Submitted by Marcus Gebin (mgebin@hotmail.com) on 2014-06-10T21:19:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissertacaoFinal-MarcusGebin - ABNT3.pdf: 836447 bytes, checksum: fbe146fb905e9050d807de8ea0f2097c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Suzinei Teles Garcia Garcia (suzinei.garcia@fgv.br) on 2014-06-10T21:21:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissertacaoFinal-MarcusGebin - ABNT3.pdf: 836447 bytes, checksum: fbe146fb905e9050d807de8ea0f2097c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T12:46:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissertacaoFinal-MarcusGebin - ABNT3.pdf: 836447 bytes, checksum: fbe146fb905e9050d807de8ea0f2097c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-05-09 / In this research we tried to identify the Bills proposed in the Senate and the House of Representatives between 2002 and 2012 that showed corruption as a central theme; to determine the proportion of the criminal nature Bills among them; to understand, by analyzing the texts of the justifications that accompany them, what are the functions of the criminal measures. In addition, we seek to understand - always from the point of view of the legislator - what is corruption, who is the corruptor and what are the corruption causes and consequences. Finally, drawing on the concepts of "moral panic" and "penal populism", we suggested ways to identify and understand some of the variables that influence the legislative process and the responsiveness of the legislator to a diffuse demand for penalty. / Nessa pesquisa buscamos identificar os Projetos de Lei propostos no Senado Federal e na Câmara dos Deputados, entre os anos de 2002 e 2012, que apresentaram a corrupção como tema central; determinar a proporção das propostas de cunho penal no conjunto desses dos Projetos; compreender, por meio da análise dos textos das Justificativas que os acompanham, quais seriam as funções das medidas de natureza penal. Além disso, procuramos compreender as representações do legislador sobre o que seria corrupção, quem seria o corrupto e quais seriam suas causas e conseqüências. Por fim, nos valendo dos conceitos de 'pânico moral' e 'populismo penal', sugerimos formas de identificar e compreender algumas das variáveis que influenciam o processo legislativo e a responsividade do legislador à demanda por pena difusa no corpo social.

In this study, a qualitative rhetorical analysis is done on U.S. president Donald Trump’s crisis communication on Hurricane Maria, which was an Atlantic hurricane that struck areas such as Puerto Rico and Dominica in the autumn of 2017. Given that the former is an unincorporated territory of the U.S., the need for effective relief measures by the Trump administration became of particular importance there. However, in the media, the actual response by the administration was widely criticised as being slow and inefficient by actors like the relief group Oxfam and the humanitarian organisation Refugees International. Therefore, this study critically evaluates Trump’s crisis communication strategies on the hurricane to assess their success. The material consists of statements by Trump in both traditional and social media through official remarks and tweets, which are analysed through the crisis communication theories of image repair theory and situational crisis communication theory. In doing so, of interest is also to examine whether any differences can be seen in the strategies used by Trump in these two kinds of media channels. To address the hurricane, the findings showed that Trump mainly used the crisis communication strategies of corrective action, bolstering, defeasibility and attack accuser from image repair theory and compensation, reminder, ingratiation, excuse and attack the accuser from situational crisis communication theory. Moreover, no distinctive differences were found in which strategies Trump used in the respective channels, even if the attacks on Twitter were often more aggressive. While both positive and negative evaluations could be made of how Trump used these strategies overall, the main conclusion of the study is that his crisis communication was largely ineffective due to the strategies sometimes being contradictory and inconsistent.

No description available.

The aim of the study is to examine how the executive leadership and the decision-making process are shaped by the leadership environment in a transition democracy as Venezuela. The questions I intend to answer are: What kind of leadership environment surrounds the leadership and what kind of consequences does it have on the leadership and the decision-making process in Venezuela? To answer my questions I will use the literature: Political Leadership in Liberal Democracies (Elgie, Robert 1995, London: Macmillian), together with the method “The cultural determinist school of history” by Tomas Spencer, later reproduced by Kellerman. The leadership environment provides unique opportunities for a leader to gain control over the decision-making process. Institutional structures and the needs of the society are major parts in determining how the political leadership is exercised. In Venezuela, charismatic President Hugo Chávez is head of the executive branch. The President enjoys great executive power that has diminished the role of the legislature. The policy of a more governmental controlled economy and direct democracy, based on populism has led to a more polarized society. Both historical and socio cultural failures have benefited the presidency. The “partyarchy” is abolished and has been replaced by a personalized policy-making process. The tendency is a leadership environment with a consolidation of the extended power within the executive, and a decision-making process outside the traditional institutional structures that favours the executive.

