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Strana SMER-SD a její postavení ve stranickém systému Slovenska / Party SMER-SD and its Position in the Slovak Party SystemBeneš, Michal January 2013 (has links)
The aim of this thesis is to place Slovak political party SMER in the political and party system of the Slovak Republic and attempt to analyse ideological and programmatic development of this party. The author devotes attention to development of SMER from the emergence in 1999 until last general elections in 2012. First chapter seeks to describe evolution of socialism and following ideologies including the concept of the Third way which was reflected by some Western European social democratic parties. The second chapter is dedicated to left-wing political parties in Czechoslovakia and lately in Slovak Republic. This chapter is divided into two sections. The first section is about parties existing before 1989 and the second one devotes attention to parties after Velvet Revolution in 1989. Next part of this work is focused on the SMER itself. Author describes three phases of development of this party including emergence in 1999, opposition activities between 2002 and 2006 and phase of hegemony following after 2006. The purpose of the last part of the thesis is to analyse ideological and programmatic development of SMER and highlight some problematic features of proclaimed social democratic orientation.
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Demokracie je agon: k Machiavelliho populistickému republikanismu / Democracy is agon: on Machiavelli's populist republicanismBíba, Jan January 2013 (has links)
The present dissertation deals with the relationship between democracy and agonism. It attempts to defend the idea that certain problematic aspects of contemporary liberal democracies are not due to their origin primarily in the change of social conditions (the massification of democracy, the growth of complexity in modern societies), that made the original democratic promises unrealizable, but in certain oblivion of the agon. The agon is understood as a constitutive feature of democratic society and its oblivion is seen not to be accidental. To defend this proposition I focuse on an interpretation of the dialogue between populist republicanism (Machiavelli) and elitist republicanism (Guicciardini). This dialogue is usually understood as one of the sources of modern democratic tradition. I try to explain that in Machiavelli's political theory two notions of agonism are present - pragmatic agon that sees conflict as a basis of social cohesion and strategic agon that is described as a ferocious egalitarianism employed by the second class citizens in order to gain equality from the first class citizens. These two forms of agonism are explained to form the axis of Machiavelli's notion of the political and also of a free republic and democracy. Guicciardini's elitist republicanism is shown to stand in opposition...
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Současný český nacionalismus v rámci krajní pravice / The current czech nationalism in extreme rightBauer, David January 2015 (has links)
Aim of the thesis is to describe and analyse the role of nationalism in contemporary Czech extreme right movements. Its author has two fundamental objectives. The first is to evaluate strength and relevance of contemporary Czech nationalism within extreme right movements. The second objective consists in the analysis of nationalism itself, which should reveal the true nature of these organizations and their ideological platform. This thesis presents an overview of Czech extreme right spectrum. It was essential to select movements that mutually differ and therefore represent various manifestations of Czech right extremism. All three platforms can be classified as extreme right movements strongly resonating with Czech nationalism. They see themselves as patriots who defend conservative values and national traditions. Revue of The National Idea represents an attempt to create a sophisticated, intellectual forum providing conditions for ultra-right views and ideas. D.O.S.T. movement acts as a conservative "people's initiative", standing against multiculturalism and the European Union. The National Party is then an example of extreme political grouping with traces of populism, xenophobia and pure racism. Content analysis of these three movements is the main topic of the thesis. Examining their goals,...
