Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / A pesquisa transcrita nesta dissertaÃÃo està inserida na linha de Movimentos Sociais, EducaÃÃo Popular e Escola, e no Eixo SociopoÃtica, Cultura e RelaÃÃes Ãtnico-raciais do Programa de PÃs GraduaÃÃo da Faculdade de EducaÃÃo da Universidade Federal do CearÃ. A problemÃtica da investigaÃÃo à confronto entre propostas teÃricas e conceituais da HistÃria Geral da Ãfrica (UNESCO), e a localizaÃÃo das civilizaÃÃes africanas da Antiguidade em programas e livros didÃticos de HistÃria no Ensino MÃdio (Brasil) e no Ensino SecundÃrio (Cabo Verde). O objetivo geral à investigar a relaÃÃo entre metodologia e antiguidade africana propostas pelos Livros 1 e 2 da HistÃria Geral da Ãfrica (UNESCO) e o que se à ensinado nas salas de aula sobre a Ãfrica na HistÃria Antiga da Humanidade. Os objetivos especÃficos sÃo: 1) construir uma abordagem histÃrica e social sobre a HistÃria Geral da Ãfrica a partir do Pan-africanismo e de seus referenciais intelectuais, polÃticos e institucionais das dÃcadas de 1950 e 1970; 2) Identificar a localizaÃÃo de civilizaÃÃes da antiguidade africana em programas e livros didÃticos de histÃria utilizados em escolas pÃblicas da cidade de Fortaleza (Brasil) e da Ilha de Santiago (Cabo Verde); 3) Propor elementos para superaÃÃo de problemas e valorizaÃÃo das potencialidades comuns ao Brasil e Cabo Verde. Nossa base teÃrica concentra-se em autores como ZERBO (1972-2010), DIOP (1954-2010), RODNEY (1975-1980), CABRAL (1978), CUNHA (2006), MONIZ (2009), ASANTE (1989), ANJOS (2002), NASCIMENTO (2001), UNESCO (2009-2011) entre outros pesquisadores que possuem como principais campos de estudo a HistÃria da Ãfrica, metodologia, movimentos sociais, Pan-africanismo, antiguidade africana e educaÃÃo. Trata-se de um estudo de caso efetivado atravÃs de uma abordagem qualitativa, tendo como anÃlise livros didÃticos, programas de histÃria e o diÃlogo com professores. Os instrumentos utilizados para a coleta de dados resumem-se a pesquisa bibliogrÃfica, anÃlise documental e entrevista semiestruturada com professores. Para registrar dados da pesquisa utilizamos caderno de campo e gravaÃÃo em Ãudio. Neste momento apresentamos conclusÃes preliminares da pesquisa, uma vez que o achado durante o trabalho de campo encontra-se em processo de sistematizaÃÃo. Entretanto, à possÃvel asseverar que: 1) atualmente a localizaÃÃo geogrÃfica, o povoamento e o legado das civilizaÃÃes africanas na Antiguidade estÃo sob os mesmos princÃpios eurocÃntricos em materiais didÃticos e programas de histÃria no Ensino MÃdio (Brasil) e Ensino SecundÃrio (Cabo Verde); 2) hà falta de materiais nos acervos das instituiÃÃes visitadas, a HistÃria Geral da Ãfrica (UNESCO) e 3) o Uso PedagÃgico da HistÃria Geral da Ãfrica (UNESCO) sÃo pouco conhecidos e utilizados em programas e livros didÃticos em Cabo Verde e no Brasil; Este conjunto de fatores aponta para: o desconhecimento, a falta de interesse e o conflito de estudantes com a histÃria da Ãfrica, sua cultura e identidade; o ensino de histÃria da Ãfrica e a elaboraÃÃo de livros didÃticos devem ter como bases mÃnimas a conscientizaÃÃo, a educaÃÃo patrimonial e a integraÃÃo regional entre paÃses africanos e da diÃspora. / This research intends to confront the theoretical and the conceptual proposals of the textbook General History of Africa, published by UNESCO, as well as the locations of the ancient Classic African civilizations in the syllabi of the textbooks adopted in History classes of mediumschools in Brazil and secondary schools in Cape Verde. The general objective is to investigate the relationship between the methodology and African antiquity in the textbooks General History of Africa I and II, published by UNESCO It also analyses what is taught about Africa in Ancient Human History. The specific objectives are 1) to build a historical and social approach to teach about Ãfrica General History based on Pan-Africanism and Historical Knowledge; 2) to identify the location of Ancient Africa in History in the curriculums and textbooks adopted in public schools in