A proposta geral deste trabalho é realizar uma leitura das articulações com a psicanálise que permeiam a conceitualização do populismo de Ernesto Laclau. Em particular, detém-se na análise das dimensões teóricas centrais da concepção da representação da teoria da hegemonia que nos permitem pensar a identidade política popular como uma configuração discursiva que supõe uma transformação subjetiva específica, na qual se passa da demanda social à construção de uma vontade coletiva. Neste sentido, iremos analisar as dimensões da nominação e do afeto da teoria da hegemonia à luz de certas conceptualizações freudianas e lacanianas, como o conceito de sobredeterminação, objeto de desejo, point de capiton ou significante amo e gozo. / This work aims to analyze how the conceptualization of populism of Ernesto Laclau is related to psychoanalysis. Particularly, we focus on the main theoretical dimensions of the conceptualization of representation in the theory of hegemony, which allows us to interpret the popular political identity as a discursive setting that assumes a particular subjective change, departing from social demand to the building of a new collective will. Thus we will tackle aspects of nomination and affect in the theory of hegemony in light of some Freudian and Lacanian conceptualizations, such as overdetermination, object of desire, anchoring point (point de capiton), master signifier and joy.

Submitted by Simone Maisonave (simonemaisonave@hotmail.com) on 2016-12-01T11:36:52Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Kamila Lima do Nascimento_Dissertacao.pdf: 2896826 bytes, checksum: aa987a070abf0effa7e783c8b26bc43a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-01T11:36:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Kamila Lima do Nascimento_Dissertacao.pdf: 2896826 bytes, checksum: aa987a070abf0effa7e783c8b26bc43a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-11-09 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul - FAPERGS / O problema da democracia é um dos mais antigos da política e continua a ser central nos dias atuais. Nosso trabalho intenta ser uma contribuição para esta discussão através da análise do desenvolvimento da noção de democracia radical e plural na obra do filósofo argentino Ernesto Laclau, em sua fase pós-estruturalista, que compreende o intervalo entre 1985 e 2014, ano da sua morte. A abordagem teórica do autor vem ganhando destaque no campo das discussões teóricas sobre a democracia e motivado a construção de diversos outros conceitos que tomam por base a radicalidade e a pluralidade propostas em seu projeto. Entretanto, em geral os autores partem da noção construída por Laclau 30 anos atrás como se esta fosse uma fotografia final e desconsideram o seu movimento durante todos esses anos. Nosso trabalho intenta justamente esclarecer os sentidos da noção de democracia radical e plural e mostrar seu desenvolvimento na obra do autor, pois acreditamos que sua compreensão adequada é central para sua utilização no campo de pesquisa. / The problem of democracy is one of the oldest problems in politics and continues to be central today. Our work tries to give a contribution to this discussion by examining the development of the concept of radical and plural democracy in the work of the Argentine philosopher Ernesto Laclau, in his post-structuralist moment, covering the range from 1985 to 2014, the year of his death. The theoretical approach of the author is gaining prominence in the field of theoretical discussions on democracy and motivates the construction of several other concepts based on the radical and the plurality proposals in your project. However, in general, the authors begin with the notion constructed by Laclau 30 years ago as if it were the last photograph, disregarding its movement over the years. Our work tries to clarify precisely the meanings of the notion of radical democracy and to show its development in his works, as we believe its proper understanding as central to its use in the search field.

[pt] Este estudo pretendeu conhecer e analisar alguns aspectos do programa cheque cidadão, principalmente quanto ao seu formato, os atores envolvidos, as condicionalidades, contrapartidas e seus significados para a política de assistência social. Este programa de transferência de renda implementado pelo governo do estado do Rio de Janeiro destaca-se tanto pela sua significativa abrangência como pelo fato de instituições religiosas serem responsáveis pela seleção das famílias e distribuição do benefício. A pesquisa demonstrou que as ações desenvolvidas na execução do programa cheque cidadão reatualizam práticas clientelistas, populistas, de tutela e favor que reforçam a subalternidade dos beneficiários e nega sua condição de cidadania. / [en] Summary This study has intended to understand and analyze some aspects of the Citizen Check program, mainly regarding its format, actors, the conditioning rules, counterparts and its meanings for the social assistance policy. This program of income transference implemented by the Rio De Janeiro State Government in 1999 is distinguished in such a way for its significant compliance and for the fact that religious institutions are responsible for the election of the families and distribution of the benefit. The research has demonstrated that the actions developed in the execution of the Citizen Check program, update clientelistas, populists, and guardianship and favor policies that strengthen the subordination of the beneficiaries and deny its condition of citizens.