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Vliv ekonomické krize na postoj nizozemské Strany svobody vůči Evropské unii / Impact of the economic crisis on the position of Dutch Freedom party towards the European UnionLoučková, Lenka January 2016 (has links)
Bc. Lenka Loučková 2015/2016 Impact of the economic crisis on the position of Dutch Freedom party towards the European Union Abstract This thesis focuses on the relationship between the economic crisis and the attitude of the Dutch radical right populist Freedom Party (PVV) towards the European Union (EU). The aim of this thesis is to determine whether the economic crisis influenced the opinion of PVV on the EU in a negative way and whether it caused the shift of the party in the categorization of attitudes towards the EU by Petr Kopecky and Cas Mudde. The research also aims at contributing to the wider discussion about the nature of right radicalism, populism and Euroscepticism in the EU by pointing to the similarities and differences between PVV and other European parties belonging to the radical right populist family. The time frame of the research starts with the origins of the party in the year 2005 and ends with the last important elections that PVV participated in, the European Parliament elections in 2014. Election manifestos, as well as official statements of the party and its representatives on the Internet and in the media are used for the analysis. The research itself is focusing on three areas: EU's institutional setup and the direction of European integration; issues related to movement of...
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Svensk frikyrklighet och högerpopulism: immun eller mottaglig? : en jämförande idéanalys av evangelikal kristen opinionsbildning / Free churches in Sweden and right wing populism: immune or susceptible? : an analysis of ideas comparing editorials in evangelical pressCasselbrant, André January 2022 (has links)
Is religion a vaccine against radical right populism? The opposite has often been taken for granted in many debates. This study tests the theory of religious immunity by examining three Swedish evangelical newspapers: Dagen, Världen idag and Sändaren. By performing an analysis of ideas on evangelical contribution to public debate in the years of 2010 and 2021, the degree of radical right populism is estimated. Differences between the newspapers and change over time are the investigation’s comparative elements. By utilizing theological variation among the cases and the development over time, the strength and endurance of the immunity is examined. Results show an evangelical opinion making in change. From a starting point in 2010, where all cases proved a solid immunity, to a more complex picture in 2021. Two parallel trends where observed: the immunity found in Dagen and Sändaren endured the test of time. At the same time, Världen idag developed a radical right tendency, harmonizing with the Christian Democratic party. Being a least likely case, the turn in Världen idag does not write off the theory of immunity, but challenges the idea of evangelical homogeneity in regard to radical right populism. Theological ideas about the nation is suggested being a possible division. In whole, this study has deepened our knowledge in how theological motives are used to affect the connection between religion and radical right populism, and given a more nuanced understanding of evangelical politics in Sweden.
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Introduction: ‘Wrestling with the Angels’Cord, Florian, Sedlmayer, Gerold 29 November 2018 (has links)
Stuart Hall, who passed away in February 2014, was one of the founding figures of what is known today as ‘cultural studies’ and long-time director of the renowned Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies at the University of Birmingham. In addition, he was a central figure of the British New Left, founding editor of the journal New Left Review, and one of Britain’s most charismatic public intellectuals. Crucially, for Hall, intellectual practice was a politics, and questions of culture were political questions. His was a thinking that was inquisitive, flexible and open-ended, regularly moving across disciplinary boundaries and synthesising different theoretical outlooks. It was rigorously contextual, extremely attentive to complexity, dedicated to the concrete, activist, committed and practical, and driven by a curiosity that constantly led onto new – and frequently largely uncharted – theoretical terrain. The subjects covered by Hall’s work include topics as diverse as popular culture and mass media; representation and signifying practices; subcultures; questions of power, ideology and resistance; ‘race’ and ethnicity; globalisation; multiculturalism and diaspora; cultural and personal identity; Thatcherism; New Labour; and neoliberalism. The present issue of Coils of the Serpent endeavours to contribute to the timely exploration of the legacy of Stuart Hall’s highly influential and multi-faceted work.
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The Politics of Anti-Gender Campaigns: An Analysis of Congressional Debates In Peru Regarding the Educational Curriculum ReformArellano Salazar, Andrea 14 January 2022 (has links)
Through the lens of analyses of populist mobilizations informed by political sociology, this study offers a new perspective on tactics used by anti-gender campaigns. Specifically examining the Education Curriculum and the Enfoque de Igualdad de Género [Gender Equality Approach] in congressional debates in Peru in 2018 and 2019, this study uses a qualitative content analysis to identify central themes. The themes reveal tactics that sabotage feminist gains in educational reforms, spearheaded by Christian political actors. The argument is thus that Christian political actors use tactics such as coopting feminist concepts such as “gender” and re-framing it as “gender ideology”. This is an example of using “emotional epistemic loops” of information to achieve political goals, in this case advancing patriarchal Christian values and undermining feminist and gender equality gains.