Fortaleza (Brazil) and in Santiago Island (Cape Verde); The theoretical background of this research is based on authors such as ZERBO (1972-2010), DIOP (1954-2010), RODNEY (1975-1980), CABRAL (1978), CUNHA (2006), MONIZ (2009), ASANTE (1989), ANJOS (2002), NASCIMENTO (2001), UNESCO (2009-2011), among other scholars devoted to the study of Ancient Africa and its methodology, social movements, Pan-Africanism, Ancient Africa and Education. The methodology adopted is a case study conducted through quantitative analysis of textbooks and syllabi, as well as interviews with teachers. The instruments employed for data collection are a bibliographical research, analysis of documents, and semi-structured interviews with teachers. In order to record the research data, a field journal and audio recordings have been used. After that, preliminary conclusions of the research are presented, even though the findings during the field work are still being systematized. However, by then it is already possible to affirm that the geographical locations, the settlements, and the legacy of the ancient classic African civilizations are dealt with under the same Eurocentric principles present in other textbooks and syllabi adopted in fundamental schools in Brazil and in secondary schools in Cape Verde. The political and ideological apology of the mixture of races exerts influence in the formation of identity, educational background and professional attitude of History teachers in Brazil and in Cape Verde. There is also a shortage of materials in the libraries of the institutions visited. Moreover, the textbooks General History of Africa I and II and The Pedagogical Use of General History of Ãfrica (both published by UNESCO) are neither well-known nor widely adopted in Cape Verde or in Brazil. These factors point at 1) the lack of knowledge and interest, as well as at the conflict of students with African History, its culture and identity; 2) the need to teach and to write textbooks which are minimally based on the awareness, on the heritage and on the African regional integration

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There is a common assertion and consensus among scholars that Malcolm X was the voice of Black Americans during the 1960s and a key leader of the Civil Rights Movement. Not as much scholarly attention has been paid to other components of his World view such as: 1) his goal of uniting all people of African descent using Pan Africanism as the guiding tool; 2) the shared political identity of Black Americans and Africans; and 3) the political, economic, and social potential for Black Nationalism in both the United States and Africa. In particular, very little research has been conducted on the significance of Malcolm X's perspectives in these three areas for present-day college students. The purpose of this research is therefore to examine the magnitude of Malcolm X's impact on present-day college students' political awareness about, and related perceptions of: Pan-Africanism; shared Black and African political identities; and Black Nationalism. It can be argued that surely a man playing such a key leadership role has affected subsequent generations - either directly or indirectly. For this investigation, focus groups based on a convenience sample of college students, age 18 to 27, were conducted. Using a pre-test/post-test experimental and control group design, students were exposed to the speeches and beliefs of Malcolm X. Changes in students' knowledge and perceptions about the three topics listed above were assessed. From these analyses, the actual and potential influence of Malcolm X on today's college students can American society and attempting to place his contributions in context, this research on the effects of his ideas on college students can be instrumental and informative. be better understood. For scholars continuing to examine the impact of Malcolm X on American society and attempting to place his contributions in context, this research on the effects of his ideas on college students can be instrumental and informative.