The recent upsurge of electoral success from the Brexit Leave campaign and Donald Trump’s presidential campaign 2016, confirm that populist politics has taken a greater role in Europe and in the U.S. The purpose of this research is to see to what extent each of the two campaigns are populist, and whether their statements are similar to each other. This will increase further knowledge about the populist phenomenon and its complexity. Hence, comparative analyses of six speeches from Brexit’s Leave campaign and Trump’s presidential campaign have been conducted through the framework of Mudde’s minimal definition of populism. The results show that both campaigns have populist features and that they have some commonalities, but still vary in the details, due to the countries’ historical, social and economic backgrounds. The two campaigns’ representatives are using similar populist strategies in order to reach their audiences. It is further recommended to expand this research and examine Trump’s presidency and its impacts with the UK’s process of leaving and its outcomes, which will provide a further understanding of the populist upsurge as well as its consequences.

No description available.

Les courants migratoires outre-atlantiques à la charnière du XIXe et du XXe siècle consolidèrent la représentation de la nation argentine comme « un pays d’immigration ». Mais, derrière l’assimilation réussie de centaines de milliers d’étrangers se cache un complexe rapport entre la nation et la diversité qui compose sa population. Nous avons placé au coeur de notre recherche l’étude de l’ethnicité en Argentine et son rapport avec la nation et les phénomènes migratoires internes et externes. Les élites du XIXe siècle mirent en place des politiques de population qui visaient l’édification d’une société homogène, blanche et d’origine européenne. Celles-ci provoquèrent un « processus d’effacement » de l’ethnicité argentine qui fut achevé durant le XXe siècle avec l’avènement du péronisme. Ce ne fut qu’au cours des gouvernements de Carlos Menem durant les années 1990 que l’ethnicité subit une nouvelle fois de profondes transformations, notamment à cause de la montée de la xénophobie ciblant les immigrants limitrophes. Notre recherche propose une étude de l’évolution du rapport entre le péronisme et l’ethnicité. Pour ce faire, nous avons choisi de suivre l’approche barthienne de l’ethnicité et de placer au centre de notre analyse le concept de frontière ethnique. Notre recherche s’achève avec l’analyse d’entretiens semi-dirigés effectués lors d’un travail de terrain réalisé auprès de la communauté bolivienne à Buenos Aires. Nous tenterons de montrer que les changements de l’ethnicité durant les années 1990 sont à mettre en rapport avec la désarticulation des identités politiques traditionnelles et le rétrécissement de la citoyenneté qui caractérisèrent cette période. / Migratory movements across the Atlantic at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries consolidated the representation of the Argentine nation as "a country of immigration". But behind the successful assimilation of hundreds of thousands of foreigners, lies a complex relationship between the nation and the diversity that makes up its population. We have placed at the heart of our research the study of ethnicity in Argentina and its relationship with the nation and internal and external migratory phenomena. The nineteenth-century elites set up population policies aiming at building a homogeneous, white and european origin for the society. These policies provoked a "process of erasing" argentinian ethnicity which was completed during the 20th century with the advent of peronism. It was only during the governments of Carlos Menem during the 1990s that ethnicity underwent profound changes, notably because of the rise of xenophobia targeting neighboring immigrants. Our research proposes a study of the evolution of the relationship between Peronism and ethnicity. To do this, we chose to follow the Barthian approach to ethnicity and to place the concept of ethnic frontier at the center of our analysis. Our research ends with the analysis of semi-directed interviews accomplished during a field work carried out with the Bolivian community in Buenos Aires. We will try to show that the changes in ethnicity during the 1990s are related to the phenomenon of disarticulation of traditional political identities and shrinking citizenship that characterized this period.