This diploma thesis analyzes some of the most successful movements in the Czech Republic - ANO and Svoboda a přímá demokracie Tomio Okamury through the content analysis and the theory of populism by Cas Mudd. The aim of the thesis is to determine to what extent both movements are populist in view of the theory mentioned above and how their populism is different. The thesis is divided into two main parts. The first one - the theoretical part is devoted to the concept of populism. In this part three most distinctive streams of populism research are presented: 1) populism as a political (communication) style 2) populism as a strategy and 3) populism as an ideology. The second one - the analytical part includes a methodology in which the criteria for determining what populism is by using the populist core features defined by Francisco Panniza and Cas Mudd are defined. Subsequently, I analyze the content analysis of programming and media representation involving the Facebook social network of both political entities. The results of the analysis are that ANO and SPD - Tomio Okamury fulfill the criteria of all three core features in their media presentations and therefore can be described as populist. There are all three core features appearing in the programs of both movements, what is more SPD is more...

The subject of this diploma thesis is to examine and compare the ideological and programmatic definition of Fidesz and PiS, their development in time and their current actions and policy-making since forming their single-party governments in 2010 in Hungary and 2015 in Poland, respectively. This work also focuses on the development in both countries during the transformation from communism towards democracy, and sets out to answer what preconditions have formed the demand for populist radical right ideology both in Hungary and Poland. Based on the theory of populist radical right framework, this thesis concludes that, in addition to the negative aspects of political and economic transformation, historical narratives and prejudices against minorities by a significant part of the Hungarian and Polish societies have also played a crucial role in creating a climate for demand for the populist radical right. In the third chapter, this thesis finds a high volatility in the ideological development of both parties, especially in regards to Fidesz, and attributes these considerable ideological and programmatic changes in part to reaction of Fidesz and PiS towards changes in the party system in both Hungary and Poland. However, since 2006 the ideology of both parties has become increasingly consistent with...

This diploma thesis focuses on comparison of ANO 2011 and Fidesz based on their origin, development, organizational structure, program and ideology, and role of the party leader. Beside the introduction of various organizational party types and concept of "genetical code" by Angelo Panebianco, the parties are examined also by concept of populism defined on the basis of the book by Cas Mudde and C.R. Kaltwasser. Based on two case studies of ANO 2011 and Fidesz the goal of this paper was to find out similar and different features and explore their impact on democratic system. As long as these two parties have different organizational structure, one of the important features is dominant role of their founder not only in the foundation of the party but also in the following development towards centralized organization and personalization. The other common feature is populism which appears to be an important variable affecting the party's influence on the democratic system. However, the character of populism is different in these cases. Particular political system and electoral system also play important role in the potential decline of democracy.

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate unofficial ways that spread the ideas of right-wing- populism with focus on family, especially on mother as a primar mediator. In a background of a right-wing traditional family will be researched the psychological strategies, that populists use to involve the family through the children. One of those strategies are ideologically based summer camps, that raise the political and social thinking, that the children brought from their families. The impact of those strategies will be theoretically and practically analysed. Keywords right-wing populism, family influence, prejudices, education of children, role of a woman, closed societies

In this dissertation, I investigate the role of oil resources and economic and political institutional quality on the economic performance of Iran. To this end, I examine four related themes. First and foremost, I provide a detailed picture of the economic structure of Iran and compare its performance with other oil and non-oil economies of the Middle East and the Middle Easterb region. As we get a clear picture of the relative economic position of Iran in the MENA region, I go further into macroeconomic analyses of oil wealth effects on the Iranian economy. The second theme investigated in this dissertation is the interaction of political power structure with oil rents and their effects on Iranian economic growth. This study is the first examination which takes into consideration political factionalism interaction with oil rents in the case of Iran. The results show that oil resources have a direct positive effect on economic growth in Iran. However, the interaction effect of factionalism (as a proxy for political asymmetry degree) with oil rents is negative and significant. The third theme which is examined in this study is illegal trade in Iran. This topic is also related to natural resource management in Iran. A large number of fuel products smuggled from Iran are due to heavy subsidies within the country. In this study, I measure the amount of illegal trade in Iran, identifying the major causes and indicators of smuggling. The average of illegal trade in Iran’s total trade is 13%. The value of annual illegal trade, on average, is within the range of $ 2.5 - 3 billion. The fourth topic which is examined in this dissertation is macroeconomic populism in Iran. The main source of financing populism spending in Iran is the oil revenues. Therefore, it is connected to the management of natural resources.