This study is about four interrelated key issues, namely, critique of Thomas Sankara as a political figure and erstwhile president of Burkina Faso; examination of Pan-Africanism as a movement, theory, ideology and uniting force for Africans and people of African descent globally; evaluation of leadership and governance lessons drawn from Burkina Faso’s August 1983 revolution, its successes, challenges, and shortcomings, and lastly; it draws socioeconomic and developmental lessons from the Burkina Faso experience under Sankara’s administration during the brief period from 1983 until his untimely assassination on 15 October 1987. The ousting of Blaise Compaore in October 2014 brought to the fore Sankara’s long buried and suppressed legacy, and this is what, in part, led to me deciding to do a systematic and thorough study of Sankara and the Burkina Faso Revolution. Two theories were used in the study – Pan Africanism and Afrocentricity - because they together centre and privilege the African people’s plight and agency and the urgent need for Africans to find solutions to their own problems in the same way Sankara emphasised the need for an independent endogenous development approach in Burkina Faso. Methodologically, a Mixed Methods Research (MMR) approach was employed so as to exploit and leverage the strengths of each individual approach and due to the complex nature of the phenomena studied. The study argues that the nerve centre of developmental efforts in Burkina Faso was a self-propelled, self-centred, and endogenous development model which placed the agency and responsibility, first and foremost, in the hands of Burkinabe people themselves using their own internal resources to improve their lives. Secondly, agrarian reforms were designed in such a way that they formed the bedrock of economic self-reliance and industrial development in Burkina Faso. Lastly, overall findings of the study indicate that the revolutionary cause and intervention in all critical sectors such as education, health, and the economy were prioritised and the pace at which these sectors were overhauled was crucial. Implication of these findings for development in Africa is that development cannot be externally imported either through foreign direct investments or through a straight-jacket policy transfer where African countries often borrow European economic policies and try to implement them in drastically different contexts and historical epochs. / Political Sciences / Ph. D. (Philosophy)

The main objective of this thesis is to critically investigate and analyse the institutional role of the OAU in conflict resolution in Africa. In order to achieve that goal, among other things, it is argued that the philosophy, ideology and history of the Pan-African Movement influenced and shaped the institutionalisation process of the Pan-African Movement and the eventual establishment of the OAU, the formulation of its goals and objectives, as well as the OAU's potential in the resolution of conflicts on the continent. It is also argued on the one hand, that the tension between the preservation of sovereignty of the OAU member states, as well as their national interests and the promotion of continental interests on the other hand, directly affected the work of the OAU in conflict situations in Africa. Furthermore, it is emphasised in the thesis that the colonial legacy and the dynamics of the Cold War era did indeed affect the relations between the OAU member states and as a result, impacted on the African regional cooperation and the role of the OAU in conflict resolution processes in Africa. Another important aspect highlighted in the study was the evolution of the structures of the OAU involved in conflict management and resolution and their effect on the resolution of conflicts on the continent. A critical assessment was made of the various organs, mechanisms and methods adopted by the OAU and an attempt was made to ascertain whether they were suitable for the types of conflicts they were meant to resolve. Indeed, it is argued in the thesis that the principal organs of the OAU either lacked adequate powers to resolve inter-state conflicts, or they were inappropriately structured and thus they could not resolve these conflicts because their structures were not appropriate to intervene in most of these conflicts. Therefore, it can be stated that the mechanisms that were adopted by the OAU mediators to resolve these conflicts were not appropriate for the types of conflicts in which they were involved. It is important to mention that the conflict resolution mechanisms, which were provided for by the OAU Charter, were mainly aimed at resolving inter-state conflicts, and did not cater for various types of intra-state conflicts. An attempt was made in the study to ascertain to what extent this omission affected the role of the organisation in dealing with intra-state and other forms of conflicts, which emerged on the continent. Moreover, it is argued that the structural set up of the OAU's conflict resolution organs has produced complex legal and political problems for member states as well as to the parties to the conflicts. That situation in turn produced complex impediments in the operationalisation and the work of these organs in conflict resolution situations in