The central analytical concern was situated, more generally, on the relationship between political participation and socio-cultural resources triggered according to the underlying logic of the political game, and in a more specific level, it was interested to the research the reconstitution of symbolic elements present in what we are here calling symbolism of female political representation, constituted by the presence of women's participation in political activities in state legislative in Sergipe. To this end, it was analyzed more closely the political universe built around the activities of Goretti Reis (DEM) and the main concepts that rule this everyday actions. / A preocupação analítica central situou-se, em termos mais gerais, no estudo das relações entre participação política e recursos socioculturais acionados de acordo com as lógicas subjacentes ao jogo político; e, num nível mais específico, interessou à investigação a reconstituição dos elementos simbólicos presentes no que estamos chamando aqui de simbologia da representação política feminina, constituída pela presença da participação das mulheres em atividades político-partidárias no legislativo estadual em Sergipe. Para tanto, analisou-se mais detidamente o universo político construído em torno das atividades de Goretti Reis (DEM) e as principais concepções que regem esse cotidiano de ações.

O trabalho proposto tem por objetivo a reconstrução dos debates relativos ao Código Eleitoral de 1932. Analisamos como as medidas introduzidas pelo Código fizeram parte da construção de uma nova concepção de representação política, a qual é produzida como verdadeira. A presença do conteúdo de verdade nos discursos de 1930 expõe a necessidade de uma substituição do falso pelo verdadeiro, opondo a representação presente na Primeira República, na qual a fraude eleitoral e a abstenção são apresentadas como entraves à democracia, a uma nova representação, que deveria se constituir a partir da lisura e da participação eleitorais. O regime introduzido pelo Governo Provisório, por ter se constituído sem a confirmação eleitoral, necessitava urgentemente de legitimação, a qual foi buscada por duas vias: o aumento da participação e a transparência das eleições. Entendemos que as medidas introduzidas pelo Código Eleitoral de 1932 caminham no sentido de uma inclusão política, tendo como base o pressuposto de que quanto maior o eleitorado, mais representativo o governo e, portanto, mais legítimo. No entanto, argumentamos que o controle eleitoral, que se dava no período anterior por meio das fraudes eleitorais e da dificuldade do alistamento, não se extingue, mas sofre transformações. Em outras palavras, o poder sobre as eleições é deslocado das mãos das oligarquias locais para o domínio da burocracia estatal. Assim, analisaremos como o conceito de representação verdadeira combina a expansão do eleitorado ao controle dos eleitores e elegíveis ao mesmo tempo em que busca estabelecer uma ligação legítima entre representantes e representados. / The purpose of the proposed work is to reconstruct the debates related to the Electoral Code of 1932. We analyze how the measures introduced by the Code were part of the construction of a new conception of political representation, which is produced as truthful. The presence of the content of truth in the speeches of 1930 exposes the need for a replacement of the untrue for the genuineness, opposing the type of representation that was present in the First Republic, in which electoral fraud and abstention are presented as obstacles to democracy, to a new representation that should be based on electoral integrity and real participation. Because it was constituted without electoral confirmation, the regime introduced by the Provisional Government urgently needed legitimacy, which was sought in two ways: increased participation and election transparency. We understand that the measures introduced by the 1932 Electoral Code are moving towards political inclusion, based on the assumption that the larger the electorate, the more representative the government and, therefore, the more legitimate it is. However, we argue that electoral control, which occurred in the previous period through electoral fraud, and the difficulty of enlistment, are not extinguished but undergo transformations. In other words, power over elections is shifted from the hands of local oligarchies into the domain of state bureaucracy. Thus, we will analyze how the concept of true representation associates with the expansion of the electorate onto the control of the eligibles and the voters, while at the same time seeking to establish a legitimate link between the representatives and the represented.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / A pesquisa tem o objetivo de observar, no plano estadual cearense, se a aÃÃo polÃtica dos deputados estaduais da Assembleia Legislativa era direcionada aos municÃpios nos quais obtiveram votos e como se dava a relaÃÃo deles com o partido. Em ambos os casos, o polÃtico parlamentar cumpriria seu mandato tendo em vista se reeleger na eleiÃÃo seguinte, seja ao mesmo cargo no legislativo, seja a outro cargo polÃtico. Para viabilizar a pesquisa foi necessÃrio, como perspectiva metodolÃgica, perceber a importÃncia do espaÃo geogrÃfico, ou seja, importÃncia analÃtica da geografia polÃtica para compreender quais as demandas sugeridas aos nossos representantes atravÃs das estratÃgias adotadas pelos candidatos na Assembleia Legislativa e, assim, perceber como a representaÃÃo e a representatividade polÃtica sÃo exercidas na aÃÃo legislativa estadual. Elaborei, ao final, tipologias para interpretar a distribuiÃÃo de votos dos deputados estaduais. No resultado, temos a formaÃÃo de circunscriÃÃes informais e a presenÃa de bases eleitorais territoriais que conduzem a aÃÃo polÃtica de grande parte dos deputados pesquisados. / The research aims to observe whether the political actions of the representatives at the Legislative Assembly of the State of Cearà were directed to the municipalities in which they obtained most of their vote and how was their relationship with their political parties. Politicians fulfill their term of office in order to be granted a new mandate in the next election. This mandate might be a renewed one at the Legislative Assembly or a new mandate at another political office. The political geography of the Assembly elections was analyzed to understand the relationship between vote distribution and the type o parliamentary activity. A typology of vote distribution was elaborated leading to the conclusion that there are informal territorial constituencies and that most politicians guide their actions towards these constituencies.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-10-05T10:58:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 giselebragabastos.pdf: 1553232 bytes, checksum: bf31b5bd0ee71130fa54a703a557c54a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-10-09T19:54:03Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 giselebragabastos.pdf: 1553232 bytes, checksum: bf31b5bd0ee71130fa54a703a557c54a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-09T19:54:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 giselebragabastos.pdf: 1553232 bytes, checksum: bf31b5bd0ee71130fa54a703a557c54a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-11 / FAPEMIG - Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Minas Gerais / O estudo apresentado tem dois objetivos: apresentar um panorama de como o clientelismo tem sido tratado na Ciência Política brasileira nas três últimas décadas através de um levantamento em seis dos periódicos com maior classificação na Área de Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais da CAPES; investigar a propensão ao clientelismo entre os membros do legislativo municipal com base no padrão de respostas dos vereadores entrevistados em um survey. Nossas hipóteses centrais são as de que: i) apesar de bastante mencionado pelos cientistas políticos brasileiros para se referir à política e aos políticos no país, o clientelismo não vem sendo alvo de estudos sistemáticos; ii) a propensão ao clientelismo entre os vereadores não se distribui uniformemente e está associada a variáveis de contexto e atributos individuais. / The present study has two objectives: to present a panorama of how clientelism has been treated in Brazilian political science in the last three decades, through a stiff examination of six of the highest ranking journals in the area of Political Science and International Relations of CAPES; to investigate the propensity for clientelism among members of the municipal legislature based on the standard of responses of councilors interviewed in a survey. Our central hypotheses are that: i) although Brazilian politicians have often mentioned politics and politicians in Brazil, clientelism has not been systematically studied; ii) the clientelism propensity among city council members is not uniformly distributed and is associated with context variables and individual attributes.

