Le 8 mars 1963, un coup d’État en Syrie permet à une secte minoritaire marginalisée au sein du parti Baas, à idéologie radicale et révolutionnaire, de s’emparer des rênes de l’État avec l’appui des militaires et de conserver le pouvoir depuis. Ainsi la Syrie, premier pays arabe à connaître le système pluraliste parlementaire dès 1919, sera soumise à un régime militaire et autoritaire pendant presque un demi siècle. Ce mémoire vise à expliquer comment cette faction, groupusculaire à l’origine, a su profiter des circonstances et des fenêtres d’opportunité politique ouvertes par les comportements de l’élite traditionnelle syrienne, au pouvoir depuis le Mandat français, s’étant trouvée affaiblie, isolée et illégitime aux yeux de la population. Cette fragmentation exprimée par des agitations internes, avait provoqué des décisions contradictoires, des conflits d’intérêts ainsi que des divisions de nature identitaire, générationnelle, sociale, économique, militaire et politique. La Syrie a de ce fait, depuis son indépendance en 1941, été victime du jeu de son élite, un jeu dont ce mémoire est consacré à étudier la dynamique. Cette étude, qui définit le concept de l’élite théoriquement, s’appuie sur l’état des liens entre élites, l’envergure et les modes de leur circulation, pour confirmer qu’une élite fragmentée s’affaibli, perd sa légitimité et mène la société à l’instabilité. Ceci soutien l’hypothèse centrale de l’étude que la fragmentation de l’élite syrienne traditionnelle a ouvert des fenêtres d’opportunité politique devant le parti Baas, minoritaire et radical, qui a su les saisir pour conquérir le pouvoir. / On March 8, 1963, a coup in Syria allows a marginalized minority sect, of radical and revolutionary ideologies within the Baath Party, to conquer the reins of State with military support; and to stay in power ever since. Thus, Syria -the first Arab country to experience the pluralist parliamentary system since 1919, will be subject to a military and authoritarian regime for almost half a century. This thesis aims to explain how this minority faction took advantage of the circumstances and the windows of political opportunity that have opened because of the weakness of the traditional elite in power since the French mandate, due to its fragmentation that led to its isolation and illegitimacy in the eyes of people. This fragmentation manifested by internal unrests, has resulted in contradicting decisions, conflicts of interests and division of nature in identity, generational, social, economical, military and political aspects –all at once. Hence, since its independence in 1941, Syria was a victim of its elites’ game -a game this thesis is devoted to study its dynamics. The study that defines the concept of elite theory, while focusing on the state of relation between the elites and the extent and patterns of their circulation, in order to confirm that a weakened fragmented elite, loses its legitimacy and leads the society to instability. This supports the main hypothesis of the study that the fragmentation of traditional Syrian elite has opened windows of opportunities that the Baath Party, a radical minority, was able to seize power through.

MENEZES, George Rocha. Lutas políticas e crise social: a elite política cearense na década de 1870. 2006. 225 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em História) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Social, Fortaleza-CE, 2006. / Submitted by Raul Oliveira (raulcmo@hotmail.com) on 2012-06-25T14:07:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_Dis_GRMenezes.pdf: 1118763 bytes, checksum: 2f14b9bd468aeaa1daea1abb0c789503 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-06-25T16:32:15Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_Dis_GRMenezes.pdf: 1118763 bytes, checksum: 2f14b9bd468aeaa1daea1abb0c789503 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-06-25T16:32:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_Dis_GRMenezes.pdf: 1118763 bytes, checksum: 2f14b9bd468aeaa1daea1abb0c789503 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / The political elite of Ceará, in the decade of 1870, suffer changes in its composition and representation and changes in terms of speech and action as well. It is an active part of a process that marks significantly this period, that can be represented by the agricultural expansion of cotton, by the proximity of the province with the international market, by the quarrel concerning the Law of the Free Belly and by the trials provoked by the politics-crisis and the drought-crisis. The political elite of Ceará was accomodated in the most important elective posts and in the high posts of the executive, and joined a warlike battled choosing the liberal or the conservative troop. The battle had a privileged stage, the press. The favorite subjects of the debates were politics, the government and the unsuitable association of the public thing with the private one. At the end of the decade of 1870, the political discussions turned on the politics-crisis and the drought-crisis that during three years, 1877-79, devastated the province of Ceará and others of the north of the Empire. The drought provoked a differentiated relationship between the province of Ceará and the imperial government. Due to this differentiated proximity between the national thing and the provincial, images and spaces begun to be defined, marking the social elite, the people and its social, economical and political relations. The political elite of Ceará, to guide its action, articulates itself and chooses a strategic speech that emphasized the crisis. / A elite política cearense, na década de 1870, passa por mudanças em sua composição e representação como também muda em termos de discurso e ação. Ela é parte ativa de um processo que marca significativamente esse período, que pode ser representado pela expansão agrícola do algodão, pela proximidade da província com o mercado internacional, pela discussão acerca da Lei do Ventre Livre e pelas provações provocadas pela política-crise e pela seca-crise. A elite política cearense acomodava-se nos cargos eletivos de maior importância e nos altos cargos do executivo, e travava uma batalha aguerrida optando pela hoste liberal ou conservadora. A batalha tinha uma arena privilegiada, a imprensa. Os assuntos preferidos dos debates eram a política, o governo e a associação imprópria do público com o privado. Ao final da década de 1870, os debates políticos se voltaram para a política-crise e para a seca-crise que durante três anos, 1877-79, assolou a província do Ceará e outras do norte do Império. A seca provocou uma relação diferenciada entre a província do Ceará e o governo imperial. Devido a essa proximidade diferenciada entre o nacional e o provincial, imagens e espaços começaram a ser definidos, marcando a elite, o povo e suas relações sociais, políticas e econômicas. A elite política cearense, para orientar suas ações, articula-se e opta por um discurso estratégico que ressaltava a crise.