Africa. This was because their functions were not distributed to minimise jurisdictual disputes such as boundary conflicts, hence resulting in the ineffectiveness of the work of the organisation. The study further analysed the extent to which the role and position of the UN as an international institution affected the role of the OAU in conflict management and resolution in Africa. The thesis also tried to ascertain to what extent the structural weaknesses and inherent challenges regarding the role of the UN in peace making in Africa hampered the work of the OAU in conflict situations where its cooperation with the UN was essential. Moreover, it is argued that the role and position of other regional organisations on the continent did in fact affect the role of the OAU in conflict management and resolution and that the inherent challenges and legal omissions of some vital provisions in the OAU charter regarding the role of the sub-regional organisations in peace-making in Africa did constrain the work of the OAU in conflict situations where its cooperation with sub-regional organisations was required. It was further argued that, although the American-European initiatives in conflict prevention, management and resolution in Africa was meant to facilitate and enhance the activities of the OAU in conflict situations in Africa, some of these initiatives did affect in different ways the role of the OAU. Finally, several arguments were presented to explain why the OAU was not able to successfully resolve the Ethiopian-Somali boundary dispute, a conflict seen as a typical inter-state dispute. Indeed, it is argued in the thesis that the Ethiopian-Somali boundary dispute exemplifies the challenges faced by and inherent weaknesses of the various mechanisms the OAU mediators had adopted to deal with conflict situations in Africa. / Political Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics)

[pt] Ivan Meredith Nurse nasceu na colônia britânica de Trinidad, em 1902, e migrou para os Estados Unidos, em 1924, a fim de prosseguir com seus estudos. Tornou-se um militante antirracista nos Estados Unidos dos tempos de Jim Crow, entrou para o movimento comunista internacional, e mudou de nome, passando a chamar-se George Padmore em 1929. Em 1930 já era um dos comunistas negros mais conhecidos a serviço de Moscou, responsável por articular uma internacional de trabalhadores negros a partir de Hamburgo, Alemanha. Em 1934, rompe com o Comintern e com Stálin, embora siga enquanto marxista e defensor do modelo Soviético de estado. Entre 1935 e 1957 foi o grande articulador da resistência anticolonial e anti-imperial a partir de Londres. Padmore foi um dos principais pensadores Pan-Africanistas, artífice do Quinto Congresso Pan-Africano de Manchester, em 1945, e arquiteto da independência da Costa do Ouro, em 1957. A análise da trajetória e do pensamento político de George Padmore evidencia a experiência da Diáspora Negra e permite compreender a sistematização de uma ideologia Pan-Africana centrada nas massas africanas, na emancipação do continente africano e na construção dos Estados Socialistas Africanos. George Padmore escreveu artigos em jornais de diversos territórios coloniais, mas também em periódicos da metrópole. Também produziu obras que buscaram guiar e pautar o movimento anti-imperial e as lutas anticoloniais. Esta tese pretende apresentar este Herói Silencioso em seu contexto linguístico, junto de outros intelectuais negros tais como, W.E.B. Du Bois, Claude McKay, C.L.R. James, Kwame Nkrumah, a fim de evidenciar o vocabulário político Pan-Africano da primeira metade do século XX. / [en] Ivan Meredith Nurse was born in the British colony of Trinidad in 1902 and moved to the United States in 1924 to pursue his studies. He became an anti-racist militant in the Jim Crow s United States, joined the international communist movement, and changed his name to George Padmore in 1929. By 1930, he was already one of the best-known black communists in the service of Moscow, responsible for coordinating a black workers international from Hamburg, Germany. In 1934, he broke with the Comintern and Joseph Stalin, although he continued as a Marxist and defender of the Soviet state model. Between 1935 and 1957, he was the great articulator of anti-colonial and anti-imperial resistance from London. Padmore was a leading Pan-Africanist thinker, organizer of the Fifth Pan-African Congress of Manchester in 1945, and architect of the Gold Coast s independence in 1957. The analysis of George Padmore s trajectory and political thinking allow to evidenciate the experience of the Back Diaspora and allows us to understand the systematization of a Pan-African ideology centered on the African masses, the emancipation of the African continent and the building of African Socialist States. George Padmore wrote articles in newspapers of various colonial territories, but also in journals of the metropolis. He also produced works that sought to guide the anti-imperial movement and anticolonial struggles. This thesis intends to present this Silent Hero in its linguistic context, along with other black intellectuals such as, W.E.B. Du Bois, Claude McKay, C.L.R. James, Kwame Nkrumah, in order to evidence the Pan-African political vocabulary of the first half of the twentieth century.