Pourquoi des électeurs membres des classes populaires et socialisés à gauche votent-ils à droite ? Alors que les enquêtes sociologiques portent essentiellement sur l’abstention, le vote à gauche et la présence de l’extrême droite en milieu populaire, cette thèse aborde un phénomène électoral peu étudié : le vote de droite en milieu populaire. Les propriétés sociales des électeurs ne pouvant pas, à elles seules, expliquer ce choix électoral, c’est par une enquête ethnographique associée à une entreprise monographique, menée sur un quartier d’habitat social niçois entre 2014 et 2016 que sont définis les « sens » du vote de droite en milieu populaire. Un suivi au long cours des électeurs dans leur environnement a permis d’établir que ce vote n’est pas simplement le fait d’individus socialisés à droite et/ou appartenant aux franges supérieures des classes populaires et/ou en situation d’ascension sociale. Il concerne aussi des électeurs socialisés à gauche, situés dans les segments les plus précarisés des catégories populaires. La thèse montre qu’ils votent à droite sans exprimer des préférences politiques de droite, mais en cherchant une réponse à leurs demandes sociales. Dans ces conditions, les mêmes attentes sociales peuvent se traduire par des choix électoraux différents, tels qu’un vote à droite à une élection locale et un vote à gauche à l’élection présidentielle. Ces variations électorales, qui font sens pour l’électeur et ne renvoient pas à un déficit de compétence politique, s’expliquent par une entreprise d’ancrage et de travail politiques intenses de candidats situés à droite. Ils endossent leur rôle d’élu de proximité en euphémisant leur affiliation partisane, manifestent des dispositions sociales qui autorisent l’identification des électeurs, redistribuent des biens publics et disposent, sur le terrain, de puissants relais dans le tissu social. Ainsi, une forte dynamique d’encadrement des classes populaires peut produire, localement, une incitation au vote à droite chez les plus précarisés d’entre eux. Le sens qu’ils assignent à ce choix n’est dès lors pas en rupture avec leurs préférences politiques et est ajusté à leurs attentes et dispositions sociales. C’est donc à l’intersection de la sociologie des électeurs et de la sociologie du métier d’élu que se déchiffrent les sens du vote. / Why do working class voters, whose socialization lies on the left, eventually choose right wing candidates? While most of the scholarship on contemporary politics tends to focus either on the growth of the far-right, abstention or the decline of left-wing activism, this thesis studies a phenomenon that has, so far, attracted little attention. A two-year ethnographic inquiry into a working-class district of Nice shows, instead, the many meanings a right-wing vote has for the poor, and how support for conservative candidates is often shaped by dynamics that have little to do with the voters’ social attributes. Studying voters in their social environment attests, as one would expect, that right-wing suffrage within the working classes regards its higher, ascending stratas, whose claims for status and respectability is better defended by conservative candidates. However, this thesis also shows how and why the latter’s campaigns can meet the expectations, representations and standards of the more vulnerable and precarious segments of these classes, sometimes socialized to left-wing values. In such conditions, the same social expectations can translate into contradicting ballots at a local election and for a national poll, such as a presidential election. These electoral variations, which make sense for the electors, are not the result of ignorance or political illiteracy. They can be explained by the long-term rooting of conservative leaders, who embrace their role as representatives and shape their discourses and practices to better answer the expectations of lower class citizens: they perform their roles according to working class standards, share public goods and widen their leadership thanks to strong men on the field. Therefore, a tight control of low-income neighborhoods can locally produce a conservative support among the poor and the most vulnerable, as long as right-wing candidates adjust themselves to the needs and expectations of their clients and do not seem to contradict their immediate interests. It is, therefore, by embracing both electoral and elite sociology that one can decipher and understand the meaning of local polls.

