This thesis is about immigration discourses among the political elite in Sweden. The focus of interest has been to establish if the racist and assimilationist discourses of the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna, SD) has been influential on the political party elite, and more specifically on whom, and how. Parliamentary debates and opinion pieces written by party elites has been the basis of material for the enquiry, covering the time period 2006 – July 2016. As SD had their political breakthrough in 2010, it is assumed that, provided that they have been influential on the immigration discourses of the mainstream political elite, new elements in the elite discourse mirroring the discourses of SD should emerge after 2010. The results show that some of the assimilationist ideas and negative discourses on immigration pre-existed the breakthrough of SD. The elite of the political mainstream articulated a strong resistance towards SD’s discourses during their first election cycle. However, more negative discourses bordering those of SD emerged in tandem to the so called refugee crisis in late 2015. The crisis can thus be understood as a catalyst breaking some of the taboos regarding negative immigration discourses. At the same time, although assimilationist discourses emerged among other elites than SD, they where always presented in much milder forms than SD’s discourses, who remain radically different from the other parties. These assimilationist ideas and discourses where mainly adopted by the right wing parties the Moderates (Moderaterna, M) and the Christian Democrats (Kristdemokraterna, KD), as well as the Liberal party (Liberalerna, L). I conclude that the adjustments in discourse to that of SD is less than expected, perhaphs as a result of the cordon sanitaire.

Darbe analizuojamas buvusios LTSR ir dabartinės Lietuvos politinis elitas, jo kaita ir transformacija atkūrus šalies nepriklausomybę. Pagrindinis darbo tikslas – išsiaiškinti Lietuvos politinio elito kaitą keliais aspektais: kaip kito „senasis“ politinis elitas – kokią dalį dabartinio politinio elito sudaro buvę TSKP, LKP, LTSR AT ir kiti aukštus partinius ir valstybinius postus užėmę asmenys. Antra, kaip keičiasi „naujasis“ politinis elitas – kokią dalį parlamento ir Vyriausybės narių sudaro pirmą kartą išrinkti parlamentarai ir ministrai, kiek jų Seimo ar Vyriausybės darbe dalyvauja nebe pirmą kartą. Tikslui pasiekti iškeliami septyni uždaviniai. Pirmiausiai kokios priežastys įtakojo pokomunistinės transformacijos procesus Vidurio ir Rytų Europoje, kaip prie to prisidėjo tuometinės M. Gorbačiovo ekonominės ir politinės reformos, kokį vaidmenį šiame procese suvaidino Lietuvos Persitvarkymo Sąjūdis, kaip transformacijos procesus ir politinio elito kaitą įtakoja politinės partijos, Lietuvos politinio elito bruožai ir kaita. Pastarajam uždaviniui įgyvendinti buvo atlikta Seimo ir Vyriausybių sudėties analizė. Tyrimui atlikti naudojami aprašomasis, analitinis, lyginamasis ir statistinis metodai. Gauti rezultatai parodė, jog pagrindinė ir svarbiausia Vidurio ir Rytų Europos valstybių išsivadavimo iš SSRS priežastis buvo M. Gorbačiovo pradėtos ekonominės ir politinės reformos, kurios paskatino Sovietų Sąjungos dezintegraciją. M. Gorbačiovo „Pertvarka“ leido Lietuvoje nuo 1988... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / This work is about Lithuania’s political elite, its change and transformation after the restoration of independence. The main purpose of this work is to describe the change of Lithuania’s political elite, answering two questions. First of all, finding out the alternation of the “old” elites – how many of today’s political elite were members of Communist party of the USSR and LSSR, how many of them were members of The Supreme Soviet of the Lithuanian SSR. Second, finding out the alternation of the “new” elites – recirculation and change of parliament and government members of Lithuania. To achieve these purposes there were formulated some goals. First of all, what were the reasons that influenced Post-Communist Transformation processes in Middle and Eastern Europe, what was the role of M. Gorbachev’s political and economical reforms in Post-Communist Transformation process and what was the impact of Sąjūdis the Reform Movement of Lithuania in the transformation processes. Secondly, how Lithuanian political parties influence democratization processes and elite change, what is the level of education of Lithuania’s political elite and finally, what is recirculation and change of parliament and government members’ of Lithuania. To achieve these goals there were made a research analyzing the configuration and composition of parliament and government of Lithuania. Research was made using descriptive, analytical, comparative and mathematical methods. The conclusion is that one of... [to full text]

