence service within a democracy, should firstly focus on providing the policy-maker with intelligence to be able to make policies; secondly on the identification of threats or potential threats to national security of the state and lastly to protect the constitution. This would ultimately enable the intelligence regime in South Africa to employ more democratic practices which could assist in reaching the goal of democratic consolidation. / MA (Political Studies), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014
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普欽對大眾傳播媒體政策之研究，2000~2005王嘉宏 Unknown Date (has links)
本文旨在透過克里姆林宮政治研究途徑，來探討俄羅斯總統普欽對媒體政策之走向。本文認為普欽的媒體改革，為其鞏固政權的一環。
本文認為，1990年代俄羅斯媒體帝國崛起的主要驅動因素，乃是葉里欽企圖藉助於金融寡頭及其所掌控的媒體，以掃除蘇聯遺留下來的保守勢力，從而鞏固其政權；而普欽任內致力解構媒體帝國的主要驅動因素，則是普欽企圖以打擊經濟犯罪為名，打擊金融寡頭，藉以收攬人心，並從而解構葉里欽遺留下來的 「家族」集團勢力，建立以國家安全團隊為主幹的執政團隊，鞏固其政權基礎。
因此，本文認為：
一˙府會之爭導致「震盪療法」改革迅速失敗，繼之而起的執政團隊推動以大型企業為主軸的民營化改革導致金融工業集團應運而生。而官僚派系掠奪國家資產以擴張政治版圖，導致金融寡頭坐大進而建立媒體帝國。葉里欽為了鞏固政權競選連任與金融寡頭建立聯盟進而收編媒體帝國。
二˙普欽於2000年當選總統後，藉由剷除金融寡頭來收回國家資產以收攬人心；藉由剷除金融寡頭以鏟除葉里欽人馬所憑藉的權力堡壘；藉由剷除金融寡頭以接收媒體帝國從而鞏固政權。 / The main purpose of this study is to explore, through the Kremlin politics approach, the orientation of Russia’s policy on media under Vladimir Putin. In this study, the author argues that Putin’s media reforms constitute an indispensable link for the consolidation of his power.
It is hypothesized in this study that the driving forces behind the rise and fall of Russia’s media empire are the efforts by Boris Yel’tsin and Vladimir Putin to consolidate their power respectively. Allying with the financial-industrial oligarchs, who had controlled Russian mess media, Yel’tsin strove for wiping out the conservative forces left by the Soviet regime in order to consolidate his power. On the contrary, Putin has sought to wipe out the oligarchs and restructure the media empire, in order to rally the popular support, to wipe out the “Family” forces left by Yel’tsin’s regime and replace them with a new ruling command of national security elite, and, consequently, to consolidate his own power.
The above-mentioned hypothesized proposition can be further developed into the following logically consequential sub-propositions:
First of all, in the wake of the “shock therapy” ruined by the conflict between the parliament and the Kremlin, the following privatization reforms orienting on the creation of big enterprises gave rise to the creation of financial-industrial groups. Consequently, the corruption committed by bureaucrats who preyed upon state-owned enterprises led to the expansion of oligarchs’ strength so as to establish influential enormous media empire. Thereafter, aiming at consolidating his power and winning the coming presidential election, Yel’tsin formed an alliance with the financial oligarchs and thus put the newly-established media empire on his orbit.
Secondly, after Putin was elected president in 2000, he strove for wiping out the financial oligarchs in order to accomplish the following three tasks: to renationalize the state properties in order to rally popular support; to wipe out Yeltsin’s power base; and, to take over and restructure media empire in order to consolidate his regime.
Key words: Kremlin politics approach, Oligarchy, Putin, Russia’s media
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À sombra das palavras: a oligarquia acciolina e a imprensa (1896-1912)Alencar, Maria Emília da Silva January 2008 (has links)
ALENCAR, Maria Emília da Silva. À sombra das palavras: a oligarquia acciolina e a imprensa (1896-1912). 2008. 242 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em História) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Social, Fortaleza-CE, 2008. / Submitted by Raul Oliveira (raulcmo@hotmail.com) on 2012-06-28T15:27:31Z
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2006_Dis_MESAlencar.pdf: 88453420 bytes, checksum: 590c2082e71d2bffcf7e18b281ad32c5 (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2008 / This text studies the action of the press in Fortaleza during the Accioly’s oligarchy, between 1896 and 1912. The work is divided in two parts. The first part analyzes A Republica as the main medium of oligarchy power. Therefore it is fundamental to understand the newspaper approach to recent republican regime and its role in the construction of a positive image of Antônio Nogueira Pinto Accioly . The second part examines the newspapers Unitario and Jornal do Ceará and their strategies against Accioly’s oligarchy, as well as the debates and fights in the political arena. At last it is pointed out the combative positions of O Rebate, A Cidade and the pamphlets which increase the antioligarchy combat with a specific language. / Este trabalho estuda a ação da imprensa em Fortaleza no período entre 1896 e 1912, tomando como foco da análise os discursos jornalísticos produzidos na conjuntura política da oligarquia acciolina, a partir dos jornais A Republica, Unitario e Jornal do Ceará. O trabalho está organizado em duas partes: na Primeira Parte o objeto de análise é o jornal A Republica, em sua condição de porta-voz da oligarquia, percebendo sua abordagem acerca do regime republicano e a construção positiva da imagem do chefe oligárquico Antonio Pinto Nogueira Accioly. Na segunda parte, o caminho da pesquisa adota como procedimento a análise daquela conjuntura impressa nos jornais oposicionistas Unitario e Jornal do Ceará, destacando as opiniões contrárias à oligarquia, bem como os enfrentamentos e embates no campo das idéias políticas no Ceará. Em destaque ainda a palavra de combate dos jornais O Rebate, A Cidade e a linguagem específica dos panfletos alimentando as lutas antioligárquicas.