A presente dissertação trata sobre a trajetória de Abdias do Nascimento durante o período de seu autoexílio nos Estados Unidos, entre 1968 e 1981. Na pesquisa, verificamos a hipótese que preconiza ser esse momento decisivo para mudança da autoimagem do autor, que sai do Brasil como artista e retorna como liderança do ativismo negro internacional. Investigamos os fatos e experiências do autor no período, passando pelas atividades, redes pessoais e sua participação em diversos congressos e seminários internacionais. A pesquisa é delineada em dois eixos: discurso e imagem. Discurso envolve a abordagem de Nascimento acerca de cultura negra e sua crítica à democracia racial, que articulariam uma interlocução com elementos conceituais transnacionais, presentes no discurso negro no âmbito internacional. Em relação à imagem, tentamos abordar como o autor, a partir de sua discurso ideológico e atuação, reconstrói sua autoimagem, projetando em seu retorno a posição de liderança negra do ativismo internacional e de pensador da diáspora. Para tanto, analisamos as obras artísticas e políticas do período, bem como elementos anteriores tratados pela literatura sociológica, para evidenciar as formas dessa reconstrução. / This dissertation deals with the trajectory of Abdias do Nascimento during his selfexile period in the United States, from 1968 to 1981. In this research, we verify the hypothesis that claims that this moment was decisive in changing the authors self-image, since he leaves Brazil as an artist and returns as a leader of black international activism. We investigate the facts and experiences of the author during this period, which include activities, personal networks and his participation in several international congresses and seminars. The research is divided into two axes: discourse and image. Discourse involves Nascimentos approach regarding black culture and his criticism of racial democracy, which would articulate an interlocution with transnational conceptual elements, present in the black discourse in an international scope. Regarding image, we try to tackle how the author, based on his ideological discourse and action, reconstructs his self-image, projecting on his return the position of black leader of international activism and of thinker of the diaspora. For such, we analyzed artistic and political pieces from the period, as well as previous elements dealt with by sociological literature, to indicate how this reconstruction took place.

A presente dissertação trata sobre a trajetória de Abdias do Nascimento durante o período de seu autoexílio nos Estados Unidos, entre 1968 e 1981. Na pesquisa, verificamos a hipótese que preconiza ser esse momento decisivo para mudança da autoimagem do autor, que sai do Brasil como artista e retorna como liderança do ativismo negro internacional. Investigamos os fatos e experiências do autor no período, passando pelas atividades, redes pessoais e sua participação em diversos congressos e seminários internacionais. A pesquisa é delineada em dois eixos: discurso e imagem. Discurso envolve a abordagem de Nascimento acerca de cultura negra e sua crítica à democracia racial, que articulariam uma interlocução com elementos conceituais transnacionais, presentes no discurso negro no âmbito internacional. Em relação à imagem, tentamos abordar como o autor, a partir de sua discurso ideológico e atuação, reconstrói sua autoimagem, projetando em seu retorno a posição de liderança negra do ativismo internacional e de pensador da diáspora. Para tanto, analisamos as obras artísticas e políticas do período, bem como elementos anteriores tratados pela literatura sociológica, para evidenciar as formas dessa reconstrução. / This dissertation deals with the trajectory of Abdias do Nascimento during his selfexile period in the United States, from 1968 to 1981. In this research, we verify the hypothesis that claims that this moment was decisive in changing the authors self-image, since he leaves Brazil as an artist and returns as a leader of black international activism. We investigate the facts and experiences of the author during this period, which include activities, personal networks and his participation in several international congresses and seminars. The research is divided into two axes: discourse and image. Discourse involves Nascimentos approach regarding black culture and his criticism of racial democracy, which would articulate an interlocution with transnational conceptual elements, present in the black discourse in an international scope. Regarding image, we try to tackle how the author, based on his ideological discourse and action, reconstructs his self-image, projecting on his return the position of black leader of international activism and of thinker of the diaspora. For such, we analyzed artistic and political pieces from the period, as well as previous elements dealt with by sociological literature, to indicate how this reconstruction took place.