Fashion as a phenomenon was always connected with the human society. In this work I answer the role of men's fashion in politics within the cultural context in the Czech Republic. In this part I use the theory of representation from Hanna Pitkin, concretely the part about symbolic representation. It also uses theories from political marketing. My own research was done through the interviews with politicians from investigated political parties. This paper offers an answer which role plays the fashion in politics and how it is connected with the ideological background of the individual politician. Key words Men's fashion, political representation, political marketing.

This thesis investigates the factors that affect women's bargaining power within the household, in India. The first chapter introduces the literature on household bargaining mostly by describing how household outcomes like children's health indicators and expenditure pattern change with increase in resources under women's control. The second chapter describes the conceptual framework for intra-household bargaining. It discusses the two broad topics – household bargaining models and gendered institutions, that can be used to identify avenues for increasing women's bargaining power within the household. In chapters three and four, I analyze the factors that determine women's power position, using data on women's involvement in household decision making from a nationally representative longitudinal household survey (India Human Development Survey). The survey was conducted in over 40,000 Indian households, which covers over 200,000 individuals. In the third chapter, I investigate the effect of women's labor force participation on her involvement in household decision making. After addressing the issues of endogeneity using a fixed effects model, I find that her labor market participation significantly increases her involvement in decision making process, which can be seen as a direct outcome of her increased bargaining power. In my fourth chapter I analyze whether the women's bargaining power within the household increases with the presence of female politicians at both state and local level. Studying the causal impact of a variable like female political representation is generally riddled with concerns of endogeneity for existence of voter preference. Using share of seats won by women in man-woman close elections as an instrument for overall female representation in in a fixed effect model, I show that an increase in number of female state legislators can actually lead to an increase in the bargaining power of women. This chapter further shows that increase in women's involvement in decision making process in the household is also associated with the female political representation at local level. The fifth chapter concludes the dissertation by making policy recommendation for strengthening women's bargaining position within the household. / Ph. D.