[pt] A história política brasileira é marcada pela reiteração da figura da conciliação como ferramenta da ação e do pensamento políticos, apontando para a existência de importantes linhas de continuidade, subjacentes a tal conceito, as quais somente podem ser corretamente desveladas a partir de uma perspectiva de longa duração. Entretanto, a definição exata do que seja conciliação no Brasil ainda parece envolta em dúvidas e mistificações, transitando entre significados de natureza cultural, relacionados à composição social brasileira; de natureza psicológica, ligados a um suposto caráter nacional do brasileiro; de natureza ideológica, seja com relação à luta de classes ou à identidade nacional; até significados efetivamente políticoeconômicos, ligados à necessidade de integração da ordem política, à estratificação da sociedade e à divisão de poder entre suas diferentes classes. A presente pesquisa se propõe a, primeiramente, buscar uma conceptualização eminentemente política da conciliação, a partir do debate com as diversas aproximações teóricas existentes. A partir daí, através da análise bibliográfica de autores que efetivamente interpretaram a conciliação como um operador político, busca-se identificar quais os macroprocessos políticos revelados por tal ferramenta analítica, e quais os potenciais e limitações que revelam para a democratização social e política brasileira. / [en] Brazilian political history is marked by the reiteration of the figure of conciliation as a tool of political action and thought, pointing to the existence of important lines of continuity, underlying that concept, which can only be correctly unveiled from a long perspective duration. However, the exact definition of what is conciliation in Brazil still seems surrounded by doubts and mystifications, transposing between meanings of a cultural nature, related to the Brazilian social composition; of a psychological nature, linked to a supposed Brazilian national character; of an ideological nature, whether in relation to the class struggle or to national identity; to effectively political-economic meanings, linked to the need to integrate the political order, to the stratification of society, and to the division of power among its different classes. The present research proposes to firstly seek an eminently political conceptualization of conciliation, starting from the debate with different theoretical approaches. From there, through the bibliographical analysis of authors who have effectively interpreted conciliation as a political operator, we seek to identify the political macroprocesses revealed by such analytical tool, and the potentials and limitations they reveal for Brazilian social and political democratization.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T15:27:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Regys Rodrigues da Mota.pdf: 501416 bytes, checksum: 0e81f8c14b69ee88f9f30d8e22bd1a3f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-08-08 / The goal of this research is to analyze the process of democratization of political elites observing changes and continuities in the profile of the parliamentarians in the composition of the Legislative Assembly of Goiás during the period 1982 to 2010. / A dissertação tem como objetivo analisar a elite política goiana observando mudanças e continuidades no perfil dos parlamentares presentes na composição da Assembléia Legislativa de Goiás durante o período de 1982 a 2010. Para tanto, o estudo foi desenvolvido por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica para aprofundamento teórico a respeito do tema Teoria das Elites e mediante pesquisa documental com a finalidade de analisar dados referentes ao perfil socioeconômico dos deputados da Assembléia Legislativa de Goiás.