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / Como se constrÃi socialmente um deputado estadual? Este trabalho discute o processo de formaÃÃo sÃcio-histÃrica de 1 (um) deputado estadual da 27 Legislatura (2007-2010) no Cearà atravÃs do relato biogrÃfico, da anÃlise documental e da observaÃÃo direta do trabalho desse parlamentar, a fim de compreender como se deu o seu aprendizado polÃtico. Quais sÃo as influÃncias sociais que o posicionaram no campo polÃtico e como essas influÃncias se manifestam em suas aÃÃes polÃticas? Essas sÃo as principais perguntas a que busco responder nesta pesquisa. As bases desse trabalho estÃo na descriÃÃo e anÃlise das disposiÃÃes adquiridas pelo pesquisado em sua trajetÃria de socializaÃÃo. Portanto, essa pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar os mecanismos de formaÃÃo do habitus polÃtico e da relaÃÃo do binÃmio indivÃduo/sociedade. / How is socially constructed a state deputy?This study discusses the process of social formation of a state deputy of the 27th Legislature (2007-2010) in Cearà through biographic account, documental analysis and direct observation of the work of parliamentary to understand how he gave his political apprenticeship. What are the social influences that have positioned in the political field and how these influences manifested themselves in his political actions?These are the principal questions i seek to answer in this research. The groundwork of this study are the description and analysis of the provisions acquired by the researching in his trajectory as socialization. Therefore, this research intends to analyze the mechanisms of formation of the habitus and political relationship of the binomial individual / society.

The process of democratization in the successor states of the former Soviet Union has been widely studied by political scientists, sociologist and experts in area studies. Academic literature mainly focuses on the factors which would facilitate and/or hinder the process of democratization in the post-Soviet era. These include economic development, political culture, the nature of previous regime type, structural factors and the role of elite. This thesis analyzes the process of democratization in Georgia while focusing on the elite choices and initiatives. It mainly focuses on democratic achievements as well as the failures in democratization under the rule of three post-Soviet presidents of Georgia, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, Eduard Shevardnadze and Mikheil Saakashvili. While doing so, it compares and contrasts the practices, priorities and policies of three leaders and evaluates on the impact of different leadership patterns on the process of democratization. This thesis argues that democratization in post-Soviet countries in general and in Georgia in particular is mainly an elite-led process. The success and failure of this process depends on the elite choices and initiatives and the power relations between and within the elite groups.

Why Serbia’s path towards EU membership has been so contentious and fraught with difficulty? Why did Europeanization happen more ‘smoothly’ in some countries, while it stalls or fails in others? This study shows Serbia’s reluctance to Europeanize by exploring how the Serbian ruling elite received the EU’s norms of peace, media freedom and rights of migrants and refugees. As such, it contributes to the emerging research agenda on norm diffusion and Normative Power Europe. Through an analysis of key public statements of Serbian political leaders over the past four years, the present thesis examines how politicians discursively framed EU’s ideas, standards and normative convictions within the Belgrade-Pristina normalization dialogue, in light of the refugee crisis and in terms of media freedom. The findings indicate that the Serbian governing elite has responded differently to the EU’s normative influence in different policy domains with resisting and rejecting certain norms while adopting and adapting other. In general, the thesis evaluates that despite the significant efforts of the EU to export its ideas and values, it has only had a limited effect on Serbia. I conclude that these results further cast doubt on the future of Serbia’s accession to the EU.

In the last ten years several violent protests have emerged in Sweden´s largest cities. Some of them have developed into real riots, resulting in burned cars and large police operations. These violent events, or ‘urban riots’, are a relatively new phenomenon in Sweden. The aim of this qualitative study is to investigate the structure of the discourse among the Swedish political elite in power. I will observe if the political discourse on disadvantaged areas in Sweden is characterized by continuity or change after urban riots. This study examines four urban riot cases, between 2005 and 2013.    To study how the political discourse is constructed, framing theory elements are combined with elements from discourse analysis. The characteristic features of the two framing dimensions are outlined which gives me a framework to categorize the political discourse. The two dimensions are; diagnostic and prognostic frames. The discourse analytical elements are used in order to systemize who is included in the political discourse by the political elite in power. A discourse analysis is then conducted on the collected empirical material, which consists of newspaper articles and parliamentarian debates from the Swedish parliament.   The results from the analysis suggest that the disadvantaged districts are not salient both before and after the riots among the political elite in power, except for the last case. In this case the riot as such has no observable ‘effect’ on political discourse about disadvantaged districts. The political actors tend to separate riots as events from the disadvantaged districts. The last riot did not change how the government defined the problem in the suburbs and how it should be solved. In all cases the political discourse has a strong divide between the state and the inhabitants in the suburbs. The state acts and residents are acted upon.

This study examined the factors affecting the perception of Turkey in the Middle East from 2002 onwards by analyzing the combination of media, political elite discourse and people's political predispositions in the cases of Egypt and Tunisia. The research is separated into two parts. In the first part of 2002-2010, the factors of democratization, economic development, foreign policy activism, Islamic Oriented Government as well as Turkish TV series were found to be critical in the explanation of Turkey's popularity. In the second part of 2010-2013, democratization and foreign policy activism were the most effective factors while the other variables still had some effect. In particular the study looked at the news titles, articles, headlines in newspapers, as well as the views of journalists, activists, bloggers, politicians, and academics, which together shaped public perception. A brief historical background is also given in regards to the mutual prejudices and stereotypes between Arabs and Turks during Ottoman rule and the 20th century. The thesis concludes by emphasizing the continuation of democratic progress and reforms in Turkey as well as the need for foreign policy adjustment according to crisis situations as a policy recommendation for the government. The present study also seeks to contribute to both the public opinion theory of Zaller and the recent literature on the "Turkish Model"