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[en] THE REDISCOVERED BRIDGE: CONCILIATION, LONGUE DURÉE AND TRADITION IN BRAZILIAN POLITICAL FORMATION / [pt] A PONTE REDESCOBERTA: CONCILIAÇÃO, LONGA DURAÇÃO E TRADIÇÃO NA FORMAÇÃO POLÍTICA BRASILEIRAREINALDO SILVA CINTRA 25 September 2018 (has links)
[pt] A história política brasileira é marcada pela reiteração da figura da conciliação como ferramenta da ação e do pensamento políticos, apontando para a existência de importantes linhas de continuidade, subjacentes a tal conceito, as quais somente podem ser corretamente desveladas a partir de uma perspectiva de longa
duração. Entretanto, a definição exata do que seja conciliação no Brasil ainda parece envolta em dúvidas e mistificações, transitando entre significados de natureza cultural, relacionados à composição social brasileira; de natureza psicológica, ligados a um suposto caráter nacional do brasileiro; de natureza ideológica, seja com relação à luta de classes ou à identidade nacional; até significados efetivamente políticoeconômicos, ligados à necessidade de integração da ordem política, à estratificação da sociedade e à divisão de poder entre suas diferentes classes. A presente pesquisa se propõe a, primeiramente, buscar uma conceptualização eminentemente política da conciliação, a partir do debate com as diversas aproximações teóricas existentes. A partir daí, através da análise bibliográfica de autores que efetivamente interpretaram a conciliação como um operador político, busca-se identificar quais os macroprocessos políticos revelados por tal ferramenta analítica, e quais os potenciais e limitações que revelam para a democratização social e política brasileira. / [en] Brazilian political history is marked by the reiteration of the figure of conciliation as a tool of political action and thought, pointing to the existence of important lines of continuity, underlying that concept, which can only be correctly unveiled from a long perspective duration. However, the exact definition of what is conciliation in Brazil still seems surrounded by doubts and mystifications, transposing between meanings of a cultural nature, related to the Brazilian social composition; of a psychological nature, linked to a supposed Brazilian national character; of an ideological nature, whether in relation to the class struggle or to national identity; to effectively political-economic meanings, linked to the need to integrate the political order, to the stratification of society, and to the division of power among its different classes. The present research proposes to firstly seek an eminently political conceptualization of conciliation, starting from the debate with different theoretical approaches. From there, through the bibliographical analysis of authors who have effectively interpreted conciliation as a political operator, we seek to identify the political macroprocesses revealed by such analytical tool, and the potentials and limitations they reveal for Brazilian social and political democratization.
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Kapitalisterna från Sovjetunionen : Svenska dagstidningars behandling av inflytesrika män från före detta Sovjetunionen / The Capitalists from the Soviet Union : Swedish newspapers' treatment of influential men from the former Soviet UnionCalvo, Ruben January 2021 (has links)
The usage of the word oligarch has been growing rapidly in Swedish newspapers since the fall of the Soviet Union. In this study, I will examine the way Swedish newspapers have been using the word, in what I asses as a biased way. Previous research has shown that the word is applicable in a much wider space, and that other countries or parts of the world contains cases of oligarchs. The word oligarch is actually old, it comes from ancient Greece and its renowned philosophers, originally made up to describe when the power of a democracy lies in the hands of only a few. Today, it seems that the word has been heavily associated (almost exclusively), with Russian businessmen. Many whom made their fortune during the turmoil between the collapse of the Soviet Union and the republic of Russia switching from a communist economy to a capitalistic state. There lies certain power in actions, as so in words. To misinterpret, applicate or to use words and situations with the intention of self-advocacy could be dangerous, especially when done so by a force capable of influencing the minds of the masses. The words we use affect our way of interpreting things, in turn, how people interpret, think and conversate about topics and such are called discourse. Critical discourse analysis works as a theory, or method to critically examine the ways that we discuss about these so-called discourses, and how the debate about the topics develop in our society. Ultimately, by looking into the way three big and influential Swedish newspapers reported on the topic of oligarchs for almost thirty years, we will see how the discourse of the oligarchs develop. This study will work as an insight into the actual discourse and shed light on how institutions such as our news reporting need to be consistently checked in order to be held accountable before their presentation. It is important as it affects the way that we think and interact with each other. Ultimately, from a historical perspective, active discourses like these are things that can put dirty stains on our history. Instead of keeping them alive, we should remind ourselves of our preconceptions, to avoid further alienation amongst people.