L’adhésion à l’OTAN façonne-t-elle l’imaginaire sécuritaire ? À travers l’analyse des discours des locuteurs autorisés australiens et français sur le thème de la guerre en Afghanistan (2001-2012), ce mémoire vise à comparer les imaginaires sécuritaires de ces deux États au regard de leur relation avec l’OTAN. Lorsque ces éléments constitutifs sont mis bout à bout, avec le récit entourant le cadre d’opération (chapitre 1), celui de la représentation de l’ennemi (chapitre 2) ainsi que celui de la la désignation de la menace (chapitre 3), l’ensemble que l’on appelle l’imaginaire sécuritaire permet de mieux comprendre les décisions qui sont prises en matière de politique étrangère. La comparaison de l’imaginaire sécuritaire entre la France, qui est pourtant membre de l’organisation transatlantique, et l’Australie, qui n’en est pas membre, indique que l’Australie partage un imaginaire sécuritaire proche de la France laissant apparaître que l’OTAN n’a pas d’impact et qu’il faut chercher dans un ensemble plus large la réponse. L’analyse suggère que les deux gouvernements (re)produisent un discours dans lequel ils cherchent à accroitre l’espace discursif entre un « eux » barbare et un « nous » magnifié. / Does NATO membership shape the security imaginary? Through a discourse analysis of Australian and French authorized speakers on the subject of the war in Afghanistan (2001-2012) this dissertation compares the security imaginary of these two states in terms of their relationship with NATO. Accounting for the narrative surrounding the operating framework (Chapter 1), the representation of the enemy (Chapter 2) as well as the designation of the threat (Chapter 3), security imaginary allows a better understanding of foreign policy decisions. Comparing France’s security imaginary, which is a NATO member, with Australia’s, which is not, reveals that Australia shares a security imaginary similar to France’s. Thus, NATO membership does not seem to have an impact on security imaginary. The analysis suggests that both governments (re)produce a discourse in which they seek to increase the discursive space between a barbaric "them" and a magnified "us".

The accession of Turkey to the EU has become one of the major unresolved issues of European integration and leads directly into bigger debates about the underpinnings and purpose of the EU. Should Turkey be a Member State with full rights or be connected to the through a yet undefined special relationship? That is the kind of question many are asking nowadays. Every Member State of the European Union has a different vision of Europe, with different views of how the Union should be defined and on what foundations it should be based. This work explores the relationship between the concept of Europe held by a country's political elite, through analysing its discourse, and the country's position towards Turkish EU membership. Three cases are presented: France, Germany and the United Kingdom.

The aim of this thesis is to analyse the mutual impact which social relations and entrepreneurship had in relation to the success of four actors in a rural area in northern Sweden at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Many Swedish scholars have studied the process of social differentiation, before the industrial revolution. However, we still know very little about the forces behind this process, why some peasant households became more successful than others, especially during the first half of the nineteenth century when the economic differences were increasing. To grasp this process, the notion of social position has been used as a tool to grade the population on a scale from low- to high-ranked households in an economic and political sense. The fact that households were more or less successful turns our attention to the ability among individuals and households to change their social position. A theoretical concept chosen to investigate such change is the notion of entrepreneur, which implies a focus on the actor working for personal profit in a changing economic world. The main question has been how important social relations connected to entrepreneurship are in order to promote success among peasant households in the pre-industrial society. The empirical investigation has been conducted on two different levels. The first level is a structural study analysing the physical landscape of the court district of Rödön, the economic stratification and the political activity of the population in the area and, finally, their economic behaviours as peasants and rural businessmen. The second is a qualitative study emphasising on four individual actors: the businessman Per Wikström in the town of Östersund and three of the most successful peasant households in the region. The four case studies reveal that the rural elite had a pragmatic and dynamic approach to choosing social relations outside the family. Many acquaintances grew persistent and embedded in family or kinship relations, whereas others were short-lived or sacrificed for a calculated economic gain.

