This paper discusses the influence of religious aspects in rural thought and how they played in the activities of agrarian movements and farm protest movements. The religious orientations of major agrarian reformers in Texas is discussed, as well as the similarities between Protestant religious institutions and agrarian institutions, specifically the Farmers' Alliance and People's Party of Texas.

En retraçant le parcours intellectuel de l’historien, moraliste et critique américain Christopher Lasch, ce mémoire vise à mettre en exergue la pertinence et les subtilités de sa pensée politique. Sur la base d’une analyse de ses principaux textes, nous démontrerons, qu’au-delà du pessimisme et du catastrophisme qui lui sont généralement attribués, Lasch porte un regard fécond sur la singularité de l’époque contemporaine. Nous soutiendrons que ses critiques acerbes sur la société et l’individu sont faites, avant tout, dans le but de remédier aux carences morales et sociétales qui auraient engendré un certain idéal libéral progressiste. Selon Lasch, le déploiement continu et illimité de cet idéal est en dissonance avec le caractère essentiellement contingent et conflictuel de la condition humaine. Parallèlement, nous présenterons les incidences psychiques qui se traduisent par une « culture du narcissisme » suscitée notamment par diverses composantes de la société contemporaine. À travers une relecture de la condition humaine, Lasch préconise un correctif idéologique qui est axé sur les notions de limites et d’espoir et qui se trouve au sein de la tradition agraire populiste américaine du 19e siècle. Nous démontrerons ainsi comment ce retour en arrière est entamé dans le but de susciter un renouveau politique et identitaire au sein de la société. L’étude se conclura par une discussion sur la plausibilité de l’idéal populiste, tel que l’entend Lasch, à l’ère du 21e siècle. / By retracing the intellectual journey of the historian, moralist, and American critic Christopher Lasch, this paper aims to highlight the relevance of his critical thought. Based on an analysis of his main texts, it is demonstrated that, rather than the pessimism and catastrophism that is often identified with him, Lasch has a fruitful perspective on the uniqueness of the modern era. His trenchant criticisms of contemporary society and of the individual in it address, first and foremost, the moral and social deficiencies that he believes has been caused by the progressive ideal of liberalism. According to Lasch, the assertion of this ideal is incompatible with the essentially contingent and conflicting nature of the human condition. In parallel, the psychological effects which result from what Lasch calls the “culture of narcissism” will be examined as will Lasch’es alternative, which is based on the notions of limits and hope found in the American agrarian populist tradition of the 19th century. Lasch believes that we must engage in this turn to the past in order to bring out a political renewal of society. The study concludes with a discussion of the plausibility of the populist ideal in the 21st century.

This study concerns political communication in general, and right-wing populist PR in particular. Research shows that the role of mass media in liberal democracies has changed as a result of emerging social- and alternative media. Political parties no longer need news media to spread their agenda, which proves an opportunity for right-wing populist parties to reach a broader audience. This study aims to determine how The Sweden Democrats, as Sweden’s largest right-wing populist party, communicate through the use of PR-activities. Building on existing work on the content of populist communication, this study aims to show not only what the party communicate but also how they communicate. The ambition is to enable a discussion on the possible effects of right-wing populist communication in liberal democracy.   Based on Habermas’ theory of the public sphere, a critical discourse analysis was carried out on two of the Sweden Democrat’s PR-activities. Analysis on the examples demonstrates use of a populist discourse as well as the use of manipulative persuasive strategies. The results indicate that right-wing populist communication have a negative effect on democracy. The Sweden Democrats utilize discontent and fear as a foundation for totalitarian reasoning, through a use of strategy that neglects the value of democracy. Based on the results the public sphere is recommended as a normative vision for political debate. Further research is needed on how right-wing populist parties communicate in Sweden and internationally, as well as how the use of strategic communication can be transformed to better serve democratic politics.

For all but thirteen years of the decades from 1952 to 2017, British Columbia was electorally dominated by the Social Credit Party and its ideological successor, the BC Liberal Party. These organizations represented the interests of business in opposition to the social democratic NDP, which has drawn a core support base from organized labour and the public sector middle class. This thesis frames the Social Credit-BC Liberal political formation as a ruling class bloc that maintained hegemony by switching between distinct rhetorical modes as the political situation required or allowed, with economic austerity, framed as objective necessity, on one hand, and populism, employing overt moralism and down-to-earth posturing, on the other. I posit that both modes operated to mask the class conflict at the heart of the neoliberal project of free markets, public sector reduction, and social atomization that has attained the status of political and economic “common sense” since its policies began to be widely adopted around the world in the late 1970s. After providing a background for the rise of Social Credit in British Columbia under W.A.C. Bennett (premier from 1952-1972), this thesis tracks the continuities and changes of the province’s hegemonic bloc, using welfare policies and poverty discourses as a focus. I consider the party’s transition from a populist one that appealed to the province’s evangelical Christian population to a modernized, neoliberal party under Bill Bennett’s leadership (1975-1986). Exploring the rationales surrounding the cuts to welfare funding enacted under the Social Credit governments of Bill Bennett and Bill Vander Zalm and the BC Liberal government of Gordon Campbell (2001-2011), I analyze how neoliberal and populist styles were employed, what the relationship between the two was, and the extent to which moralism was part of both styles/discourses regarding poverty. I also look at the extent to which the collective solidarity of anti-poverty activists and progressive religious groups was able to push back against neoliberal and populist policies, resisting the individualism that neoliberalism attempts to enforce. In these ways, this thesis seeks to contribute to making neoliberalism a topic of critical political analysis and deliberation at a time when its policies are often framed as non-ideological. / Graduate