The main objective of this thesis is to critically investigate and analyse the institutional role of the OAU in conflict resolution in Africa. In order to achieve that goal, among other things, it is argued that the philosophy, ideology and history of the Pan-African Movement influenced and shaped the institutionalisation process of the Pan-African Movement and the eventual establishment of the OAU, the formulation of its goals and objectives, as well as the OAU's potential in the resolution of conflicts on the continent. It is also argued on the one hand, that the tension between the preservation of sovereignty of the OAU member states, as well as their national interests and the promotion of continental interests on the other hand, directly affected the work of the OAU in conflict situations in Africa. Furthermore, it is emphasised in the thesis that the colonial legacy and the dynamics of the Cold War era did indeed affect the relations between the OAU member states and as a result, impacted on the African regional cooperation and the role of the OAU in conflict resolution processes in Africa. Another important aspect highlighted in the study was the evolution of the structures of the OAU involved in conflict management and resolution and their effect on the resolution of conflicts on the continent. A critical assessment was made of the various organs, mechanisms and methods adopted by the OAU and an attempt was made to ascertain whether they were suitable for the types of conflicts they were meant to resolve. Indeed, it is argued in the thesis that the principal organs of the OAU either lacked adequate powers to resolve inter-state conflicts, or they were inappropriately structured and thus they could not resolve these conflicts because their structures were not appropriate to intervene in most of these conflicts. Therefore, it can be stated that the mechanisms that were adopted by the OAU mediators to resolve these conflicts were not appropriate for the types of conflicts in which they were involved. It is important to mention that the conflict resolution mechanisms, which were provided for by the OAU Charter, were mainly aimed at resolving inter-state conflicts, and did not cater for various types of intra-state conflicts. An attempt was made in the study to ascertain to what extent this omission affected the role of the organisation in dealing with intra-state and other forms of conflicts, which emerged on the continent. Moreover, it is argued that the structural set up of the OAU's conflict resolution organs has produced complex legal and political problems for member states as well as to the parties to the conflicts. That situation in turn produced complex impediments in the operationalisation and the work of these organs in conflict resolution situations in Africa. This was because their functions were not distributed to minimise jurisdictual disputes such as boundary conflicts, hence resulting in the ineffectiveness of the work of the organisation. The study further analysed the extent to which the role and position of the UN as an international institution affected the role of the OAU in conflict management and resolution in Africa. The thesis also tried to ascertain to what extent the structural weaknesses and inherent challenges regarding the role of the UN in peace making in Africa hampered the work of the OAU in conflict situations where its cooperation with the UN was essential. Moreover, it is argued that the role and position of other regional organisations on the continent did in fact affect the role of the OAU in conflict management and resolution and that the inherent challenges and legal omissions of some vital provisions in the OAU charter regarding the role of the sub-regional organisations in peace-making in Africa did constrain the work of the OAU in conflict situations where its cooperation with sub-regional organisations was required. It was further argued that, although the American-European initiatives in conflict prevention, management and resolution in Africa was meant to facilitate and enhance the activities of the OAU in conflict situations in Africa, some of these initiatives did affect in different ways the role of the OAU. Finally, several arguments were presented to explain why the OAU was not able to successfully resolve the Ethiopian-Somali boundary dispute, a conflict seen as a typical inter-state dispute. Indeed, it is argued in the thesis that the Ethiopian-Somali boundary dispute exemplifies the challenges faced by and inherent weaknesses of the various mechanisms the OAU mediators had adopted to deal with conflict situations in Africa. / Political Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics)

As a political, social, and cultural ideology, Pan-Africanism has been a complex movement attempting to ameliorate the dehumanizing effects of "the global Eurocentric colonial/modern capitalist model of power," which Anibal Quijano (2000) refers to as "the coloniality of power." The destructive forces of the coloniality of power--beginning with the transatlantic slave trade--that led to the dispersal and displacement of millions of Africans subsequently facilitated the creation of Pan-African political and cultural consciousness. Thus, this dissertation examines diverse articulations of Pan-African politics of cultural struggle as a response to racist and sexist oppression and economic exploitation of Afro-descendants. I am specifically interested in the formation of international politico-cultural movements, such as the Black Arts movement, Négritude, and the Pan-African Cultural Revolution and their ideological alignments to political liberation struggles for the emancipation of people of African descent. With varying degrees of revolutionary commitment, intellectuals in each of these movements utilized literary and cultural production to raise the political consciousness of Africans and Afro-descendants to combat forces that oppressed their communities. To demonstrate this, my dissertation historicizes and analyzes the numerous Pan-African festivals, congresses, and conferences, which occurred between 1965 and 1977, while interrogating the specific manifestations of "translocal" contacts and linkages between movement intellectuals. I chose to focus on these years because they roughly correspond with the historical time period known as the Black Arts movement in North America (1965-1975), which had a vibrant, yet understudied Pan-African worldview. Moreover, while Pan-Africanism gained considerable traction after World War II, it was particularly between 1966 and 1977 that intellectuals aligned with Négritude and Pan- African Marxism competed for ideological hegemony of the movement on the African continent and in the African Diaspora.