La présente thèse éclaire l’intelligibilité du régime politique gabonais sous Omar BONGO (1968-2009). Plus précisément, elle relève que la domination personnelle et l’analyse élitiste sont deux approches complémentaires dans la compréhension du politique au Gabon et partant, en Afrique subsaharienne. Elle montre à cet effet qu’Omar BONGO n’a pas pu compter que sur lui-même pour se maintenir au pouvoir pendant près d’un demi-siècle. Il a dû également s’appuyer sur un groupe d’acteurs, appelé élite politique, dont l’organisation et le fonctionnement étaient néanmoins empreints de son pouvoir personnel. En effet, l’accès à cette élite était régi par le clientélisme et le népotisme, deux rapports d’échange qu’Omar BONGO avait érigés en principe de gestion du personnel supérieur de l’État. Le premier lui permettait de se constituer une clientèle capable d’œuvrer par délégation ou de façon autonome à sa longévité politique. De ce fait, les acteurs qui composaient cette clientèle étaient dotés chacun d’un capital de ressources variées qu’ils activaient et faisaient fructifier de façon à l’aider à conserver son sceptre. La valorisation de ce capital auprès d’Omar BONGO les conduisait d’ailleurs à se livrer une lutte acharnée dans laquelle la fin justifiait les moyens. Quant au népotisme, il amena à Omar BONGO de faire des membres de sa famille officielle et ceux de sa famille officieuse ses proches collaborateurs dans le gouvernement, l’administration présidentielle et le Parti démocratique gabonais (PDG). Politique de l’affection, il lui permettait ainsi d’avoir une emprise plus importante sur l’élite politique et sur l’appareil d’État car, en faisant de son pouvoir une affaire de famille, Omar BONGO savait pouvoir compter sur des acteurs dont la loyauté et la détermination seraient également un atout pour sa longévité politique. / The present thesis lights the intelligibility of gabonese political regime under OMAR BONGO (1968-2009). More precisely, it notices that personal domination and elitist analysis are two supplementary approaches in the understanding of politics in Gabon and in sub-Saharan Africa. It shows with this effect that OMAR BONGO could not count that on itself to stay in power during almost half a century. He must also have leaned on a group of actors, called political elite, of which the organization and functioning being imprinted by its personal power. Indeed, access to this elite was governed by clientelism and nepostism, two reports of exchange which OMAR BONGO had established in principle of management of the upper personnel of the State. The first allowed him to build up clients able of working on the instructions or in an autonomous manner in his political longevity. Because of that, the actors who composed these clients were endowed to each of a capital of various resources which they activated and made bear fruit in order to help him to keep its scepter. The promotion of this capital to OMAR BONGO led them besides to devote themselves a persevered conflict. As for nepotism, it brought to OMAR BONGO to make members of its official family and those of its semiofficial family his close collaborators in the government, the presidential administration and the PDG, the party in power. Policy of affection, it allowed him so to have a more important hold on political elite and on State apparatus. Because, by making of his power a family business, OMAR BONGO knew how he will count on actors among whom fidelity and determination would be also a trump for his political longevity.

Submitted by Johnny Rodrigues (johnnyrodrigues@ufcg.edu.br) on 2017-09-14T19:25:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 A política como negócio de famílias_os herdeiros e a força dos capitais 2.pdf: 3410366 bytes, checksum: 78e434f5c6997466c3c38d4fb8ebe428 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-14T19:25:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 A política como negócio de famílias_os herdeiros e a força dos capitais 2.pdf: 3410366 bytes, checksum: 78e434f5c6997466c3c38d4fb8ebe428 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-25 / A tese discute a formação da elite política e suas dinâmicas de circulação nos mais variados espaços de controle do Estado, tendo como recorte temporal 1985 a 2015. O objeto empírico são as famílias políticas e as novas famílias políticas que possuem parentes na Câmara Federal e ocupam outras instâncias de representação política na “Nova República”. A hipótese levantada é que para ocupar cargo público de caráter eletivo/representativo no contexto da “Nova República” necessita-se acumular dois tipos de capitais – capital econômico e capital político-familiar. O estudo percorre três objetivos: 1) Verificar se as famílias políticas e/ou as novas famílias políticas, por meio de seus parentes e da parentela, ainda se configura em uma chave de compressão e de constituição do poder político no Estado; 2) Identificar os espaços e as instâncias de poder que os agentes destas famílias controlam; e 3) Compreender de que forma a estrutura de poder político encontra-se assentada nos supracitados capitais e como constituem os ativos políticos que possibilitam o sucesso eleitoral e a reprodução do poder e da dominação no Estado da Paraíba. Para a consecução de tais objetivos e o teste da hipótese levantada, utiliza a genealogia e a pesquisa documental por meio dos bancos de dados: i) do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral; ii) do Departamento Intersindical de Assessoria Parlamentar; iii) do Centro de Pesquisa Documental de História Contemporânea. Os dois primeiros bancos servem para a montagem dos gráficos e tabelas com base na estatística descritiva. O banco de documentos do CPDOC, bem como as biografias e as informações disponibilizadas no site do Congresso em foco, servem de base para a compreensão e demonstração do capital políticofamiliar. No que diz respeito ao volume de capital econômico, utiliza o banco de dados do TSE (2016) referente ao patrimônio declarado pelos agentes políticos; e, consequentemente, as “doações” destinadas pelas empresas aos partidos e aos candidatos que se encontram disponibilizadas em sites como Excelências. Com base em tais dados, depois de realizada a análise, constata que os agentes das famílias políticas e das novas famílias