This Master Thesis was written at the Graduate Program in History (UFSM) and its main topic is the power relations and the support for the 1964 Civil-Military Coup from the Legislative Assembly of Rio Grande do Sul. Therefore, the research subject is the Legislature elected to State Parliament in 1962 – which was in its mandate in 1964 – and whose members we consider as Rio Grande do Sul political elite. We seek to analyze the political positioning by Assembly members regarding the political process experienced in Brazil in the 1960s; therefore, profiles of the parliamentarians were created, as well as a comparison between profiles of both groups: in opposition of the Coup and in support of the Coup. Therewith, we intend to show the profiles of the civilian supporters of the Coup, besides the profiles of the ones in opposition. In order to do this, two methodologies were used in different moments: prosopography, which was used to create the profiles of the parliamentarians, and sources, which were the parliamentarians‟ records, acquired at Memorial do Rio Grande do Sul, Correio do Povo and Zero Hora newspapers and the Brazilian Biographical-Historical Dictionary. Besides, content analysis was the methodology used for the examination of the political debate in the Assembly Annals. / A presente dissertação foi realizada junto ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, do Centro de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da UFSM e tem por tema as relações de poder e o apoio ao Golpe Civil-Militar de 1964 na Assembleia Legislativa do Rio Grande do Sul. Devido a isso, tem-se por objeto de pesquisa a Legislatura eleita em 1962 – e que por conta disso estava no exercício de seu mandato em 1964 – para o Parlamento Estadual, cujos membros consideramos como elite política gaúcha. Procura-se analisar as posições políticas tomadas pelos membros da Assembleia frente ao processo político vivido pelo Brasil na década de 1960, mais especificamente em relação ao Golpe de 1964; foi realizada, assim, a elaboração de um perfil dos parlamentares da legislatura, bem como a comparação entre o perfil dos dois grupos que se formaram na oposição e no apoio ao Golpe. Pretende-se com isso, demonstrar o perfil dos civis que apoiaram o Golpe, além do perfil dos que se opuseram, para além das filiações partidárias. Para tanto, duas metodologias foram utilizadas em momentos distintos: a prosopografia foi empregada para a elaboração do perfil dos parlamentares, e as fontes desse momento da pesquisa foram as fichas parlamentares do Memorial do Legislativo do RS, edições dos jornais Correio do Povo e Zero Hora e o Dicionário Histórico-Biográfico Brasileiro; de outra parte a análise de conteúdo foi a metodologia empregada para o exame do debate político nos Anais da Assembleia.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / A elite polÃtica cearense, na dÃcada de 1870, passa por mudanÃas em sua composiÃÃo e representaÃÃo como tambÃm muda em termos de discurso e aÃÃo. Ela à parte ativa de um processo que marca significativamente esse perÃodo, que pode ser representado pela expansÃo agrÃcola do algodÃo, pela proximidade da provÃncia com o mercado internacional, pela discussÃo acerca da Lei do Ventre Livre e pelas provaÃÃes provocadas pela polÃtica-crise e pela seca-crise. A elite polÃtica cearense acomodava-se nos cargos eletivos de maior importÃncia e nos altos cargos do executivo, e travava uma batalha aguerrida optando pela hoste liberal ou conservadora. A batalha tinha uma arena privilegiada, a imprensa. Os assuntos preferidos dos debates eram a polÃtica, o governo e a associaÃÃo imprÃpria do pÃblico com o privado. Ao final da dÃcada de 1870, os debates polÃticos se voltaram para a polÃtica-crise e para a seca-crise que durante trÃs anos, 1877-79, assolou a provÃncia do Cearà e outras do norte do ImpÃrio. A seca provocou uma relaÃÃo diferenciada entre a provÃncia do Cearà e o governo imperial. Devido a essa proximidade diferenciada entre o nacional e o provincial, imagens e espaÃos comeÃaram a ser definidos, marcando a elite, o povo e suas relaÃÃes sociais, polÃticas e econÃmicas. A elite polÃtica cearense, para orientar suas aÃÃes, articula-se e opta por um discurso estratÃgico que ressaltava a crise. / The political elite of CearÃ, in the decade of 1870, suffer changes in its composition and representation and changes in terms of speech and action as well. It is an active part of a process that marks significantly this period, that can be represented by the agricultural expansion of cotton, by the proximity of the province with the international market, by the quarrel concerning the Law of the Free Belly and by the trials provoked by the politics-crisis and the drought-crisis. The political elite of Cearà was accomodated in the most important elective posts and in the high posts of the executive, and joined a warlike battled choosing the liberal or the conservative troop. The battle had a privileged stage, the press. The favorite subjects of the debates were politics, the government and the unsuitable association of the public thing with the private one. At the end of the decade of 1870, the political discussions turned on the politics-crisis and the drought-crisis that during three years, 1877-79, devastated the province of Cearà and others of the north of the Empire. The drought provoked a differentiated relationship between the province of Cearà and the imperial government. Due to this differentiated proximity between the national thing and the provincial, images and spaces begun to be defined, marking the social elite, the people and its social, economical and political relations. The political elite of CearÃ, to guide its action, articulates itself and chooses a strategic speech that emphasized the crisis.