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“Where Did Their Tweets Go?”: A Quantitative Analysis of Parliamentarians “Missing Tweets” in Western EuropeNoonan, Joseph January 2022 (has links)
This thesis examines the factors behind politicians' ‘missing tweets’. Missing tweets are posts that were once available on Twitter but are no longer accessible. Despite numerous studies on the Twitter behavior of politicians, few explore the dynamics around politicians’ missing tweets. This study fills this research gap by examining the extent of, and possible factors associated with, missing tweets among parliamentarians active on Twitter in 2018 in six Western European countries (Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, the United Kingdom, and Sweden). Empirically, this study uses replication material from Castanho Silva and Proksch (2021a) to identify the number of missing tweets per parliamentarian, finding that 21.8% of the tweets from 2018 had disappeared from the platform by October 2021. To determine the factors associated with these missing tweets four hypotheses are tested, examining mass deletion, gendered incivility, intra-party conflict, and populism. The results find that there is no association between gender or intra-party conflict and missing tweets. Furthermore, parliamentarians generally do not engage in mass deletion of tweets, but when they do those who have since left parliament are overrepresented. Lastly, there is a positive association between the level of populism and the number of missing tweets. The results of this thesis highlight both the theoretical and empirical importance of examining missing tweets when analyzing the behavior of politicians on Twitter.
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Contact or threat? : A quantitative study on the effects of refugee reception on electoral support for right-wing populists in Swedish municipalitiesLarsson, Daniel January 2022 (has links)
This study investigates the connection between refugee reception in Swedish municipalities and support for the Swedish right-wing populist party, the Sweden Democrats. Using panel data of electoral support for the Sweden Democrats in the elections 2006, 2010, 2014, and 2018 and the number of refugees received per municipality in the years since the preceding election, I find a positive and significant association between support for the Sweden Democrats and number of refugees received. This result is consistent across different models, including models utilising municipality-fixed and year-fixed effects. In order to test different theories on the connection between immigration and support for right-wing populists, I also utilise several different interaction effects between refugee intake and urbanity, native unemployment, income, immigrant unemployment and existing immigrant stock. Through this, I find some evidence for a connection between economic circumstance and response to refugee reception, supporting a theory of refugees being perceived as an economic threat, but only very weak support for a connection between political response to refugee reception and cultural fears or native contact with refugees.
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"Většině lidí globální oteplování nevadí": Klimaskepse v české politice mezi roky 2018-2021 / "Most people don't mind global warming": Climate change denial in Czech politics between the years 2018 - 2021Růžičková, Dagmar January 2021 (has links)
"Most people don't mind global warming": Climate change denial in Czech politics between the years 2018 - 2021 This thesis deals with the topic of climate change denial in contemporary Czech politics. It aims to describe how the narrative of climate change denial is formed and reproduced. The first part captures the origins and the background of climate change scepticism in both Czech and international context with the special stress laid upon ideology. Based on the critical discourse analysis of the rhetorics of Alexandr Vondra, Jan Zahradník, Václav Klaus Jr., and Tomio Okamura, the second part of this paper aims to contribute by unravelling the key symptoms of climate change denial discourse of the above mentioned politicians as well as the dominant frames and discursive strategies used to deny both the anthropogenic climate change and the climate change politics. The last goal of the analysis is to describe in what aspects the linguistic means of selected right-wing populists differ or intertwine with the language of right-wing conservatives. Keywords: climate change denial, right-wing populism, climate policy, discourse, rhetorics
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