Explaining the rising support for right-wing populist parties in Europe during the last decade is an issue that interests both economists, sociologists and political scientists. A number of theories suggest that the rising inflow of migrants to Europe has had an important causal effect on right-wing populist support. However, as migration patterns generally are not exogenous to right-wing populist support, it is difficult to interpret the estimates of a correlation study causally.  In this paper, I exploit a Swedish refugee dispersal program as a natural experiment to estimate the effect of refugee inflow on the support for the right-wing populist party the Sweden Democrats using an instrumental variable strategy. Despite detailed institutional knowledge, I am not able to find support for any short-term effects of refugee inflow on the self-reported preferences for the Sweden Democrats. This goes against the findings of most previous studies.  However, the multicollinearity of some of my covariates are high. In addition, as the program was introduced in 2016, there are few years available for identification. Thus, the precision of the estimates is relatively low and the study would benefit from adding more years to the panel data set.

No description available.

Qu’est ce qui explique la faiblesse d’un Etat qui s’est engagé depuis plus de vingt ans à rompre avec les pratiques de l’autoritarisme et du néo-patrimonialisme ? Pourquoi les promesses d’une démocratisation réussie, malgré le soutien massif des acteurs de la « société internationale » ont paradoxalement débouché sur la déstabilisation de l’Etat dans un contexte de crises récurrentes ? Ce sont les interrogations principales qui orientent cette recherche qui se donne pour ambition d’étudier les processus par lesquels les élites et les masses haïtiennes s’approprient la démocratie. De ce point de vue, la démocratisation s’analyse comme une ressource politique et institutionnelle revendiquée par ces dernières comme élément probant de leur adhésion à la grammaire démocratique. Dès lors, il s’agit de scruter les routes sinueuses et chaotiques empruntées par la démocratisation en Haïti, en interrogeant les diverses séquences marquantes de l’histoire politique haïtienne. L’accent est mis sur l’importation des technologies institutionnelles d’origine occidentale, notamment durant la période ouverte en 1994 avec la réinstallation de Jean-Bertrand Aristide dans ses fonctions de président et celle qui commence en 2004 avec son départ forcé du pouvoir. Ces deux séquences historiques, sous-tendues par des plans de reconstruction de l’Etat, sont marquées par la mobilisation de ressources diverses, en vue de jeter les bases d’une nouvelle gouvernance politique et économique. Elles circonscrivent également un champ de représentations conflictuelles, caractérisé par la compétition entre les Etats occidentaux et la lutte pour la répartition des enjeux de puissance entre les organisations internationales et les élites locales. L’analyse du processus de démocratisation conduit à des observations paradoxales : l’exacerbation de la violence, l’actualisation de l’autoritarisme, la multiplication des situations déviantes découlant des stratégies des acteurs locaux. Ces derniers tentent d’échapper aux contraintes imposées par des acteurs externes qui interviennent afin de sanctionner, d’arbitrer et d’imposer des décisions aux factions en luttes pour le pouvoir. Ainsi, la démocratisation passe par des crises d’adaptation, des phases contradictoires de recomposition, d’hybridation des institutions importées et parfois de contournement des normes et procédures. Entre les acteurs internes et externes s’établit et s’organise une dynamique interactive qui influence l’Etat dont la configuration finale est loin de correspondre aux objectifs affichés à travers les réformes engagées. Afin de mieux mettre en évidence les traits distinctifs de cet Etat forgé dans l’incertitude et l’imprécision, la thèse propose de restituer les dynamiques et l’historicité propres à la société haïtienne, en privilégiant l’hypothèse de la réinvention de l’Etat. Paradoxalement, l’État peut être le produit de processus de violence et la part chaotique que comporte la situation en Haïti peut recéler les prémices de sa construction. / What does explain the weakness of a State which has committed more than 20 years to break with the practices of authoritarianism and neo-patrimonialism? Why the promises of a successful democratization, despite the massive support of the actors of the “international society” paradoxically led to the destabilization of the State in the context of recurrent crises? These are the key questions guiding this research, whose ambition is to study the processes by which elites and the Haitian masses appropriate democracy. From this point of view, democratization is analyzed as a political and institutional resource claimed by them as convincing evidence of their adherence to democratic grammar. Therefore, it is scrutinizing the winding roads and chaotic way borrowed by democratization in Haiti, by querying various