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El modelo político de la Monarquía Hispánica desde una perspectiva comparada. Las repúblicas de Murcia y Tlaxcala durante el siglo XVIDíaz Serrano, Ana 05 February 2010 (has links)
Durante el siglo XVI, las oligarquías de las repúblicas de Murcia (en el sureste de la Península Ibérica) y Tlaxcala (en el Valle Central de México), a pesar de sus particularidades, convergieron en las estrategias para demostrar y certificar su calidad como miembros del cuerpo político-territorial de la Monarquía Católica. En ambos casos, el reconocimiento de su preeminencia social se basó en sus servicios en defensa de los intereses de la Corona española, asegurando el buen gobierno y protegiendo y/o agrandando las fronteras de la Monarquía. De este modo, los 'señores Murcia' y los 'señores Tlaxcala' se consolidaron como líderes naturales de sus repúblicas, a la vez que se insertaron en las dinámicas globalizadoras de la Monarquía Hispánica. El análisis comparado de los discursos textuales y visuales sobre su identidad de estas oligarquías permite establecer los ritmos y distinguir los instrumentos que hicieron posible la relación de la Corona con sus territorios y su reforzamiento como entidad política planetaria. / During the XVI century, the oligarchies of the republics of Murcia (in the Southeast of the Iberian Peninsule) and Tlaxcala (in the Central Valley of Mexico) , in spite of their special features, used the same strategies to prove and certify their quality as member of the policial and territorial body of the Catholic Monarchy. The recognition of their social pre-eminence was based in their defense of the interests of the Spanish Crown, guaranteing the good government and protecting or enlangering the frontiers of the Monarchy. In this manner, the 'señores Murcia' and the 'señores Tlaxcala' were consolidated as natural leaders in their republics and, at the same time, they managed to be part of the globalizer dinamics of the Hispanic Monarchy. The comparative study of this oligarchies' textual and visual discourses about their identities in the long time enables to establish the speeds and recognize the instruments which maked possible the relationship between the Crown and its territories and its consolidation as a planetary politic entity.
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Salesianische Bildungspolitiken im Kampf gegen die intergenerationelle und interkulturelle Reproduktion der Armut in indigenen Gruppen in BolivienRevollo Fernández, Carlos Felipe 30 May 2005 (has links) (PDF)
Armut ist kein statisches, isoliertes oder nur materielles Phänomen, sondern reproduziert sich strukturell und mit verstärkter Ausprägung in den nächsten Generationen. Ihre Ursache ist nicht rein wirtschaftlich, sondern die Konsequenz eines langen historischen Prozesses der Negierung und Ausbeutung, auch rassiell und geschlechtsspezifisch bedingt. Daher muss man das Problem der Indianer in Bolivien als Ergebnis der historischen und sozialen Verachtung und Annullierung von Seiten der Elite und Oligarchie verstehen, die ihre politische und ökonomische Teilnahme begrenzt haben. Leider hat dabei sogar die Bildung als Instrument gedient, um das dominante System zu rechtfertigen und die indianische Bevölkerung abzuwerten. Als Konsequenz dieser rassiellen Diskriminierung und Marginalisierung in Verbindung mit der wachsenden Armut ist ein sehr komplexes Phänomen entstanden, das man strukturelle Gewalt nennt. Unter der Betrachtung solcher Bedingungen im bolivianischen Kontext wird mit dieser Arbeit der Versuch unternommen, neue Bildungspolitiken vorzuschlagen, die als Fundament für eine bessere und gleichmäßige Verteilung der Möglichkeiten zur menschlichen Entwicklung und für die Konstruktion einer demokratischen Gesellschaft (Nation Building Prozess) dienen könnten. Dafür wird die Philosophie des Ordens der Salesianer als Referenz für neue Ansätze gewählt, bei denen die Bildung ein gemeinsames Konzept des Landes formuliert, das Vorurteile, Stereotypen und innere Grenzen, die sich von Generation zu Generation übertragen, ausräumt. Die Bedeutung der Bildung soll mit anderen Worten in deren Nutzung als Werkzeug für die Errichtung einer Friedenskultur liegen, die auf Toleranz, Solidarität und den Menschenrechten basiert, wobei die zwischeninstitutionelle Annäherung, Kooperation und der gegenseitige Austausch von Informationen und Erfahrungen in der Bildungsgemeinschaft (z.B. zwischen Don Bosco, Unicef oder Unesco) eine wichtige Rolle spielen.
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