[pt] Criados para ampliar o apoio popular em relação a determinadas lideranças, os jornais Última Hora, O Dia e Luta Democrática tiveram atuação importante durante o segundo governo Vargas como intermediários entre o público e os líderes políticos aos quais estavam ligados (respectivamente, Getúlio Vargas, Ademar de Barros/Chagas Freitas e Tenório Cavalcanti). Neste sentido, a linguagem sensacionalista presente nestes jornais foi elemento fundamental no exercício do papel de defensores do povo encarnado pelos três veículos. Através do sensacionalismo, estes jornais forjaram sua identificação com as classes populares e disseminaram a retórica populista. A presente análise tem como objetivo revelar a especificidade da interseção entre linguagem sensacionalista e linguagem política presente nestes periódicos. / [en] Newspapers Última Hora, O Dia and Luta Democrática were founded with the purpose of expanding popular support for certain leaderships and played an important role as intermediaries between the public and the political leaders to whom they were connected during Vargas` second term (Getúlio Vargas, Ademar de Barros/Chagas Freitas and Tenório Cavalcanti, respectively). In this sense, the sensationalistic language used by these newspapers was an essential element in the forging of their roles as defenders of the people. It was through sensationalism that these papers fabricated their identification with the popular classes and disseminated their populistic rhetoric. The present analysis proposes to show the specificity of the intersection between sensationalistic language and political language presented by these newspapers.

The Nordic countries are geographically, culturally and politically close, and have all witnessed an upsurge in support for radical right-wing parties over the past decades. Although the five parties: the Danish People’s Party, the Finns Party, the Icelandic Progressive Party, the Norwegian Progress Party, and the Sweden Democrats, are different when it comes to party history and how accepted they have been by other parties, they are today similar in their anti-immigration rhetoric, their critique of the established elites and to some extent their welfare chauvinism. According to theories on radical right-wing parties and environmental attitudes, caring for nature and the environment would make a person less probable to vote for a radical right-wing party. Using data from the European Social Survey, the relationship between environmental attitudes and radical right-wing support is examined. The initial results support this thesis, but when adding control variables the relationship is no longer significant. However, when looking at the countries separately, it shows that the relationship between environmental values and radical right-wing voting varies across the Nordic countries. Here, Norway stands out as the country with the strongest negative relationship between environmental values and support for radical right-wing parties.

A proposta geral deste trabalho é realizar uma leitura das articulações com a psicanálise que permeiam a conceitualização do populismo de Ernesto Laclau. Em particular, detém-se na análise das dimensões teóricas centrais da concepção da representação da teoria da hegemonia que nos permitem pensar a identidade política popular como uma configuração discursiva que supõe uma transformação subjetiva específica, na qual se passa da demanda social à construção de uma vontade coletiva. Neste sentido, iremos analisar as dimensões da nominação e do afeto da teoria da hegemonia à luz de certas conceptualizações freudianas e lacanianas, como o conceito de sobredeterminação, objeto de desejo, point de capiton ou significante amo e gozo. / This work aims to analyze how the conceptualization of populism of Ernesto Laclau is related to psychoanalysis. Particularly, we focus on the main theoretical dimensions of the conceptualization of representation in the theory of hegemony, which allows us to interpret the popular political identity as a discursive setting that assumes a particular subjective change, departing from social demand to the building of a new collective will. Thus we will tackle aspects of nomination and affect in the theory of hegemony in light of some Freudian and Lacanian conceptualizations, such as overdetermination, object of desire, anchoring point (point de capiton), master signifier and joy.

The purpose of this study is to understand to what extent and how anti-immigration disinformation was utilised in Swedish online news media before the 2018 Swedish national elections. Disinformation is intentionally misleading or false information that benefits the creator and aims to influence how people think, feel and act regarding a certain issue. The analytical framework used in this study was based on theory and previous research. Disinformation can adopt different strategies: constructive, disruptive or distractive. Research also suggests that disinformation can be categorized into different types: fabrication, manipulation, misappropriation, propaganda, satire and parody. This study analyzed 123 articles from different online news media from ten days before the election up until election day. Using qualitative content analysis this study showed that 20 percent of the articles contained anti-immigration disinformation. All of those articles were found in far-right online news media where almost 50 percent of the published articles during the examined time period contained disinformation. All different types were found, but misappropriation, fabrication and propaganda were most common. About half of the articles containing disinformation used a constructive strategy and about one third used a disruptive strategy. A bit more than one third of the articles had a combination of two or more types and strategies. The results indicate that disinformation can indeed constitute a problem, especially for those who seek information on far-right platforms. This study unveils a polarized debate on immigration with a lion's share of the disinformation coming from far-right online news media, while the mainstream media only publish very few critical articles on immigration. As research shows that a negative framing of immigration can affect attitudes, and by extension voting behaviour, further research to examine the effects of anti-immigration disinformation on voter behaviour and election results is needed. Especially in light of a diminished trust in democratic institutions, a growing demand for populism and increasing support for anti-immigration parties.