striking sequences of Haitian political history. Emphasis is placed on the importation of institutional technologies of Western origin, particularly during the period opened in 1994 with the resettlement of Jean-Bertrand Aristide in his duties as president and on the period which starts in 2004 with his forced departure from power. These two historical sequences, underpinned by plans for the reconstruction of the State, are marked by the mobilization of various resources, with a view to laying the foundations for new political and economic governance. They also define a field of conflicting representations, characterized by competition between Western States and the struggle for the distribution of power between the international organizations and local elites issues.The analysis of the process of democratization leads to paradoxical representations: the exacerbation of violence, the updating of authoritarianism, the multiplication of deviant situations arising from the strategies of local actors. The latter are trying to escape from the constraints imposed by external actors involved in order to punish, to arbitrate and to impose decisions on the factions struggling for power. Thus, democratization goes hand in hand with crises of adaptation, contradictory phases of re-composition, hybridization of the imported institutions and, sometimes with circumvention of the standards and procedures. Between internal and external actors are settled and organized interactive dynamics that influence the State of which the final configuration is far short of the objectives set out through the aimed reforms. In order to better highlight the distinguishing features of this State forged in uncertainty and vagueness, the thesis proposes to analyze the dynamics and historicity of Haitian society, privileging, the hypothesis of the reinvention of the State. Paradoxically, the State may be the product of process of violence and the chaotic part that includes the situation in Haiti can conceal the beginning of its construction.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Alvares de Lima Depieri.pdf: 557114 bytes, checksum: d139de02c820cbd3821912c271d8a16c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-05-18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The purpose of this paper is to analyse the realtionships between three stabilization plans and their political regimes. The first chapter presents a period of the braszilian industrialization, throughout the Importations Substition Process (ISP), concluding that, in the middle of the fifties and early in the sisties, the Brazilian economics needed some changes to its economic policy, besides it would necessary to realize institutional reforms. Moreover at the first chapter, we will analyse the main properties of the democratic populist regime. The populism was the background of two stabilization plans the Monetary Stabilization Plan (MSP) and the Triennial Plan wich were not implemented. The second chapter will examine the difficulties to apply economic policies of stabilization, at Juscelino Kubistchek s government (with MSP) and also at João Goulart s government with Triennial Plan. The idea is to pay attention to the politic matter, emphasizing the pressures above the governments done by the workers and by the bourgeoisie, not to accomplish the stabilization plans. At last, the third chapter will discuss the relation between the regime of exception settled in Brazil since 1964 and the accomplishment of the economic policies at that time, interlacing Castelo Branco s government authoritarian regime with the plan of economic satabilization by Campos and Bulhões the government Economic Action Program / Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar as relações entre três planos de estabilização e seus regimes políticos. No primeiro capítulo apresentar-se-á um período da industrialização brasileira, via Processo de Substituição de Importações (PSI), concluindo que em meados dos anos 50 e início dos anos 60 a economia brasileira necessitava de algumas mudanças na política econômica e que seria necessário realizar reformas institucionais. Ainda no primeiro capítulo analisaremos as principais características do regime democrático populista. O populismo foi pano de fundo para dois planos de estabilização, o Plano de Estabilização Monetária (PEM) e o Plano Trienal, os quais não foram implementados. O segundo capítulo examinará as dificuldades para a aplicação de políticas econômicas de estabilização nos governos de Juscelino Kubistchek com o PEM e de João Goulart com o Plano Trienal. A idéia é chamar atenção para o fator político ressaltando as pressões da classe trabalhadora e da burguesia nos governos para a não efetivação dos planos de estabilização. Por fim, no terceiro capítulo, discutir-se-á a relação entre o regime de exceção instalado no Brasil a partir de 1964 e a execução das políticas econômicas da época, entrelaçando o regime autoritário do Governo Castelo Branco com o plano de estabilização econômica de Campos e Bulhões, o Programa de Ação Econômica do Governo (PAEG)