This study explores different actors’ perceptions on how the democratization process is being influenced in Kosovo. It is based upon empirical facts gathered during a field study in Kosovo. The material was mainly gathered through interviews with different representatives from international organizations present in Kosovo and with members of the Kosovar political elite. The theoretical standpoint in the study draws on the theory of polyarchy for defining the concept of democracy, and the two-level game. The interaction between domestic and international actors within the democratization process is highlighted. The conclusions are that different actors are influencing the ongoing democratization process in Kosovo, mainly international external ones acting in several ways and on different levels. This influence is considered by the international community and the domestic political elite to be necessary both for the continued development of democracy and for the preservation of stability. However as the influence has more or less become institutionalized, problems occur when responsibility is handed over to domestic authorities without accountability being made clear.

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The aim of this thesis is to investigate to what extent the officials within the Swedish Government Offices consider themselves to be governed by the political elite (ministers and state secretaries) and the ministerial advisers (chief of staffs, planning directors, political advisers and press secretaries). In an ideal chain of command, the political elite governs the officials, since the ministers are appointed by the Prime Minister to govern the Government Office’s different policy areas. During recent years, political scientists have started to chart a phenomenon of an increasing number of ministerial advisers within the public administration. The Swedish Parliament has no formal capability to review or dismiss these ministerial advisers. Which is considered to be problematic in terms of democratic legitimacy, since the ministerial advisers are neither recruited through a transparent recruitment process based on their merits, nor are they politically appointed based on election results. Hence, the link between election results and who is given the mandate to take part in the policy process within the Swedish Government Offices can be seen as tenuous. The officials are at the government’s disposal to prepare and implement policies, and to contribute with their expertise in different policy areas, regardless of which political party or political coalition that is governing at the time. Thus, the purpose of this thesis has been to study the government officials’ perspective, and to what extent they consider themselves to be governed by the political elite and ministerial advisers. 91 government officials have answered a survey regarding to what extent they perceive that they are governed by the different roles in the political staff, and to what extent they consider having contact with the different roles in the political staff. The collected material has made it possible to merge the officials’ perspective on the different roles within the political staff into the categories the political elite and the ministerial advisers. This has been done in order to calculate a confidence interval to estimate officials’ perspective on the two categories within the Govern- ment Offices as a whole. The main findings of the study are that officials within the Government Offices consider themselves to be governed to a greater extent by the political elite, compared to the ministerial advisers. Although the officials consider that they are governed by the political elite, they have more contact with the ministerial advisers compared to the political elite. This could indicate that ministerial advisers are to a great extent mediating the contact between the political elite and the officials within the Swedish Government Offices.