In this dissertation, I investigate the role of oil resources and economic and political institutional quality on the economic performance of Iran. To this end, I examine four related themes. First and foremost, I provide a detailed picture of the economic structure of Iran and compare its performance with other oil and non-oil economies of the Middle East and the Middle Easterb region. As we get a clear picture of the relative economic position of Iran in the MENA region, I go further into macroeconomic analyses of oil wealth effects on the Iranian economy. The second theme investigated in this dissertation is the interaction of political power structure with oil rents and their effects on Iranian economic growth. This study is the first examination which takes into consideration political factionalism interaction with oil rents in the case of Iran. The results show that oil resources have a direct positive effect on economic growth in Iran. However, the interaction effect of factionalism (as a proxy for political asymmetry degree) with oil rents is negative and significant. The third theme which is examined in this study is illegal trade in Iran. This topic is also related to natural resource management in Iran. A large number of fuel products smuggled from Iran are due to heavy subsidies within the country. In this study, I measure the amount of illegal trade in Iran, identifying the major causes and indicators of smuggling. The average of illegal trade in Iran’s total trade is 13%. The value of annual illegal trade, on average, is within the range of $ 2.5 - 3 billion. The fourth topic which is examined in this dissertation is macroeconomic populism in Iran. The main source of financing populism spending in Iran is the oil revenues. Therefore, it is connected to the management of natural resources.

De radikala högerpopulistiska partierna Sverigedemokraterna och Dansk Folkeparti har båda etablerat sig i Sveriges respektive Danmarks partisystem. Då studier av populism och populistiska aktörer i relation till journalistik ur ett medievetenskapligt perspektiv är få, är denna studies syfte att studera och diskutera relationen mellan journalistik och radikala högerpopulistiska aktörer. Detta för att möjliggöra en diskussion kring vilken roll denna relation spelar för mediers journalistiska innehåll och framställning av politiska aktörer. Uppsatsens utgångspunkt tar sitt uttryck från tidigare forskning av radikala högerpopulistiska aktörer och deras framväxt tillsammans med teoretiska ansatser om mediers politiska rapportering. Genom en kvantitativ innehållsanalys av ledande svenska och danska dags- och kvällstidningar kommer slutsatser kring beroenderelationen mellan medier och radikala högerpopulistiska aktörer dras och problematiseras.

Questa tesi contribuisce alla letteratura di economia politica attraverso l’analisi degli effetti di una crisi economica sulla tipologia di governo. In particolare, ci si concentra su due tipologie di governo che possono essere viste come anomalie empiricamente correlate a fenomeni di crisi economica e finanziaria: il populismo e la tecnocrazia. Dopo una rassegna critica della letteratura esistente, si sviluppano due distinti modelli di teoria dei giochi. Il primo analizza il populismo nel contesto di una relazione principale-agente tra l’elettore e il politico. Concentrandosi su come la probabilità che si affermi un governo populista è influenzata dai parametri che catturano la situazione economica del Paese, si dimostra che, in un contesto di crisi economica, è più probabile che il governo attui provvedimenti populisti. Il secondo modello spiega la comparsa di un governo tecnocratico (e in parte anche la sua stabilità) in un sistema politico in cui gli agenti principali sono due partiti e, in alcuni casi, un gruppo di tecnocrati. Qui si prova che il governo tecnocratico ha più probabilità di emergere in un contesto di crisi economica, quando il parlamento è equamente diviso e quando la distanza ideologica tra i due partiti è sufficientemente grande. / This thesis contributes to the literature on theoretical political economy analyzing the effects of economic crisis on the types of government. In particular, we focus on two types of government that can be seen as anomalies empirically related with the emergence of financial and economic crisis: populism and technocracy. After a critical survey of the existing literature on those topics, we develop two different game-theoretical models. The first one studies populism in the context of a standard political-agency relationship between a voter and a politician. We see how the likelihood of the emergence of a populist government is affected by parameters representing the economic conditions of a country, and we find that, in a context of economic crisis, the government is more likely to make populist decisions. The second model explains the emergence of a technocratic government (and captures some issues related to its stability) in a post-election partisan politics setting where the main players are two parties and possibly a group of technocrats. We prove that the technocratic government is more likely to emerge in a context of economic crisis, when the parliament is evenly split and the ideological distance between the two parties is big enough.

Thesis (Ph. D. in Religion)--Vanderbilt University, May 2009. / Title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 1997. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 1459-1564). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 1997. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 1459-1564). Also available on the Internet.