Ce travail rend compte des potentialités et des obstacles majeurs des principaux partis et mouvements politiques colombiens. Ces groupes seront étudiés dans le champ désigné ici comme la gauche légale et réformiste. Cette analyse concerne la période entre la rédaction de la Constitution politique de 1991, et les élections sénatoriales et présidentielle de 2010. Le travail en trois parties décrira comment ces organisations ont été les actrices prépondérantes du renforcement de la démocratie, de la consolidation d’un groupe de politiciens professionnels de la gauche, et la recherche d’une solution du conflit armé qui (symbolise la Colombie) et les causes qui le déclenchent. La première partie montre une coalition politique formée des quelques organisations de gauche, en particulier des anciennes guérillas ayant abandonné leurs armes, qui forment l’Alliance Démocratique M-19 (Alianza Democrática M-19). Il sont impliqués dans l’élaboration de la Constitution et la transformation du bipartisme historique. La deuxième partie décrit les dynamiques concernant la recherche de la Paix (comme les conversations gouvernement-FARC). Les organisations appartenant à la gauche légale et réformiste y ont joué un rôle actif, qui fait renaître entre elles les liens brisés après le fiasco de l’AD M-19. La dernière partie met en évidence comment la recherche de la paix parmi d’autres conjonctures permet l’émergence de nouvelles alliances et organisation politiques. Elles donneront naissance à une sorte de parti qui est la synthèse de tous les groupes précédents. Ce parti sera le Pole Démocratique Alternatif (Polo Democrático Alternativo ; la plus grande expérience de cette gauche jusqu’à nous jours). / This work reports on the major achievements and hurdles encountered by the principal Columbian political parties and movements; these groups will be studied within the scope of the legal and reformist Left. The analysis spans from the drafting of the political constitution of 1991 until the senatorial and presidential elections of 2010. The work is divided in three parts: how these organisations became the major actors of the reinforcement of democracy; the story of the consolidation of a group of left political professionals, seeking a solution to the armed conflict which has become the symbol of Columbia; and finally, the causes which set these events into motion. The first part shows the implication of a political coalition –the Democratic Alliance M19-composed of a sample of leftist organisations and in particular the former and now disarmed guerrillas, in the elaboration of the constitution and the transformation of the historical bipartisanship. The second part shows the impulse given in part by the quest for peace (for example the talks between the government and the FARC). The movements connected with the legal reformist Left, played once again an active part which revived among them the ties distended after the fiasco of the ADM19. The last part underlines how the quest for peace, among other factors, allowed the forthcoming of new coalition and political organisations. They later give birth to a kind of party which is the synthesis of all the earlier groups. This party became the Democratic Alternative Pole (Polo Democrático Alternativo),the most important experience of the Columbian Left up to now.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-03T19:30:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A criação do município de São Sebastião do Caí, em 1875, implicou a estruturação de um aparelho burocrático-administrativo e a atuação política de uma elite local que passou a ocupar os postos de poder na Câmara Municipal recém-criada. Tomando como ponto de partida a primeira eleição municipal realizada em São Sebastião do Caí, a presente Dissertação apresenta, num primeiro momento, as condições que favoreceram a emancipação política de São Sebastião do Caí, destacando o dinamismo econômico decorrente da exportação de excedentes para a capital da Província, o crescimento demográfico derivado do processo imigratório – tanto de alemães, quanto de italianos – e o desejo de ampliação dos poderes de decisão por parte das lideranças locais. A análise destaca as disputas políticas entre facções locais, identificando a existência de uma elite local anterior à própria fundação do município, bem como o papel desempenhado pela Câmara Municipal na conjuntura de transição política do Império para a República. Em seguida, / The creation of the county of São Sebastião do Caí, in 1875, implied the structuration of a bureaucratic-administrative device and the political action of the local elite which began to take the places of power in the newly-founded City Council. Starting with the first county election that took place in São Sebastião do Caí, this Dissertation presents, firstly, the conditions that helped the political emancipation of São Sebastião do Caí, highlighting the economic dynamism developed from the exportation of the exceedance to the Province capital, the demographic growth derivated from the immigratory process – Germans as well as Italians – and the local leaderships’ want to enlarge the decision powers. The analysis emphasizes the political disputes between local factions, identifying the existence of a local elite preceding the very foundation of the county, as well as the role played by the City Council in the juncture of political transition from the Empire to the Republic. Secondly, attention is paid to the

<p>This study explores different actors’ perceptions on how the democratization process is being influenced in Kosovo. It is based upon empirical facts gathered during a field study in Kosovo. The material was mainly gathered through interviews with different representatives from international organizations present in Kosovo and with members of the Kosovar political elite.</p><p>The theoretical standpoint in the study draws on the theory of polyarchy for defining the concept of democracy, and the two-level game. The interaction between domestic and international actors within the democratization process is highlighted.</p><p>The conclusions are that different actors are influencing the ongoing democratization process in Kosovo, mainly international external ones acting in several ways and on different levels. This influence is considered by the international community and the domestic political elite to be necessary both for the continued development of democracy and for the preservation of stability. However as the influence has more or less become institutionalized, problems occur when responsibility is handed over to domestic authorities without accountability being made clear.</p>