políticas inserem-se no campo político e ocupam os cargos eletivos da “Nova República”, acessando capitais. Conclui que as famílias estudadas construíram uma estrutura de poder político e econômico e, consequentemente, de dominação política que se perpetua ao longo do tempo. E que estes capitais (simbólicos e materiais) são transmitidos de geração a geração, num acúmulo constante de poder e que tende a se aprofundar nas próximas décadas, visto que os herdeiros são os que têm/estão ocupado/ocupando as principais instâncias de representação política da “Nova República”. Comprova ainda que dificilmente algum indivíduo acessa os cargos eletivos da “Nova República” sem que tenha volume considerado de tais capitais. O que coloca em cheque a concepção de que as eleições são livres, justas e abertas a todos os cidadãos, bem como cai por terra, em parte, o princípio constitucional de que na República os mandatos são limitados (e não hereditários). Os “privilégios” e a “hereditariedade” prevalecem no Estado, porém mascarados pela lógica liberal de competição e pelo discurso do “mérito”, estes escondem o acesso desigual às instituições. A política se torna, portanto, o espaço dos “privilegiados” que controlam partidos, mídia e outras instâncias – como os equipamentos sociais públicos – que transformam em “lugares de memória” e se perpetuam em sua dimensão simbólica. A política se transforma, no contexto atual “republicano” e pela lógica dos capitais, em negócio de família. / The thesis discuss about the formation of political elite and your dynamics of circulation in the most varied spaces of State control, since 1985 to 2015. The empirical aim was the “political families” and the “new political families” that have relatives in the Federal Chamber and occupy other instances of political representation in the “New Republic”. The hypothese of the work is that to occupy public office of elective/representative character in the context of “New Republic” is necessary have two type of capital – economical capital and political family capital. The specific aim was: 1) Verify if the political families and/or new political families, by their relatives, still represents a key of compression and constitution of the political power of State; 2) Identify the spaces and instances of power that the agents these families control; and 3) Understand how the structure of the political power encounter settled in the aforementioned capital and how make the political actives that possibility the electoral success and the reproduction of power and the dominance in the Paraíba State. For this, its was made a genealogical analyses and documental research by database of: i) the Superior Electoral Court (TSE); ii) the Interunion Department of Parliamentary Advisory; and iii) the Center of Documental Research and Contemporary History (CPDOC). The first two databases served for building of graphical and tables based on descriptive statistics. The CPDOC document database, as well the biographies and information available on the website: "Congress in focus" served as basis for understanding and demonstration of the political family capital. With regard to the volume of economic capital, was made use of the TSE database (2016) relative to declared patrimony by politicians; and hence the "donations" designed by companies to parties and candidates that are available at sites like "Excellencies". Based on these data, after performed the analysis, it was found that the agents of the political families and new political families fit into the political field and the occupy elective positions of the "New Republic", accessing impersonal capital. It was found that the researched "families" built a power political and economical structure and, therefore, policy domination that is perpetuated over time. And these capital (symbolic and material) are transmitted from generation to generation in a constant accumulation of power and that tends to deepen in the coming decades because the heirs are those who have/are occupy/occupied the main instances of political representative of the "New Republic". The research also proved that hardly any individual accesses the elective offices of the "New Republic" without having considered volume of these two type of capital. This puts into question the idea that the elections are free, fair and open to all citizens; and falls to the ground, in part, the constitutional principle that in the republic the mandates are limited (or non-hereditary). The "privileges" and "heredity" prevail in the State, but masked by the liberal logic of competition and the discourse of "merit", they conceal the unequal access to the institutions. The politics becomes, therefore, the space of the "privileged" that control parties, media and other instances - such as public social equipment’s - turning into "places of memory" and perpetuates in your symbolic dimension. The politics is transforms, in the current "Republican" context and the logic of capital, in family business.

Czechoslovak society underwent a fundamental change in 1989, in which a certain portion of society, previously restricted from official intervention in politics, took crucial part. Even though this part of society (the dissent) was before 1989 restricted from participation in politics, it had been doing so. However, in illegal ways at that time, for which had been the involved often persecuted. This group of dissidents later contributed to the revolutionary changes, which is the source of certain mythology that began to appear in connection with them. During 1990s their influence decreased, and the dissent's political elite was gradually replaced by a new right- wing elite, promising economic reform and rapid transformation. The idealistic conception of politics was replaced by the pragmatic one and completely different and ambitious personalities came to the foreground. The new characters did not come from the background of fight against totalitarianism, yet they quickly gained political skills. This transformation of elites in Czech society can be expressed via comparison of Václav Havel and Václav Klaus, as both of them were among the main initiators of domestic politics. Therefore, this diploma thesis is focused on them and their media portrayal. The media reflect everyday reality and pose as...