Topic of the thesis is the image of Czech far-right parties in Czech media prior to Elections to Chamber of Deputies in 2017. Aim of the thesis is to investigate how media displays far-right parties prior to the Elections in 2017, what the topics of media coverage are in regards of far- right and how the topics changed in the Elections in 2017 comparing with Elections in 2013. Using quantitative content analysis the thesis monitors texts with far-right topics in national daily newspapers Mladá fronta DNES, Lidové noviny, Právo and Hospodářské noviny in the periods prior to the Elections to Chamber of Deputies in 2017 and 2013. Author also uses qualitative analysis of specific texts. The parties followed in thesis are chosen based on definition of far-right by Cas Mudde and definition of right wing populism by Hans-Georg Betz. In the period prior to the Elections in 2017 the followed parties are: Dělnická strana sociální spravedlnosti; ROZUMNÍ - stop migraci a diktátu EU - peníze našim občanům, důchodcům, dětem, zdravotně postiženým; Svoboda a přímá demokracie - Tomio Okamura; Blok proti islamizaci - Obrana domova; Sdružení pro republiku - Republikánská strana Československa Miroslava Sládka and Řád národa - Vlastenecká unie. In the period prior to the Elections in 2013 the focus is on parties Úsvit...

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:18:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marta Reyes Gil Passos.pdf: 73710210 bytes, checksum: 87936d518a0a70a86bd54c3771ed16c5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-05-26 / This research examines the figurative and thematic project of Última Hora newspaper in the early 1950s, circumscribed to the construction of the people s, crowds and multitudes visibility within the visual/verbal spaciality and to the operation of the communication contract between enunciator and enunciatee. In this newspaper, we examined editions containing facts that gathered multitudes, such as the 300 thousand strike in São Paulo, the section called Tendinha de Reclamações (Stand for complaints) and the editions after Getulio Vargas suicide with a view to understanding the communication contract in the context of a populist government. The analytical methodology involves discoursive analysis of visual and written texts. Última Hora newspaper became a landmark in the Brazilian press history; other newspapers analysed for comparison, such as the ones that belong to the Folhas corporation and O Estado de S. Paulo, adopted other ways to construct such themes in a communication contract which priorized an enunciatee more interested in international issues rather than Brazilian workers claims. In view of the themes examined, we stated the following problem: how and to what extent Última Hora newspaper, while constructing another visuality for the crowds, proposed new communication contracts different from the newspapers at the time? The subject is Última Hora newspaper, São Paulo branch, especially involving the covers of several sections, as well as pages or backcovers with specific topics, time-limited between 1952, the year of the branch foundation, and 1955. Such period of time was selected because, mainly from 1952 to 1954, the mass manifestations were very much present in the newspaper contents. For this research, we used the following methodological procedures: a survey on the pages of the proposed newspapers, bibliographical and internet research, detailed examination of news reports, founding the study on authors from the communication and social history areas, such as Patrick Charaudeau, Elias Canetti, Boris Fausto, Octavio Ianni, Jorge Ferreira, Maria Celina D Araujo, among others. This research seeks to understand the connecting processes between the political context, the public power and the people by means of the communication on media vehicles / Esta pesquisa examina o projeto figurativo e temático do jornal Última Hora no início da década de 1950, circunscrito à construção da visibilidade do povo, das massas e das multidões na espacialidade visual/verbal e ao funcionamento do contrato de comunicação entre enunciador e enunciatário. No periódico foram examinadas edições contendo fatos que reuniram multidões, como a greve dos 300 mil em São Paulo, a seção Tendinha de Reclamações e as edições dos dias posteriores ao suicídio de Getúlio Vargas, com a finalidade de entender o contrato de comunicação no ambiente do governo populista. A metodologia analítica envolve análise discursiva de textos. O jornal Última Hora constituiu um marco na história da imprensa brasileira; outros jornais analisados a título de comparação, como os do grupo Folhas e O Estado de S. Paulo, adotavam outros modos de construção destes temas em um contrato de comunicação que privilegiava um enunciatário mais interessado nas questões internacionais e menos nas reivindicações operárias nacionais. Formulamos, em decorrência dos temas examinados, a seguinte problemática: como e em que grau o jornal Última Hora, ao construir outra visualidade das massas, propôs novos contratos de comunicação diferenciados dos jornais da época? O corpus é constituído pelo jornal Última Hora, sucursal de São Paulo, envolvendo especialmente as capas das diversas seções e páginas ou contra-capas com temáticas específicas, recortadas temporalmente entre 1952, ano de fundação da sucursal, e 1955. Foi selecionado este percurso temporal porque, especialmente de 1952 a 1954, as mobilizações populares estiveram bastante presentes no jornal. Para esta pesquisa, tomamos os seguintes procedimentos metodológicos: levantamento de amostragens de páginas dos jornais propostos, pesquisa bibliográfica e eletrônica, exame das reportagens, fundamentando o estudo em autores da comunicação e da historiografia sociológica, como Patrick Charaudeau, Elias Canetti, Boris Fausto, Octavio Ianni, Jorge Ferreira, Maria Celina D Araujo, entre outros. Esta pesquisa busca compreender os processos de conexão entre ambiência política, o poder público e o povo através da comunicação em veículos midiáticos