Topic of the thesis is the image of Czech far-right parties in Czech media prior to Elections to Chamber of Deputies in 2017. Aim of the thesis is to investigate how media displays far-right parties prior to the Elections in 2017, what the topics of media coverage are in regards of far- right and how the topics changed in the Elections in 2017 comparing with Elections in 2013. Using quantitative content analysis and theory of agenda-setting the thesis monitors texts with far-right topics in national daily newspapers Mladá fronta DNES, Lidové noviny, Právo and Hospodářské noviny in the periods prior to the Elections to Chamber of Deputies in 2017 and 2013. Author also uses qualitative analysis of opinion texts based on theory of framing. The parties followed in thesis are chosen based on definition of far-right by Cas Mudde and definition of right wing populism by Hans-Georg Betz. In the period prior to the Elections in 2017 the followed parties are: Dělnická strana sociální spravedlnosti; ROZUMNÍ - stop migraci a diktátu EU - peníze našim občanům, důchodcům, dětem, zdravotně postiženým; Svoboda a přímá demokracie - Tomio Okamura; Blok proti islamizaci - Obrana domova; Sdružení pro republiku - Republikánská strana Československa Miroslava Sládka and Řád národa - Vlastenecká unie. In the period prior...

An experimental survey (N = 415) is used to evaluate fascist qualifications within party preference groups, regarding susceptibility to a neofascist communication style and gravitation toward fascist ideas. Testing the notion by fascism expert Roger Griffin, that the influence of the neofascist intellectual movement the New Right (la Nouvelle Droite) is successfully shaping the 21st century wave of right-wing populism, it is hypothesized that sympathizers of the Swedish right-wing populism equivalent (the Sweden Democrats) are more susceptible to a neofascist communication style and more preconditioned to agree with covertly fascist ideas (as based on the writings of the Nouvelle Droite). The results strongly support this hypothesis, although the potential for generalizability beyond the collected sample is limited. Using a causal networks approach, the failure to falsify the hypothesis is however considered a small but valid observation that bolsters its probability. The study contributes to the current research by further strengthening the bridge between the fields of populism and fascism.

This thesis argues that a socially conservative tendency informed much of George Orwell's commentary between 1934 and 1943, and that the same tendency reflected a general European trend. The main sources of this thesis are a large selection of George Orwell's works and a smaller selection of works by Frantz Fanon, Jose Ortega y Gasset, and Antonio Gramsci. This thesis relies upon Orwell's involvement in the Spanish Civil War between 1936 and 1937 and his embrace of nationalism in 1940 as major organizational points of reference. This thesis concludes that Orwell's commentary was an example of a general European conservative reaction against Marxist-Leninist thought.

The aim of this essay was to study the extent to which president Nayib Bukele applies the ideologies of the party Nuevas Ideas in accordance with the wishes of the Salvadoran people. Nueva Ideas party ideology consists of democratic, decentralized, plural, and inclusive political definitions. Using populism as a theoretical framework, the essay provided various explanations that describe the extent to which Nayib Bukele starts from populism to understand the connection between the president and defined concepts in populism: identity politics, anti-pluralism, and anti-elitism. The essay has created a greater understanding of the president's political procedure. The research problem has been studied with the help of the theory that fulfills an important function as it is at the center of the study's question. The chosen method for this research is a qualitative case study. The results show that the president is portrayed as the populist leader in El Salvador, but Bukele's political procedure can not be defined as populist because the president does not act fully in accordance with the ideas he advocated.

Thesis title: Contemporary populism in Europe This thesis maps the development of populism across Europe and investigates its manifestations and core elements in its complexity, which is the groundwork for analysis of populist party, movement or individual. Populism is not considered solely as the relieving strategy meant to maximize the voter's votes by comprehensible, straightforward and hardly feasible promises. Without this attitude in mind, we would hardly be able to put some reason behind the populist boom, which we had chance to witness during the last decade. Therefore this thesis considers populism as the ideological construct, the way politicians present themselves, the rhetorics, the mastered political style or the structure, which provides the foundations of programme documents of political movements and parties. It would be a mistake to a priori consider it as some kind of purely negative phenomenon, but more of as the reflection of various and continuously changing demands of European electorates. Desperation, which mainstream parties evoke in their voters, is toxic and continues to spread across all society classes. This creates a space for various populists to dominate. Thus while tracking their activities, specific kind of critical thinking is necessary, because populists...