This thesis addresses the relationship between sectarianism and state-making and nation-building in Iraq. It argues that sectarianism has been an enduring feature of the state-making trajectory in Iraq due to the failure of the modern nation-state to resolve inherent tensions between primordial sectarian identities and concepts of unified statehood and uniform citizenry. After a theoretical excursus that recasts the notion of primordial identity as a socially constructed reality, I set out to explain the persistence of primordial sectarian affiliations in Iraq since the establishment of the modern nation-state in 1921. Looking at the primordial past showed that Sunni-Shicite interactions before the modern nation-state cultivated repositories of divergent collective memories and shaped dynamics of inclusion and exclusion favorable to the Sunni Arabs following the creation of Iraq. Drawing on primary and secondary sources and field interviews, this study proceeds to trace the accentuation of primordial sectarian solidarities despite the adoption of homogenizing policies in a deeply divided society along ethno-sectarian lines. It found that the uneven sectarian composition of the ruling elites nurtured feelings of political exclusion among marginalized sectarian groups, the Shicites before 2003 and the Sunnis in the post-2003 period, which hardened sectarian identities. The injection of hegemonic communal discourses into the educational curriculum was found to have provoked masked forms of resistance that contributed to the sharpening of sectarian consciousness. Hegemonic communal narratives embedded in the curriculum not only undermined the homogenizing utility of education but also implicated education in the accentuation of primordial sectarian identities. The study also found that, by camouflaging anti-Shicite sectarianism, the anti-Persian streak in the nation-state’s Pan-Arab ideology undermined Iraq’s national integration project. It explains that the slide from a totalizing Pan-Arab ideology in the pre-2003 period toward the atomistic impulse of the federalist debate in the post-2003 period is symptomatic of the ghettoization of identity in Iraq. This investigation of the interaction between primordial sectarian attachments and the trajectory of the making of the Iraqi nation-state is ensconced in the project of expanding the range and scope of social scientific applications of the nation-building and primordialism lines of analysis.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T12:23:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1682899 bytes, checksum: c59a408804987d80e99bc0922037d411 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-08-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / It is the central theme of this research analysis of changes in liberal ideas and attitudes in Pernambuco, in the first half of the century XIX. In the period, the liberal ideas penetrated, influence, spread and amalgamate, showing up in "public" institutions or spaces that was formed in the captaincy/province and materialized in conspiracies and movements of rebellions / revolutions occurring in Pernambuco in 1801, 1817, 1821 and 1824, against the established power first against Lisbon and after against Rio de Janeiro. The Brazil (Colony/Nation) and Pernambuco in particular passed by influences profound (liberal ideas/Enlightenment and others) and transformations, living moments of transition (colony pact, headquarters of the Portuguese Government, the United Kingdom and Independent Brazil) with intense socioeconomic and cultural political changes. These are the circumstances in which the topic under study. The study of this dissertation, more than concern themselves liberal social movements, investigates the ideas that guided and fed - designed as a standalone phenomena (political representation of the population) which are independent of their materialization in revolutionary movements. The research is based on the Habermas s categories as instruments of analysis and research to capture the presence of liberal ideas or liberal ideas/Enlightenment that influenced and created new spaces for socialization, movement of information and exchanges of experience, knowledge, ideas and values. Formal and non-formal spaces (here generically called institutions), which have been turned into public spaces or in the Habermas sense of construction of public spheres of participation (thus creating the citizen), the sphere of the Absolutist State (of fidelity of subject) of the Old Regime. We assumption that liberal ideas were, initially, represented and disseminated by the economically dominant layers (rural aristocracy), and then with the development of urban areas at least in the towns and/or port cities due to trade are being defended by the middle segments of society. Our study, therefore, took as the basic reference period between the Conspiracy of Suassuna (1801), the first form of expression of these ideas, by the Confederação of Equador (1824), republican movement of real importance to the liberal ideas in Pernambuco in XIX century. / Constitui tema central desta pesquisa a análise das transformações ocorridas nas idéias e posturas liberais em Pernambuco, na primeira metade do século XIX. Durante esse período, as idéias liberais penetraram, influenciaram, propagaram e se amalgamaram, apresentando-se nas instituições ou espaços públicos que se formavam na capitania/província e se materializavam nas conspirações e movimentos de rebeliões/revoluções ocorridos em Pernambuco em 1801, 1817, 1821 