This thesis examines how former and current Prime Ministers, Theresa May and Boris Johnson are represented in two British newspapers, The Guardian and The Sun, a broadsheet and a tabloid, during the election time, namely July 2016 for May and July 2019 for Johnson. By applying Critical Discourse Analysis, and especially Norman Fairclough’s three-dimensional model of analysis (1989), as well as studies on gender discourse, this study investigates how constructions of gender stereotypes are created. The thesis is performed to study and compare possible examples of inequity in the representation of Theresa May and Boris Johnson, and to seek an answer to whether these representations are based on gender stereotypes or not. By introducing the discursive representation approach, this study has uncovered how the discourses in the articles surrounding Theresa May have shifted focus a day before and on the day of election, whilst for Boris Johnson, the discourses have stayed the same.

Using a cross-national perspective covering all free and partly free countries, this thesis addresses two questions: What factors are associated with levels of gender representation, ethnic group representation, and ideological representation? And what are the relationships between levels of gender, ethnic group, and ideological representation? Ideological representation regards policy positions in different issue domains, whilst gender and ethnic group representation are concerned with the inclusion of women and ethnic groups in parliament. The representation of ethnic groups is approached in a multivariate cross-national analysis for the first time. Cultural rather than institutional factors seem to be the best predictors for the different levels of gender representation and ethnic group representation. Cultural attitudes are measured with survey questions on attitudes to women as political leaders, and tolerance of marginalized groups in society. The thesis finds that on average quotas for women and ethnic groups are not associated with higher levels of representation, perhaps because of issues regarding how quotas are implemented. Broadly speaking, little effect of the electoral system on any form of representation could be observed. Looking at levels of ideological representation, in line with some recent studies, the thesis suggests that the electoral system is not associated with different levels of ideological representation. I show that this is the case across various policy domains. Furthermore, the thesis finds no evidence for a direct relationship between levels of gender representation and levels of ethnic group representation, but levels of gender representation may be associated with levels of left–right representation. The relationship between different forms of representation might be shaped by the salience of ideological domains and awareness of under-representation of ethnic minority groups. Overall, the thesis argues that cultural attitudes are central to understanding levels of political representation, a factor often neglected in the literature.

A presente tese se dedicou a investigar, a partir das doações de campanha, a relação entre o setor empresarial e o sistema político, e qual o peso dos partidos políticos nessa relação. O foco da análise recaiu sobre as receitas de campanha, nas eleições de 2006, para a Câmara dos Deputados, considerando tanto as carreiras individuais dos candidatos como sua filiação partidária. Esta última perspectiva revelou padrões de concentração entre os partidos de centro-direita. Entretanto, quando se desagrega as empresas segundo o setor de atividade e os candidatos segundo o distrito eleitoral, a distribuição de fundos tende a ser heterogênea. Quanto às carreiras individuais, a análise identificou forte influência do capital político dos candidatos, destacando-se a relevância de uma longa trajetória política aliada à experiência em secretarias e ministérios, bem como o estabelecimento de vínculos anteriores com associações patronais. Além dessas evidências empíricas, a presente tese buscou levantar importantes tensões teóricas e dilemas suscitados pelo debate sobre o financiamento de campanha. / This dissertation attempted to investigate the relationship between the corporate sector and the political system and the role parties play on it by examining private donations to political campaigns. The analysis focused on campaign expenditures in the 2006 election for the Chamber of Deputies, accounting both for the candidates career individually and for their party affiliation. The latter perspective revealed patterns of concentration among right wing and center parties. However, when disaggregating the companies by sector of activity and the candidates by electoral district, the share of funds tends to be heterogeneous. Concerning individual careers, the analysis identified marked influence of political capital, especially long-term political trajectories allied with prior experience in secretaries, as well as previous links with employers\' associations. Besides these empirical evidences, this dissertation aimed to raise relevant theoretical tensions and dilemmas brought by the debate on campaign finance.