e 1824, contra o poder constituído primeiro contra Lisboa e depois contra o Rio de Janeiro. O Brasil (Colônia/Nação) e Pernambuco, em particular, passavam por profundas influências (idéias liberais/iluministas e outras) e transformações, vivendo momentos de transição (pacto colonial, sede do Governo português, Reino Unido e Brasil Independente) com intensas mudanças políticas, socioeconômicas e culturais. São essas as circunstâncias em que se insere o tema ora em estudo. O objeto de estudo da presente dissertação, mais que dizer respeito aos movimentos sociais liberais propriamente ditos, investiga as idéias que os nortearam e os alimentaram concebidas como fenômenos autônomos (representações políticas da população), que existem independentes de sua materialização em movimentos revolucionários. A pesquisa se apóia nas categorias habermasianas como instrumentos de análise e investigação para captar a presença das idéias liberais ou idéias liberais/iluministas que influenciaram e criaram novos espaços de socialização, circulação de informações e trocas de experiências, de conhecimentos, idéias e valores. Espaços formais e não-formais (aqui genericamente chamados de instituições), que se transformaram em espaços públicos ou no sentido habermasiano de construções de esferas públicas de participação (criando assim, o cidadão), opostas às esferas do Estado absolutista (de fidelidade do súdito) do Antigo Regime. Partimos da hipótese de que as idéias liberais foram, inicialmente, representadas e disseminadas pelas camadas economicamente dominantes (aristocracia rural), e, posteriormente, com o desenvolvimento de áreas urbanas, pelo menos nas vilas e/ou cidades portuárias devido ao comércio passam a ser defendidas pelos segmentos médios da sociedade. Nosso estudo, para tanto, tomou como referência básica o período que vai da Conspiração dos Suassuna (1801), primeira forma de expressão destas idéias, até a Confederação do Equador (1824), movimento republicano de real importância para as idéias liberais em Pernambuco no século XIX.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / O presente trabalho analisarà como se deu a constituiÃÃo do partido liberal moderado na provÃncia do Cearà e que aspectos estiveram envolvidos neste processo. Atribuiu-se como perÃodo de sua formaÃÃo e atuaÃÃo polÃtica o intervalo entre 1830 (quando Josà Martiniano de Alencar chegou à CÃmara dos Deputados e iniciou a troca de correspondÃncias com diversas forÃas polÃticas cearenses) e 1837 (quando ele deixou a PresidÃncia da ProvÃncia do CearÃ, reflexo da queda do partido moderado na Corte e do inÃcio do Regresso conservador). Como fontes de pesquisa teremos cartas privadas, jornais, correspondÃncias oficiais, proclamaÃÃes, leis, dentre outras. O trabalho se estrutura sobre trÃs aspectos: o primeiro à voltado à compreensÃo do ideÃrio liberal moderado e suas bases de sustentaÃÃo, o segundo objetiva evidenciar os meandros que envolveram a formaÃÃo do partido moderado na provÃncia e o terceiro visa compreender as caracterÃsticas da administraÃÃo provincial de Josà Martiniano de Alencar, enquanto momento da consolidaÃÃo do projeto polÃtico liberal moderado no CearÃ. / The following study will analyze how the liberal moderate party was constituted in the province of Cearà and what aspects were involved in this process. It was attributed as its formation period and political acting the time interval between 1830 (when Josà Martiniano de Alencar arrived at the Deputies Chamber and began to write letters to various political powers of CearÃ) and 1837 (when he left the Presidency of Cearà province, reflection of the moderate party fall and the beginning of the conservator Regress). As sources of investigation, we have personal letters, newspapers, official correspondences, proclamations, laws, among other things. This work is organized on three aspects: the first is geared to understand the liberal moderate ideas and its bases, the second aims to show the meanders involved in the moderate party formation in the province and the third intends to comprehend the characteristics of Josà Martiniano de Alencar‟s provincial administration, the consolidation time of liberal moderate political project in CearÃ.

À travers le monde, des juridictions ont cherché — certaines avec plus de succès que d’autres — à implanter des systèmes de tarification du carbone. Même si ce système est appuyé par les experts comme étant le moyen le plus efficace de réduire les émissions de gaz à effet de serre, ce type de politique peine à recueillir l’appui du public. Or, dans la mesure où l’opinion publique est influencée par le discours des élites, la façon dont les politiciens parlent de la tarification carbone peut modifier les perceptions de l’électorat à son endroit. Grâce à l’étude des stratégies de cadrage et à une méthode quantitative, on identifie les cadres utilisés par l’élite politique australienne (sous le gouvernement de Julia Gillard) et l’élite politique canadienne (sous le 1er gouvernement de Justin Trudeau) pour dépeindre cette politique. Dans cette étude, on analyse les allocutions en chambre des premiers ministres Julia Gillard et Justin Trudeau, ainsi que celles des chefs d’opposition Tony Abbott et Andrew Scheer. À la lumière des résultats obtenus dans notre étude, on s'aperçoit que les stratégies de cadrage de l’élite politique peuvent varier selon le contexte national d’implantation. On remarque toutefois plusieurs tendances qui se dégagent des allocutions des promoteurs (Gillard et Trudeau) et de celles des opposants (Abbott et Scheer). Les promoteurs de cette politique privilégient les étiquettes « tarification carbone » ou « prix sur le carbone » tandis que les opposants la décrivent comme une « taxe ». Les promoteurs de cette politique font plus souvent appel à des cadres environnementaux que leurs opposants — même s’ils utilisent principalement des cadres économiques. On remarque également que lorsqu’ils utilisent des cadres économiques, les promoteurs utilisent plus souvent que les opposants des cadres qui touchent l’économie nationale, les entreprises et l’industrie. De leur côté, les opposants privilégient largement les cadres économiques reliés aux individus, aux emplois et aux prix. / Jurisdictions around the world have sought — some more successfully than others — to implement carbon pricing systems. While this system is supported by experts as the most effective way to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, this type of policy is struggling to garner public support. Considering the fact that public opinion is influenced by elite discourse, the way politicians talk about carbon pricing can change the way people perceive this system. Through the study of framing strategies and a quantitative method, we identify the frames used by the Australian political elite (under the government of Julia Gillard) and the Canadian political elite (under the 1st government of Justin Trudeau) to portray this policy. In this study, we analyse the speeches pronounced in parliament by prime ministers Julia Gillard and Justin Trudeau, as well as those of the leaders of opposition Tony Abbott and Andrew Scheer. In light of the results obtained in our study, we realize that the framing strategies of the political elite can vary depending on the national context. However, we have identified several trends in the framing strategies of promoters (Gillard and Trudeau) and those of opponents (Abbott and Scheer). The promoters of this policy use the labels "carbon pricing" or "price on carbon" while opponents describe it as a "tax". The promoters of this policy more often use environmental frames than their opponents — even though they mainly use economic frames. When they use economic frames, promoters use more often than opponents frames related to the national economy, businesses and industry — and when opponents use economic frames, they widely use frames linked to individuals, jobs and prices.

Le 8 mars 1963, un coup d’État en Syrie permet à une secte minoritaire marginalisée au sein du parti Baas, à idéologie radicale et révolutionnaire, de s’emparer des rênes de l’État avec l’appui des militaires et de conserver le pouvoir depuis. Ainsi la Syrie, premier pays arabe à connaître le système pluraliste parlementaire dès 1919, sera soumise à un régime militaire et autoritaire pendant presque un demi siècle. Ce mémoire vise à expliquer comment cette faction, groupusculaire à l’origine, a su profiter des circonstances et des fenêtres d’opportunité politique ouvertes par les comportements de l’élite traditionnelle syrienne, au pouvoir depuis le Mandat français, s’étant trouvée affaiblie, isolée et illégitime aux yeux de la population. Cette fragmentation exprimée par des agitations internes, avait provoqué des décisions contradictoires, des conflits d’intérêts ainsi que des divisions de nature identitaire, générationnelle, sociale, économique, militaire et politique. La Syrie a de ce fait, depuis son indépendance en 1941, été victime du jeu de son élite, un jeu dont ce mémoire est consacré à étudier la dynamique. Cette étude, qui définit le concept de l’élite théoriquement, s’appuie sur l’état des liens entre élites, l’envergure et les modes de leur circulation, pour confirmer qu’une élite fragmentée s’affaibli, perd sa légitimité et mène la société à l’instabilité. Ceci soutien l’hypothèse centrale de l’étude que la fragmentation de l’élite syrienne traditionnelle a ouvert des fenêtres d’opportunité politique devant le parti Baas, minoritaire et radical, qui a su les saisir pour conquérir le pouvoir. / On March 8, 1963, a coup in Syria allows a marginalized minority sect, of radical and revolutionary ideologies within the Baath Party, to conquer the reins of State with military support; and to stay in power ever since. Thus, Syria -the first Arab country to experience the pluralist parliamentary system since 1919, will be subject to a military and authoritarian regime for almost half a century. This thesis aims to explain how this minority faction took advantage of the circumstances and the windows of political opportunity that have opened because of the weakness of the traditional elite in power since the French mandate, due to its fragmentation that led to its isolation and illegitimacy in the eyes of people. This fragmentation manifested by internal unrests, has resulted in contradicting decisions, conflicts of interests and division of nature in identity, generational, social, economical, military and political aspects –all at once. Hence, since its independence in 1941, Syria was a victim of its elites’ game -a game this thesis is devoted to study its dynamics. The study that defines the concept of elite theory, while focusing on the state of relation between the elites and the extent and patterns of their circulation, in order to confirm that a weakened fragmented elite, loses its legitimacy and leads the society to instability. This supports the main hypothesis of the study that the fragmentation of traditional Syrian elite has opened windows of opportunities that the Baath Party, a radical minority, was able to seize power through.